CANAANITISH CULTURE AND RELIGION
We have already learned from the annals of Thothmes III. how high was
the state of civilization and culture among the merchant princes of
Canaan in the age of the eighteenth Egyptian dynasty. Artistically
finished vases of gold and silver, rich bronzes, furniture carved out of
ebony and cedar, and inlaid with ivory and precious stones--such were
some of the manufactures of the land of Palestine. Iron was excavated
from its hills and wrought into armour, into chariots, and into weapons
of war; while beautifully shaped vessels of variegated glass were
manufactured on the coast. The amber beads found at Lachish point to a
trade with the distant Baltic, and it is possible that there may be
truth after all in the old belief, that the Phoenicians obtained their
tin from the isles of Britain. The mines of Cyprus, indeed, yielded
abundance of copper, but, so far as we know, there were only two parts
of the world from which the nations of Western Asia and the Eastern
Mediterranean could have procured the vast amount of tin needed in the
Bronze Age--the Malayan Peninsula and Cornwall. The Malayan Peninsula is
out of the question--there are no traces of any commercial intercourse
so far to the East; and it would seem, therefore, that we must look to
Cornwall for the source of the tin. If so the trade would probably have
been overland, like the amber trade from the Baltic.
Canaan was marked out by Nature to be a land of merchants. Its long line
of coast fronted the semi-barbarous populations of Asia Minor, of the
Ægean, and of the northern shores of Africa, while the sea furnished it
with the purple dye of the murex. The country itself formed the
high-road and link between the great kingdoms of the Euphrates and the
Nile. It was here that the two civilizations of Babylonia and Egypt met
and coalesced, and it was inevitable that the Canaanites, who possessed
all the energy and adaptive quickness of a commercial race, should
absorb and combine the elements of both. There was little except this
combination that was original in Canaanitish art, but when once the
materials were given, the people of Palestine knew how to work them up
into new and graceful forms, and adapt them practically to the needs of
the foreign world.
If we would realize the change brought about by this contact of Canaan
with the culture of the stranger, we must turn to the rude figures
carved upon the rocks in some of the valleys of Phoenicia. Near Tyre,
for example, in the Wadi el-Qana we may still see some of these
primitive sculptures, in which it is difficult even to recognize the
human form. Equally barbarous in style are the early seals and cylinders
made in imitation of those of Babylonia. It seems at first sight
impossible to believe that such grotesque and child-like beginnings
should have ended in the exquisite art of the age of Thothmes III.
At that period, however, Canaan already had behind it a long civilized
past. The country was filled with schools and libraries, with
richly-furnished palaces, and the workshops of the artisans. The cities
on the coast had their fleets partly of merchantmen, partly of warships,
and an active trade was carried on with all parts of the known world.
The result was that the wealth of Palestine was enormous; the amount
carried away by Thothmes is alone sufficient to prove it. Apart from the
natural productions of the country--corn, wine, and oil, or the slaves
which it had to furnish--immense quantities of gold, silver, and
precious stones, sometimes in their native state, sometimes manufactured
into artistic forms, were transported into Egypt. And in spite of this
drain upon its resources, the supply seems never to have failed.
The reciprocal influence of the civilizations of Canaan and Egypt one
upon the other, in the days when Canaan was an Egyptian province, is
reflected in the languages of the two countries. On the one hand the
Canaanite borrowed from Egypt words like _tebah_ "ark," _hin_ "a
measure," and _ebyôn_ "poor," while Canaan in return copiously enriched
the vocabulary of its conquerors. As the _Travels of a Mohar_ have shown
us, under the nineteenth dynasty there was a mania for using Canaanitish
words and phrases, similar to that which has more than once visited
English society in respect to French. But before the rise of the
nineteenth dynasty the Egyptian lexicon was already full of Semitic
words. Frequently they denoted objects which had been imported from
Syria. Thus a "chariot" was called a _merkabut_, a "waggon" being
_agolta_; _hurpu_, "a sword," was the Canaanitish _khereb_, just as
_aspata_, "a quiver," was _ashpâh_. The Canaanitish _kinnor_, "a lyre,"
was similarly naturalized in Egypt, like the names of certain varieties
of "Syrian bread." The Egyptian words for "incense" (_qadaruta_), "oxen"
(_abiri_), and "sea" (_yum_) were taken from the same source, though it
is possible that the last-mentioned word, like _qamhu_, "wheat," had
been introduced from Syria in the earliest days of Egyptian history. As
might have been expected, several kinds of sea-going vessels brought
with them their native names from the Phoenician coast. Already in the
time of the thirteenth dynasty the larger ships were termed _Kabanitu_,
or "Gebalite"; we read also of "boats" called _Za_, the Canaanite _Zi_,
while a transport was entitled _qauil_, the Phoenician _gol_. The same
name was imported into Greek under the form of _gaulos_, and we are told
that it signified "a Phoenician vessel of rounded shape."
The language of Canaan was practically that which we call Hebrew. Indeed
Isaiah (xix. 18) speaks of the two dialects as identical, and the
so-called Phoenician inscriptions that have been preserved to us show
that the differences between them were hardly appreciable. There were
differences, however; the Hebrew definite article, for instance, is not
found in the Phoenician texts. But the differences are dialectal only,
like the differences which the discovery of the Moabite Stone has shown
to have existed between the languages of Moab and Israel.
