_International Socialist Review, September, 1900_
The sun of the passing century is setting upon scenes of extraordinary
activity in almost every part of our capitalistic old planet. Wars and
rumors of wars are of universal prevalence. In the Philippines our
soldiers are civilizing and Christianizing the natives in the latest and
most approved styles of the art, and at prices ($13 per month) which
commend the blessing to the prayerful consideration of the lowly and
oppressed everywhere.
In South Africa the British legions axe overwhelming the Boers with
volleys of benedictions inspired by the same beautiful philanthropy in
the name of the meek and lowly Nazarene; while in China the heathen
hordes, fanned into frenzy by the sordid spirit of modern commercial
conquest, are presenting to the world a carnival of crime almost
equaling the “refined” exhibitions of the world’s “civilized” nations.
And through all the flame and furore of the fray can be heard the savage
snarlings of the Christian “dogs of war” as they fiercely glare about
them, and with jealous fury threaten to fly at one another’s throats to
settle the question of supremacy and the spoil and plunder of conquest.
The picture, lurid as a chamber of horrors, becomes complete in its
gruesome ghastliness when robed ministers of Christ solemnly declare
that it is all for the glory of God and the advancement of Christian
civilization.
This, then, is the closing scene of the century as the curtain slowly
descends upon the blood-stained stage—the central figure, the pious
Wilhelm, Germany’s sceptered savage, issuing his imperial “spare none”
decree in the sang froid of an Apache chief—a fitting climax to the
rapacious regime of the capitalist system.
Cheerless indeed would be the contemplation of such sanguinary scenes
were the light of Socialism not breaking upon mankind: The skies of the
East are even now aglow with the dawn; its coming is heralded by the
dispelling of shadows, of darkness and gloom. From the first tremulous
scintillation that gilds the horizon to the sublime march to meridian
splendor the light increases till in mighty flood it pours upon the
world.
From out of the midnight of superstition, ignorance and slavery the
disenthralling, emancipating sun is rising. I am not gifted with
prophetic vision, and yet I see the shadows vanishing. I behold near and
far prostrate men lifting their bowed forms from the dust. I see thrones
in the grasp of decay; despots relaxing their hold upon scepters, and
shackles falling, not only from the limbs, but from the souls of men.
It is therefore with pleasure that I respond to the invitation of the
editor of the International Socialist Review to present my views upon
the “Outlook for Socialism in the United States.” Socialists generally
will agree that the past year has been marked with a propaganda of
unprecedented activity and that the sentiment of the American people in
respect to Socialism has undergone a most remarkable change. It would be
difficult to imagine a more ignorant, bitter and unreasoning prejudice
than that of the American people against Socialism during the early
years of its introduction by the propagandists from the other side.
I never think of these despised and persecuted “foreign invaders”
without a feeling of profound obligation, akin to reverence, for their
noble work in laying the foundations deep and strong, under the most
trying conditions, of the American movement. The ignorant mass, wholly
incapable of grasping their splendid teachings or appreciating their
lofty motives, reviled against them. The press inoculated the public
sentiment with intolerance and malice which not infrequently found
expression through the policeman’s club when a few of the pioneers
gathered to engraft the class-conscious doctrine upon their inhospitable
“free-born” American fellow citizens.
Socialism was cunningly associated with “anarchy and bloodshed,” and
denounced as a “foul foreign importation” to pollute the fair, free soil
of America, and every outrage to which the early agitators were
subjected won the plaudits of the people. But they persevered in their
task; they could not be silenced or suppressed. Slowly they increased in
number and gradually the movement began to take root and spread over the
country. The industrial conditions consequent upon the development of
capitalist production were now making themselves felt and Socialism
became a fixed and increasing factor in the economic and political
affairs of the nation.
The same difficulties which other countries had experienced in the
process of party organization have attended the development of the
movement here, but these differences, which relate mainly to tactics and
methods of propaganda, are bound to disappear as the friction of the
jarring factions smoothens out the rough edges and adjusts them to a
concrete body—a powerful section in the great international army of
militant Socialism.
In the general elections of 1898 upwards of 91,000 votes were cast for
the Socialist candidates in the United States, an increase in this “off
year” of almost two hundred per cent over the general elections of two
years previous, the presidential year of 1896. Since the congressional
elections of 1898, and more particularly since the municipal and state
elections following, which resulted in such signal victories in
Massachusetts, two members of the legislature and a mayor, the first in
America, being elected by decided majorities—since then Socialism has
made rapid strides in all directions and the old politicians no longer
reckon it as a negative quantity in making their forecasts and
calculating their pluralities and majorities.