How the Israelites came to adopt "the language of Canaan" is a question
into which we cannot here enter. There have been other examples of
conquerors who have abandoned the language of their forefathers and
adopted that of the conquered people. And it must be remembered, on the
one hand, that the ancestors of Israel had lived in Canaan, where they
would have learnt the language of the country, and, on the other hand,
that their original tongue was itself a Semitic form of speech, as
closely related to Hebrew as French or Spanish is to Italian.
The Tel el-Amarna tablets have told us something about the language of
Canaan as it was spoken before the days when the Israelites entered the
land. Some of the letters that were sent from Palestine contain the
Canaanite equivalents of certain Babylonian words that occur in them.
Like the Babylonian words, they are written in cuneiform characters, and
since these denote syllables and not mere letters we know exactly how
the words were pronounced. It is an advantage which is denied us by the
Phoenician alphabet, whether in the inscriptions of Phoenicia or in the
pages of the Old Testament, and we can thus obtain a better idea of the
pronunciation of the Canaanitish language in the century before the
Exodus than we can of the Hebrew language in the age of Hezekiah.
Among the words which have been handed down to us by the correspondents
of the Pharaoh are _maqani_ "cattle," _anay_ "a ship," _súsi_ "a horse,"
of which the Hebrew equivalents, according to the Masoretic punctuation,
are _miqneh_, _oni_, and _sûs_. The king of Jerusalem says _anuki_, "I,"
the Hebrew _anochi_, while _badiu_, the Hebrew _b'yado_, and _akharunu_,
the Hebrew _akharono_, are stated to signify "in his hand," and "after
him." "Dust" is _ghaparu_, where the guttural _gh_ represents the
Canaanitish _ayyin_ ('); "stomach" is _batnu_, the Hebrew _beten_; while
_kilubi_, "a cage," corresponds with the Hebrew _chelûb_, which is used
in the same sense by the prophet Jeremiah. Elsewhere we find _risu_, the
Hebrew _rosh_, "a head," _har_ "a mountain," _samama_ "heaven," and
_mima_ "water," in Hebrew _shâmayim_ and _mayim_, which we gather from
the cuneiform spelling have been wrongly punctuated by the Masoretes, as
well as _khaya_ "living," the Hebrew _khai_, and _makhsû_, "they have
smitten him," the Hebrew _makhatsu_.
It was the use of the definite article _ha(n)_ which mainly
distinguished Hebrew and Phoenician or Canaanite one from the other. And
we have a curious indication in the Tel el-Amarna tablets, that the same
distinction prevailed between the language of the Canaanites and that of
the Edomites, who, as we learn from the Old Testament, were so closely
related to the Israelites. In the letter to the Pharaoh, in which
mention is made of the hostilities carried on by Edom against the
Egyptian territory, one of the Edomite towns referred to is called
Khinianabi. Transcribed into Hebrew characters this would be
'En-han-nabi, "the Spring of the Prophet." Here, therefore, the Hebrew
article makes its appearance, and that too in the very form which it has
in the language of Israel. The fact is an interesting commentary on the
brotherhood of Jacob and Esau.
If the language of Canaan was influenced by that of Egypt, still more
was it influenced by that of Babylonia. Long before Palestine became an
Egyptian province it had been a province of Babylonia. And even when it
was not actually subject to Babylonian government it was under the
dominion of Babylonian culture. War and trade alike forced the Chaldæan
civilization upon "the land of the Amorites," and the Canaanites were
not slow to take advantage of it. The cuneiform writing of Babylonia was
adopted, and therewith the language of Babylonia was taught and learned
in the schools and libraries which were established in imitation of
those of the Babylonians. Babylonian literature was introduced into the
West, and the Canaanite youth became acquainted with the history and
legends, the theology and mythology of the dwellers on the Euphrates and
Tigris.
Such literary contact naturally left its impress on the language of
Canaan. Words which the Semites of Babylonia had borrowed from the older
Sumerian population of the country were handed on to the peoples of
Palestine. The "city" had been a Sumerian creation; until brought under
the influence of Sumerian culture, the Semite had been contented to live
in tents. Indeed in Babylonian or Assyrian--the language of the Semitic
inhabitants of Babylonia and Assyria--the word which signified "tent"
was adopted to express the idea of "city" when the tent had been
exchanged for city-life. In Canaan, on the other hand, the Sumerian word
itself was adopted in a Semitic form, _'Ir_, _'ar_, or _uru_, "city,"
was originally the Sumerian _eri_.
The Canaanitish _hêkâl_, "a palace," again, came from a Sumerian source.
This was _ê-gal_, or "great house." But it had passed to the West
through the Semitic Babylonians, who had first borrowed the compound
word under the form of _êkallu_. Like the city, the palace also was
unknown to the primitive Semitic nomads. It belonged to the civilization
of which the Sumerians of Chaldæa, with their agglutinative language,
were the pioneers.
The borrowing, however, was not altogether one-sided. Palestine enriched
the literary language of Babylonia with certain words, though these do
not seem to have made their way into the language of the people. Thus we
find words like _bin-bini_, "grandson," and _înu_, "wine," recorded in
the lexical tablets of Babylonia and Assyria. Doubtless there were
writers on the banks of the Euphrates who were as anxious to exhibit
their knowledge of the language of Canaan as were the Egyptian scribes
of the nineteenth dynasty, though their literary works have not yet been
discovered.
The adoption of the Babylonian system of writing must have worked
powerfully on the side of tincturing the Canaanitish language with
Babylonian words. In the age of the Tel el-Amarna tablets there is no
sign that any other system was known in the West. It is true that the
letters sent to the Pharaoh from Palestine were written in the
Babylonian language as well as in the Babylonian script, but we have
evidence that the cuneiform characters were also used for the native
language of the country. M. de Clercq possesses two seal-cylinders of
the same date as the Tel el-Amarna correspondence, on one of which is
the cuneiform inscription--"Hadad-sum, the citizen of Sidon, the crown
of the gods," while on the other is "Anniy, the son of Hadad-sum, the
citizen of Sidon." On the first, Hadad-sum is represented standing with
his hands uplifted before the Egyptian god Set, while behind him is the
god Resheph with a helmet on his head, a shield in one hand and a
battle-axe in the other. On the seal of Anniy, Set and Resheph again
make their appearance, but instead of the owner of the cylinder it is
the god Horus who stands between them.
When the cuneiform syllabary was superseded in Palestine by the
so-called Phoenician alphabet we do not know. The introduction of the
new script was due probably to the Hittite invasion, which separated the
Semites of the West from the Semites of the East. The Hittite occupation
of Carchemish blocked the high-road of Babylonian trade to the
Mediterranean, and when the sacred city of Kadesh on the Orontes fell
into Hittite hands it was inevitable that Hittite rather than Babylonian
influence would henceforth prevail in Canaan. However this may be, it
seems natural to suppose that the scribes of Zebulon referred to in the
Song of Deborah and Barak (Judges v. 14) wrote in the letters of the
Phoenician alphabet and not in the cuneiform characters of Babylonia. As
long, indeed, as the old libraries remained open and accessible, with
their stores of cuneiform literature, there must have been some who
could read them, but they would have been rather the older inhabitants
of the country than the alien conquerors from the desert. When the
Moabite Stone was engraved, it is clear from the forms of the letters
that the Phoenician alphabet had long been in use in the kingdom of
Mesha. The resemblance of these letters to those found in the earliest
of the Greek inscriptions makes it equally clear that the introduction
of the alphabet into the islands of the Ægean must have taken place at
no distant period from the age of the Moabite Stone. Such an
introduction, however, implies that the new alphabet had already taken
deep root among the merchants of Canaan, and driven out before it the
cumbrous syllabary of Chaldæa. It was in this alphabet that Hiram and
Solomon corresponded together, and it is probable that Moses made use of
it. We may even conjecture that the Israelitish settlement in Palestine
brought with it the gift of the "Phoenician" alphabet.
As we have already seen, the elements of Babylonian art were quickly
absorbed by the Canaanites. The seal-cylinder was imitated, at first
with but indifferent success, and such Babylonian ornamental designs as
the rosette, the sacred tree, and the winged cherub were taken over and
developed in a special way. At times the combination with them of
designs borrowed from Egypt produced a new kind of artistic ornament.
But it was in the realm of religion that the influence of Babylonia was
most powerful. Religion, especially in the ancient world, was
inextricably bound up with its culture; it was impossible to adopt the
one without adopting a good deal of the other at the same time.
Moreover, the Semites of Babylonia and of Canaan belonged to the same
race, and that meant a community of inherited religious ideas. With both
the supreme object of worship was Baal or Bel, "the lord," who was but
the Sun-god under a variety of names. Each locality had its own special
Baal: there were, in fact, as many Baals, or Baalim, as there were names
and attributes for the Sun-god, and to the worshippers in each locality
the Baal adored there was the supreme god. But the god resembled his
worshipper who had been made in his image; he was the father and head of
a family with a wife and son. The wife, it is true, was but the
colourless reflection of the god, often indeed but the feminine Baalah,
whom the Semitic languages with their feminine gender required to exist
by the side of the masculine Baal. But this was only in accordance with
the Semitic conception of woman as the lesser man, his servant rather
than his companion, his shadow rather than his helpmeet.
The existence of an independent goddess, unmarried and possessing all
the attributes of the god, was contrary to the fundamental conceptions
of the Semitic mind. Nevertheless we find in Canaan an Ashtoreth, whom
the Greeks called Astarte, as well as a Baal. The cuneiform inscriptions
have given us an explanation of the fact.
Ashtoreth came from Babylonia. There she was known as Istar, the evening
star. She had been one of those Sumerian goddesses who, in accordance
with the Sumerian system, which placed the mother at the head of the
family, were on an equal footing with the gods. She lay outside the
circle of Semitic theology with its divine family, over which the male
Baal presided, and the position she occupied in later Babylonian
religion was due to the fusion between the Sumerian and Semitic forms of
faith, which took place when the Semites became the chief element in
Babylonia. But Sumerian influence and memories were too strong to allow
of any transformation either in the name or in the attributes of the
goddess. She remained Istar, without any feminine suffix, and it was
never forgotten that she was the evening-star.
It was otherwise in the West. There Istar became Ashtoreth with the
feminine termination, and passed eventually into a Moon-goddess "with
crescent horns." Ashtoreth-Karnaim, "Ashtoreth with the two horns," was
already in existence in the age of Abraham. In Babylonia the Moon-god of
ancient Sumerian belief had never been dethroned; but there was no
Moon-god in Canaan, and accordingly the transformation of the Babylonian
goddess into "the queen of the night" was a matter of little difficulty.
Once domesticated in Palestine, with her name so changed as to declare
her feminine character, Ashtoreth soon tended to lose her independence.
Just as there were Baalim or "Baals" by the side of Baal, so there were
Astaroth or "Ashtoreths" by the side of Ashtoreth.
The Semites of Babylonia themselves had already begun the work of
transformation. They too spoke of Istarât or "Istars," and used the word
in the general sense of "goddesses." In Canaan, however, Ashtarôth had
no such general meaning, but denoted simply the various Ashtoreths who
were worshipped in different localities, and under different titles. The
individual Ashtoreth of Gebal was separate from the individual Ashtoreth
of Bashan, although they alike represented the same divine personality.