The subject has passed entirely beyond the domain of sneer and ridicule
and now commands serious treatment. Of course, Socialism is violently
denounced by the capitalist press and by all the brood of subsidized
contributors to magazine literature, but this only confirms the view
that the advance of Socialism is very properly recognized by the
capitalist class as the one cloud upon the horizon which portends an end
to the system in which they have waxed fat, insolent and despotic
through the exploitation of their countless wage-working slaves.
In school and college and church, in clubs and public halls everywhere,
Socialism is the central theme of discussion, and its advocates,
inspired by its noble principles, are to be found here, there and in all
places ready to give or accept challenge to battle. In the cities the
corner meetings are popular and effective. But rarely is such a
gathering now molested by the “authorities,” and then only where they
have just been inaugurated. They are too numerously attended by serious,
intelligent and self-reliant men and women to invite interference.
Agitation is followed by organization, and the increase of branches,
sections and clubs goes forward with extraordinary activity in every
part of the land.
In New England the agitation has resulted in quite a general
organization among the states, with Massachusetts in the lead; and the
indications are that, with the vigorous prosecution of the campaign
already inaugurated, a tremendous increase in the vote will be polled in
the approaching national elections. New York and Pennsylvania will show
surprising socialist returns, while Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois,
Missouri and Kentucky will all round up with a large vote. Wisconsin has
already a great vote to her credit and will increase it largely this
year. In the west and northwest, Kansas, Iowa and Minnesota will forge
to the front, and so also will Nebraska, the Dakotas, Montana, Oregon,
Washington, Idaho and Colorado. California is expected to show an
immense increase, and the returns from there will not disappoint the
most sanguine. In the southwest, Texas is making a stirring campaign,
and several papers, heretofore Populist, will support our candidates and
swell the socialist vote, which will be an eyeopener when announced.
On the whole, the situation could scarcely be more favorable and the
final returns will more than justify our sanguine expectations.
It must not be overlooked, however, when calculations are made, that
this is a presidential year and that the general results will not be so
favorable as if the elections were in an “off year.” Both the Republican
and Democratic parties will, as usual, strain every nerve to whip the
“voting kings” into line and every conceivable influence will be exerted
to that end. These vast machines operate with marvelous precision and
the wheels are already in motion. Corruption funds, national, state and
municipal, will flow out like lava tides; promises will be as plentiful
as autumn leaves; from ten thousand platforms the Columbian orator will
agitate the atmosphere, while brass bands, torchlight processions,
glittering uniforms and free whisky, dispensed by the “ward-heeler,”
will lend their combined influence to steer the “patriots” to the
capitalist chute that empties into the ballot box.
The campaign this year will be unusually spectacular. The Republican
party “points with pride” to the “prosperity” of the country, the
beneficent results of the “gold standard” and the “war record” of the
administration. The Democratic party declares that “imperialism” is the
“paramount” issue, and that the country is certain to go to the
“demnition bow-wows” if Democratic officeholders are not elected instead
of the Republicans. The Democratic slogan is “The Republic vs. the
Empire,” accompanied in a very minor key by 16 to 1 and “direct
legislation where practical.”
Both these capitalist parties are fiercely opposed to trusts, though
what they propose to do with them is not of sufficient importance to
require even a hint in their platforms.
Needless is it for me to say to the thinking workingman that he has no
choice between these two capitalist parties, that they are both pledged
to the same system and that whether the one or the other succeeds, he
will still remain the wage-working slave he is today.
What but meaningless phrases are “imperialism,” “expansion,” “free
silver,” “gold standard,” etc., to the wage-worker? The large
capitalists represented by Mr. McKinley and the small capitalists
represented by Mr. Bryan are interested in these “issues,” but they do
not concern the working class.
What the workingmen of the country are profoundly interested in is the
private ownership of the means of production and distribution, the
enslaving and degrading wage-system in which they toil for a pittance at
the pleasure of their masters and are bludgeoned, jailed or shot when
they protest—this is the central, controlling, vital issue of the hour,
and neither of the old party platforms has a word or even a hint about
it.
As a rule, large capitalists are Republicans and small capitalists are
Democrats, but workingmen must remember that they are all capitalists,
and that the many small ones, like the fewer large ones, are all
politically supporting their class interests, and this is always and
everywhere the capitalist class.
Whether the means of production—that is to say, the land, mines,
factories, machinery, etc.—are owned by a few large Republican
capitalists, who organize a trust, or whether they be owned by a lot of
small Democratic capitalists, who are opposed to the trust, is all the
same to the working class. Let the capitalists, large and small, fight
this out among themselves.