It is true that even in the West Istar did not always become the
feminine complement of Baal. Here and there the old form of the name was
preserved, without any feminine suffix. But when this was the case, the
necessary result was that the female character of the deity was
forgotten. Istar was conceived of as a god, and accordingly on the
Moabite Stone Ashtar is identified with Chemosh, the patron-god of
Mesha, just as in Southern Arabia also Atthar is a male divinity.
The worship of Ashtoreth absorbed that of the other goddesses of Canaan.
Among them there was one who had once occupied a very prominent place.
This was Ashêrah, the goddess of fertility, whose name is written Asirtu
and Asratu in the tablets of Tel el-Amarna. Ashêrah was symbolized by a
stem stripped of its branches, or an upright cone of stone, fixed in the
ground, and the symbol and the goddess were at times confounded
together. The symbol is mistranslated "grove" in the Authorized Version
of the Old Testament, and it often stood by the side of the altar of
Baal. We find it thus represented on early seals. In Palestine it was
usually of wood; but in the great temple of Paphos in Cyprus there was
an ancient and revered one of stone. This, however, came to be
appropriated to Ashtoreth in the days when the older Ashêrah was
supplanted by the younger Ashtoreth.
We hear of other Canaanitish divinities from the monuments of Egypt. The
goddess Edom, the wife of Resheph, has already been referred to. Her
name is found in that of the Gittite, Obed-Edom, "the servant of Edom,"
in whose house the ark was kept for three months (2 Sam. vi. 10).
Resheph, too, has been mentioned in an earlier page. He was the god of
fire and lightning, and on the Egyptian monuments he is represented as
armed with spear and helmet, and bears the titles of "great god" and
"lord of heaven." Along with him we find pictures of a goddess called
Kedesh and Kesh. She stands on the back of a lion, with flowers in her
left hand and a serpent in her right, while on her head is the lunar
disk between the horns of a cow. She may be the goddess Edom, or perhaps
the solar divinity who was entitled  in Babylonian, and whose name
enters into that of an Edomite king A-rammu, who is mentioned by
Sennacherib.
But, like Istar, a considerable number of the deities of Palestine were
borrowed from Babylonia. In the Tel el-Amarna tablets the god of
Jerusalem is identified with the warlike Sun-god of Babylonia, Nin-ip,
and there was a sanctuary of the same divinity further north, in
Phoenicia. Foremost among the deities whose first home was on the banks
of the Euphrates were Arm and Anat, and Rimmon. Anu, whose name is
written Anah in Hebrew, was the god of the sky, and he stood at the head
of the Babylonian pantheon. His wife Anat was but a colourless
reflection of himself, a grammatical creation of the Semitic languages.
But she shared in the honours that were paid to her consort, and the
divinity that resided in him was reflected upon her. Anat, like
Ashtoreth, became multiplied under many forms, and the Anathoth or
"Anat" signified little more than "goddesses." Between the Ashtaroth and
the Anathoth the difference was but in name.
The numerous localities in Palestine which received their names from the
god Rimmon are a proof of his popularity. The Babylonian Rimmon or
Ramman was, strictly speaking, the god of the air, but in the West he
was identified with the Sun-god Hadad, and a place near Megiddo bore the
compound title of Hadad-Rimmon (Zech. xii. 11). His naturalization in
Canaan seems to belong to a very early period; at all events, in
Sumerian he was called Martu, "the Amorite," and seal-cylinders speak of
"the Martu gods." One of these has been found in the Lebanon. The
Assyrian tablets tell us that he was also known as Dadu in the West, and
under this form we find him in names like El-Dad and Be-dad, or Ben-Dad.
Like Rimmon, Nebo also must have been transported to Palestine at an
early epoch. Nebo "the prophet" was the interpreter of Bel-Merodach of
Babylon, the patron of cuneiform literature, and the god to whom the
great temple of Borsippa--the modern Birs-i-Nimrud--was dedicated.
Doubtless he had migrated to the West along with that literary culture
over which he presided. There his name and worship were attached to many
localities. It was on the summit of Mount Nebo that Moses died; over
Nebo, Isaiah prophesies, "Moab shall howl;" and we hear of a city called
"the other Nebo" in Judah (Neh. vii. 33).
Another god who had been borrowed from Babylonia by the people of Canaan
was Malik "the king," a title originally of the supreme Baal. Malik is
familiarly known to us in the Old Testament as Moloch, to whom the
first-born were burned in the fire. At Tyre the god was termed
Melech-kirjath, or "king of the city," which was contracted into
Melkarth, and in the mouths of the Greeks became Makar. There is a
passage in the book of the prophet Amos (v. 25, 26), upon which the
Assyrian texts have thrown light. We there read: "Have ye offered unto
me sacrifices and offerings in the wilderness forty years, O house of
Israel? Yet ye have borne Sikkuth your Malik and Chiun your Zelem, the
star of your god, which ye made to yourselves."
Sikkuth and Chiun are the Babylonian Sakkut and Kaivan, a name given to
the planet Saturn. Sakkut was a title of the god Nin-ip, and we gather
from Amos that it also represented Malik "the king." Zelem, "the image,"
was another Babylonian deity, and originally denoted "the image" or disk
of the sun. His name and worship were carried into Northern Arabia, and
a monument has been discovered at Teima, the Tema of Isaiah xxi. 14,
which is dedicated to him. It would seem, from the language of Amos,
that the Babylonian god had been adored in "the wilderness" as far back
as the days when the Israelites were encamping in it. Nor, indeed, is
this surprising: Babylonian influence in the West belonged to an age
long anterior to that of the Exodus, and even the mountain whereon the
oracles of God were revealed to the Hebrew lawgiver was Sinai, the
mountain of Sin. The worship of Sin, the Babylonian Moon-god, must
therefore have made its way thus far into the deserts of Arabia.
Inscriptions from Southern Arabia have already shown us that there too
Sin was known and adored.
Dagon, again, was another god who had his first home in Babylonia. The
name is of Sumerian origin, and he was associated with Ami, the god of
the sky. Like Sin, he appears to have been worshipped at Harran; at all
events, Sargon states that he inscribed the laws of that city "according
to the wish of Anu and Dagon." Along with Arm he would have been brought
to Canaan, and though we first meet with his name in the Old Testament
in connection with the Philistines, it is certain that he was already
one of the deities of the country whom the Philistine invaders adopted.
One of the Canaanitish governors in the Tel el-Amarna correspondence
bears the Assyrian name of Dagon-takala, "we trust in Dagon." The
Phoenicians made him the god of corn in consequence of the resemblance
of his name to the word which signifies "corn"; primarily, however, he
would have been a god of the earth. The idea that he was a fish-god is
of post-Biblical date, and due to a false etymology, which derived his
name from the Hebrew _dag_, "a fish." The fish-god of Babylonia,
however, whose image is sometimes engraved on seals, was a form of Ea,
the god of the deep, and had no connection with Dagon. Doubtless there
were other divinities besides these whom the peoples of Canaan owed to
the Babylonians. Mr. Tomkins is probably right in seeing in the name of
Beth-lehem a reminiscence of the Babylonian god Lakhmu, who took part in
the creation of the world, and whom a later philosophizing generation
identified with Anu. But the theology of early Canaan is still but
little known, and its pantheon is still in great measure a sealed book.
Now and again we meet with a solitary passage in some papyrus or
inscription on stone, which reveals to us for the first time the name of
an otherwise unknown deity. Who, for instance, is the goddess
'Ashiti-Khaur, who is addressed, along with Kedesh, on an Egyptian
monument now at Vienna, as "the mistress of heaven" and "ruler of all
the gods"? The votive altars of Carthage make repeated mention of the
goddess Tanit, the Peni or "Face" of Baal, whom the Greeks identified
with Artemis. She must have been known in the mother-land of Phoenicia,
and yet no trace of her worship there has as yet been found. There were
"gods many and lords many" in primitive Palestine, and though a
comprehensive faith summed them up as its Baalim and Ashtaroth they yet
had individual names and titles, as well as altars and priests.
But though altars were numerous, temples were not plentiful. The chief
seats of religious worship were "the high-places," level spots on the
summits of hills or mountains, where altars were erected, and the
worshipper was believed to be nearer the dwelling-place of the gods than
he would have been in the plain below. The altar was frequently some
natural boulder of rock, consecrated by holy oil, and regarded as the
habitation of a god. These sacred stones were termed beth-els, _bætyli_
as the Greeks wrote the word, and they form a distinguishing
characteristic of Semitic faith. In later times many of them were
imagined to have "come down from heaven." So deeply enrooted was this
worship of stones in the Semitic nature, that even Mohammed, in spite of
his iconoclastic zeal, was obliged to accommodate his creed to the
worship of the Black Stone at Mekka, and the Kaaba is still one of the
most venerated objects of the Mohammedan faith.
But the sacred stone was not only an object of worship or the
consecrated altar of a deity, it might also take the place of a temple,
and so be in very truth a beth-el, or "house of God." Thus at Medain
Salih in North-western Arabia Mr. Doughty discovered three upright
stones, which an inscription informed him were the _mesged_ or "mosque"
of the god Aera of Bozrah. In the great temple of Melkarth at Tyre
Herodotus saw two columns, one of gold, the other of emerald, reminding
us of the two pillars, Jachin and Boaz, which the Phoenician architect
of Solomon erected in the porch of the temple at Jerusalem (1 Kings vii.
21). Similar columns of stone have been found in the Phoenician temple,
called that of the Giants, in Gozo, one of which is still standing in
its place.
While certain stones were thus regarded as the abode of deity, the high
places whereon so many of them stood also received religious worship.
The most prominent of the mountains of Syria were deified: Carmel became
a Penu-el or "Face of God," Hermon was "the Holy One," and Mount Lebanon
was a Baal. The rivers and springs also were adored as gods, and the
fish which swam in them were accounted sacred. On the Phoenician coast
was a river Kadisha, "the holy," and the Canaanite maiden saw in the red
marl which the river Adonis brought down from the hills the blood of the
slaughtered Sun-god Tammuz.
The temple of Solomon, built as it was by Phoenician architects and
workmen, will give us an idea of what a Canaanitish temple was like. In
its main outlines it resembled a temple in Babylonia or Assyria. There,
too, there was an outer court and an inner sanctuary, with its _parakku_
or "mercy-seat," and its ark of stone or wood, in which an inscribed
tablet of stone was kept. Like the temple of Jerusalem, the Babylonian
temple looked from the outside much like a rectangular box, with its
four walls rising up, blank and unadorned, to the sky. Within the open
court was a "sea," supported at times on oxen of bronze, where the
priests and servants of the temple performed their ablutions and the
sacred vessels were washed.