The working class must get rid of the whole brood of masters and
exploiters, and put themselves in possession and control of the means of
production, that they may have steady employment without consulting a
capitalist employer, large or small, and that they may get the wealth
their labor produces, all of it, and enjoy with their families the
fruits of their industry in comfortable and happy homes, abundant and
wholesome food, proper clothing and all other things necessary to “life,
liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” It is therefore a question not of
“reform,” the mask of fraud, but of revolution. The capitalist system
must be overthrown, class-rule abolished and wage-slavery supplanted by
coöperative industry.
We hear it frequently urged that the Democratic party is the “poor man’s
party,” “the friend of labor.” There is but one way to relieve poverty
and to free labor, and that is by making common property of the tools of
labor.
Is the Democratic party, which we are assured has “strong socialistic
tendencies,” in favor of collective ownership of the means of
production? Is it opposed to the wage-system, from which flows in a
ceaseless stream the poverty, misery and wretchedness of the children of
toil? If the Democratic party is the “friend of labor” any more than the
Republican party, why is its platform dumb in the presence of Cœur
d’Alene? It knows the truth about these shocking outrages—crimes upon
workingmen, their wives and children, which would blacken the pages of
Siberia—why does it not speak out?
What has the Democratic party to say about the “property and educational
qualifications” in North Carolina and Louisiana, and the proposed
general disfranchisement of the negro race in the southern states?
The differences between the Republican and Democratic parties involve no
issue, no principle in which the working class have any interest, and
whether the spoils be distributed by Hanna and Platt, or by Croker and
Tammany Hall is all the same to them.
Between these parties socialists have no choice, no preference. They are
one in their opposition to Socialism, that is to say, the emancipation
of the working class from wage-slavery, and every workingman who has
intelligence enough to understand the interest of his class and the
nature of the struggle in which it is involved, will once and for all
time sever his relations with them both; and recognizing the
class-struggle which is being waged between producing workers and
non-producing capitalists, cast his lot with the class-conscious,
revolutionary Socialist party, which is pledged to abolish the
capitalist system, class-rule and wage-slavery—a party which does not
compromise or fuse, but, preserving inviolate the principles which
quickened it into life and now give it vitality and force, moves forward
with dauntless determination to the goal of economic freedom.
The political trend is steadily toward Socialism. The old parties are
held together only by the cohesive power of spoils, and in spite of this
they are steadily disintegrating. Again and again they have been tried
with the same results, and thousands upon thousands, awake to their
duplicity, are deserting them and turning toward Socialism as the only
refuge and security. Republicans, Democrats, Populists, Prohibitionists,
Single Taxers are having their eyes opened to the true nature of the
struggle and they are beginning to
“Come as the winds come, when
Forests are rended;
Come as the waves come, when
Navies are stranded.”
For a time the Populist party had a mission, but it is practically
ended. The Democratic party has “fused” it out of existence. The
“middle-of-the-road” element will be sorely disappointed when the votes
are counted, and they will probably never figure in another national
campaign. Not many of them will go back to the old parties. Many of them
have already come to Socialism, and the rest are sure to follow.
There is no longer any room for a Populist party, and progressive
Populists realize it, and hence the “strongholds” of Populism are
becoming the “hot-beds” of Socialism.
It is simply a question of capitalism or socialism, of despotism or
democracy, and they who are not wholly with us are wholly against us.
Another source of strength to Socialism, steadily increasing, is the
trades-union movement. The spread of Socialist doctrine among the labor
organizations of the country during the past year exceeds the most
extravagant estimates. No one has had better opportunities than the
writer to note the transition to Socialism among trades-unionists, and
the approaching election will abundantly verify it.
Promising, indeed, is the outlook for Socialism in the United States.
The very contemplation of the prospect is a well-spring of inspiration.
Oh, that all the working class could and would use their eyes and see;
their ears and hear; their brains and think. How soon this earth could
be transformed and by the alchemy of social order made to blossom with
beauty and joy.
No sane man can be satisfied with the present system. If a poor man is
happy, said Victor Hugo, “he is the pick-pocket of happiness. Only the
rich and noble are happy by right. The rich man is he who, being young,
has the rights of old age; being old, the lucky chances of youth;
vicious, the respect of good people; a coward, the command of the
stout-hearted; doing nothing, the fruits of labor.” * * *
With pride and joy we watch each advancing step of our comrades in
Socialism in all other lands. Our hearts are with them in their varying
fortunes as the battle proceeds, and we applaud each telling blow
delivered and cheer each victory achieved.
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