The Canaanitish altar was approached by steps, and was large enough for
the sacrifice of an ox. Besides the sacrifices, offerings of corn and
wine, of fruit and oil were also made to the gods. The sacrifices and
offerings were of two kinds, the _zau'at_ or sin-offering, and the
_shelem_ or thank-offering. The sin-offering had to be given wholly to
the god, and was accordingly termed _kalil_ or "complete"; a part of the
thank-offering, on the other hand, might be carried away by him who made
it. Birds, moreover, might constitute a thank-offering; they were not
allowed when the offering was made for sin. Such at least was the rule
in the later days of Phoenician ritual, to which belong the sacrificial
tariffs that have been preserved.
In these sacrificial tariffs no mention is made of human sacrifices,
and, as M. Clermont-Ganneau has pointed out, the ram takes in them the
place of the man. But this was the result of the milder manners of an
age when the Phoenicians had been brought into close contact with the
Greeks. In the older days of Canaanitish history human sacrifice had
held a foremost place in the ritual of Syria. It was the sacrifice of
the firstborn son that was demanded in times of danger and trouble, or
when the family was called upon to make a special atonement for sin. The
victim was offered as a burnt sacrifice, which in Hebrew idiom was
euphemistically described as passing through the fire.
Side by side with these human sacrifices were the abominations which
were performed in the temples in honour of Ashtoreth. Women acted as
prostitutes, and men who called themselves "dogs" foreswore their
manhood. It was these sensualities practised in the name of religion
which caused the iniquity of the Canaanites to become full.
It is pleasanter to turn to such fragments of Canaanitish mythology and
cosmological speculation as have come down to us. Unfortunately most of
it belongs in its present form to the late days of Greek and Roman
domination, when an attempt was made to fuse the disjointed legends of
the various Phoenician states into a connected whole, and to present
them to Greek readers under a philosophical guise. How much, therefore,
of the strange cosmogony and history of the gods recorded by Philon of
Gebal really goes back to the patriarchal epoch of Palestine, and how
much of it is of later growth, it is now impossible to say. In the main,
however, it is of ancient date.
This is shown by the fact that a good deal of it has been borrowed
directly or indirectly from Babylonia. How this could have happened has
been explained by the Tel el-Amarna tablets. It was while Canaan was
under the influence of Babylonian culture and Babylonian government that
the myths and traditions of Babylonia made their way to the West. Among
the tablets are portions of Babylonian legends, one of which has been
carefully annotated by the Egyptian or Canaanite scribe. It is the story
of the queen of Hades, who had been asked by the gods to a feast they
had made in the heavens. Unable or unwilling to ascend to it, the
goddess sent her servant the plague-demon, but with the result that
Nergal was commissioned to descend to Hades and destroy its mistress.
The fourteen gates of the infernal world, each with its attendant
warder, were opened before him, and at last he seized the queen by the
hair, dragging her to the ground, and threatening to cut off her head.
But Eris-kigal, the queen of Hades, made a successful appeal for mercy;
she became the wife of Nergal, and he the lord of the tomb.
Another legend was an endeavour to account for the origin of death.
Adapa or Adama, the first man, who had been created by Ea, was fishing
one day in the deep sea, when he broke the wings of the south wind. The
south wind flew to complain to Anu in heaven, and Anu ordered the
culprit to appear before him. But Adapa was instructed by Ea how to act.
Clad in a garment of mourning, he won the hearts of the two guardians of
the gate of heaven, the gods Tammuz and Gis-zida ("the firmly-fixed
post"), so that they pleaded for him before Anu. Food and water were
offered him, but he refused them for fear that they might be the food
and water of death. Oil only for anointing and clothing did he accept.
"Then Anu looked upon him and raised his voice in lamentation: 'O Adapa,
wherefore atest thou not, wherefore didst thou not drink? The gift of
life cannot now be thine.'" Though "a sinful man" had been permitted "to
behold the innermost parts of heaven and earth," he had rejected the
food and water of life, and death henceforth was the lot of mankind.
It is curious that the commencement of this legend, the latter portion
of which has been found at Tel el-Amarna, had been brought to the
British Museum from the ruins of the library of Nineveh many years ago.
But until the discovery of the conclusion, its meaning and character
were indecipherable. The copy made for the library of Nineveh was a late
edition of the text which had been carried from Babylonia to the banks
of the Nile eight hundred years before, and the fact emphasizes once
more the Babylonian character of the culture and literature possessed by
Palestine in the Patriarchal Age.
We need not wonder, therefore, if it is to Babylonia that the
cosmological legends and beliefs of Phoenicia plainly point. The watery
chaos out of which the world was created, the divine hierarchies, one
pair of deities proceeding from another and an older pair, or the
victory of Kronos over the dragon Ophioneus, are among the indications
of their Babylonian origin. But far more important than these echoes of
Babylonian mythology in the legendary lore of Phoenicia is the close
relationship that exists between the traditions of Babylonia and the
earlier chapters of Genesis. As is now well known, the Babylonian
account of the Deluge agrees even in details with that which we find in
the Bible, though the polytheism of Chaldæa is there replaced by an
uncompromising monotheism, and there are little touches, like the
substitution of an "ark" for the Babylonian "ship," which show that the
narrative has been transported to Palestine. Equally Babylonian in
origin is the history of the Tower of Babel, while two of the rivers of
Eden are the Tigris and Euphrates, and Eden itself is the Edin or
"Plain" of Babylonia.
Not so long ago it was the fashion to declare that such coincidences
between Babylonian and Hebrew literature could be due only to the long
sojourn of the Jews in Babylonia during the twenty years of the Exile.
But we now know that the traditions and legends of Babylonia were
already known in Canaan before the Israelites had entered the Promised
Land. It was not needful for the Hebrew writer to go to Chaldæa in order
that he might learn them; when Moses was born they were already current
both in Palestine and on the banks of the Nile. The Babylonian colouring
of the early chapters of Genesis is just what archaeology would teach us
to expect it would have been, had the Pentateuch been of the age to
which it lays claim.
Here and there indeed there are passages which must be of that age, and
of none other. When in the tenth chapter of Genesis Canaan is made the
brother of Cush and Mizraim, of Ethiopia and Egypt, we are carried back
at once to the days when Palestine was an Egyptian province. The
statement is applicable to no other age. Geographically Canaan lay
outside the southern zone to which Egypt and Ethiopia belonged, except
during the epoch of the eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties, when all
three were alike portions of a single empire. With the fall of that
empire the statement ceased to be correct or even conceivable. After the
era of the Israelitish conquest Canaan and Egypt were separated one from
the other, not to be again united save for a brief space towards the
close of the Jewish monarchy. Palestine henceforth belonged to Asia, not
to Africa, to the middle zone, that is to say, which was given over to
the sons of Shem.
There is yet another passage in the same chapter of Genesis which takes
us back to the Patriarchal Age of Palestine. It is the reference to
Nimrod, the son of Cush, the beginning of whose kingdom was Babel and
Erech, and Accad and Calneh in the land of Shinar, and who was so
familiar a figure in the West that a proverb was current there
concerning his prowess in the chase. Here again we are carried to a date
when the Kassite kings of Babylonia held rule in Canaan, or led thither
their armies, and when the Babylonians were called, as they are in the
Tel el-Amarna tablets, the Kassi or sons of Cush. Nimrod himself may be
the Kassite monarch Nazi-Murudas. The cuneiform texts of the period show
that the names borne by the Kassite kings were strangely abbreviated by
their subjects; even in Babylonia, Kasbe and Sagarta-Suria, for
instance, being written for Kasbeias and Sagarakti-Suryas, the latter of
which even appears as Sakti-Surias, while Nazi-Murudas itself is found
under the form of Nazi-Rattas. Similarly Duri-galzu and Kurigalzu take
the place of Dur-Kurigalzi. There is no reason, therefore, why
Nazi-Murudas should not have been familiarly known as Na-Muruda, more
especially in distant Canaan.
Indeed we can almost fix the date to which the lifetime of Nimrod must
be assigned. We are told that out of his kingdom "one went forth into
Assyria," and there "builded" Nineveh and Calah, The cuneiform
inscriptions have informed us who this builder of Calah was. He was
Shalmaneser I., who was also the restorer of Nineveh and its temples,
and who is stated by Sennacherib to have reigned six hundred years
before himself. Such a date would coincide with the reign of Ramses II.,
the Pharaoh of the Oppression, as well as with the birth-time of Moses.
It represents a period when the influence of Babylonia had not yet
passed away from Canaan, and when there was still intercourse between
the East and the West. Ramses claims to have overcome both Assyria and
Shinar, and though the Shinar he means was the Shinar of Mesopotamia and
not Chaldæa, it lay within the limits of Babylonian control. The reign
of Ramses II. is the latest period down to which, with our present
knowledge, we can regard the old influence of Babylonia in Canaan as
still continuing, and it is equally the period to which, if we are to
listen to the traditional teaching of the Church, the writer of the
Pentateuch belonged. The voice of archaeology is thus in agreement with
that of authority, and here as elsewhere true science declares herself
the handmaid of the Catholic Church.
INDEX
 (deity), 256
Abel (place), 153
Abel-mizraim, 201
Abiliya, 126
Abimelech, 123, 127, 128, 129
Abram (in Babylonian), 169
Achshaph or Ekdippa, 211, 219, 229
Acre (Akku), 134, 154, 155, 157, 229, 235
Adai, 142
Adami, 219, 228
Adapa or Adama, 265
Addar, 153
Adon, 131
Adoni-zedek, 75
Adullam, 212, 221
Ahitub, 154
Ahmes I., 88, 94
Aia, 207
Ajalon, 137, 142
Akizzi, 131
Akkad, 55
Alasiya, 67, 107, 157, 223
'Aluna or 'Arna, 97, 228
Amalekites, 26, 35, 40, 41, 53
Amanus, 62, 107
Amber, 85, 242
Amenôphis II., 106, 110
Amenôphis III., 111, 112, 135
Amenôphis IV. or Khu-n-Aten, 71, 86, 112 _et seq._
Ammi, 22, 64, 206
Ammi-anshi, 63, 206
Ammi-satana, 63
Ammiya, 131
Ammon, 22, 36, 38, 64, 179
Ammunira, 124
Amon (god), 87, 99, 110, 114
Amon-apt, 128, 152
Amorites, 28, 35, 36, 38, 40, 41, 42, 43 _et seq._, 56, 58, 65, 100,
110, 112, 119, 124 _et seq._, 152, 160, 163, 186, 239
Amorites, god of, 257
Amraphel, 64, 66, 67
Anab, 221
Anaharath, 229
Anakim, 36, 37
Anat, 82, 232, 257
Anu, 82, 169, 257, 259, 260
Anugas or Nukhasse, 98, 102, 107, 110
Aphekah, 239
Apphadana, 111
Aqabah, Gulf of, 26, 108
Aram-Naharaim (Mitanni), 72, 85, 86, 94, 101, 103, 108, 111, 131, 138,
149, 157, 163
Ararat, 46
Argob, 23
_Ariel_, 213
Arioch (_see_ Eri-Aku), 63, 168
Arisu, 162
Arka, 26, 52, 128, 131
Article, definite, 248
Arvad, 52, 85, 100, 106, 129
Arzai, 143
Asher, 219
Ashêrah, 191, 255
Ashiti-Khaur, 260
Ashkelon, 141, 150, 160, 236
Ashtaroth-Karnaim, 35, 36, 133, 153, 161, 228
Ashtoreth, 168, 253 _et seq._, 264
Asphalt, 70
Assyria, 99, 105, 153, 155, 157
Aten-Ra, 113
Augustine, St., 41
Aupa (_see_ Ube), 132
Avim, 54
Ayâb, 152, 153
Aziru, 124 _et seq._, 129, 131, 133
Baal, 253
Baalbek, 24
Babylon, 66, 67, 91, 102, 105
Babylonia, 55, 62, 72, 83, 100, 111, 124, 138, 142, 143
Babylonians, 87, 89
Balaam, 22, 64, 154
Bashan, 23, 35, 36, 38, 64, 95, 112, 133
Bedad, 257
Beduin, 26, 35, 53, 95, 124, 127, 133, 156, 209, 210
Beer-sheba, 180, 182, 183, 189
Bek'a, 25
Belshazzar, 175
Bene-berak, 135
Beth-anath, 157, 160, 164, 232, 235, 236, 239
Beth-el, 152, 153, 157, 190 _et seq._, 196, 212, 222, 232, 235
Bethels, 261 _et seq._
Beth-lehem, 39, 75, 82, 197, 260
Beth-On, 192
Beth-Sannah, 143
Bethuel, 125
Beth-Ya, 232
Beya or Bâya, 151
Beyrout, 25, 124, 126, 164, 210, 211, 217
Bin-sumya, 136
Biridasyi, 133
Biridî, 134, 135
Bliss, Mr., 85, 119
Bosra, 133
Botanical Gardens at Thebes, 102
Burna-buryas, 111, 153 _et seq._
Buzruna, 133
Calah, 269
Camel, 170
Cana, 222
Canaan, 41 _et seq._, 154, 157, 267; art of, 243 _et seq._; merchants
in, 154, 243
Canaanite words, 216, 245-8
Canaanites, 41, 106
Carchemish, 44, 45, 62, 66, 86, 99, 107
Carmel of Judah, 72, 146, 157, 160, 232, 235, 236, 239
Carmel, Mount, 29, 164, 229, 236, 238, 262
Cedars, 19
Chedor-laomer, 35, 64, 168
Chimham, 157, 235
Chinneroth, 228
Chiun, 258
Circumcision, 176
Copper, 57, 62, 85, 109, 242
Creation legends, 267
Cush, 91, 149, 268
Cyprus, 57, 60, 85, 98, 103, 157, 160
Dagon, 82, 169, 259
Damascus, 24, 35, 65, 98, 133, 176, 227, 236
Dapul, 160, 220, 236
Dead Sea, 21, 22, 74, 165, 177
Debir, 80, 221, 236, 237, 239
Deluge story, 267
Dor, 26
Dothan, 227
Doughty, Mr., 262
Dragoman, 146
Dudu, 125
Ea, 87
Ebed-Asherah, 89, 126 _et seq._
Ebed-Sullim, 129
Ebed-Tob, 51, 71, 72, 75, 78, 88, 118, 121, 135, _et seq._, 155, 174
_Ebyôn_, 245
Edom, town of, 153; god, 229, 256
Edomites, 39, 53, 108, 206, 248
Ekron, 231
Elam, 56, 63, 88
Elephants, 101
Eliezer, 176
Elimelech, 140, 148
Elimelech of Tyre, 129
Ellasar (Larsa), 64, 69
El-rabi-Hor, 131
Emim, 36, 37, 38
En-athon, 136, 154
En-gedi, 40
En-han-nabi, 153
Ephraim, Mount, 30; sons of, 202, 231
Eri-Aku (Arioch), 63, 65 _et seq._
Eta-gama (or Aidhu-gama), 129, 131, 132, 133
Ethiopia, 142, 149
Euphrates, 96, 101
Fenkhu, 104, 226
_Galeed_, 192
Gath, 137, 143, 144, 203, 230, 231
Gath-Carmel, 138, 143, 146, 148, 231
Hadad, 82, 257
Hadad-dan, 151
Hadad-el, 143
Hadad-Rimmon, 257
Hadad-sum, 250
Hadashah, 74, 160, 165, 236, 238, 239, 241
Hamath, 43, 53, 164, 211, 219, 227, 239
Harankal, 98, 110
Har-el, 77, 184, 231
Harran, 73, 166, 259
Havilah, 62
Hazezon-tamar, 40, 50, 179
Hazor, 94, 129, 211, 219, 228
Heber, 147
Hebrew language, 246 _et seq._; words in tablets, 247
Hebron, 36, 37, 43, 46, 93, 146, 148, 164, 172, 185 _et seq._, 197, 201,
232, 239
_Hêkâl_, etymology of, 73, 249
_Hêkalim_, 231
Helkath, 232
Hermon, 18, 29, 52, 164, 239, 262
Herodotus, 43, 262
_Hin_, 245
Gath-Rimmon, 135
_Gaulos_, 245
Gaza, 94, 96, 110, 143, 144, 150, 157, 181, 215, 236, 239
Gaza or Khazi, 134, 226
Gebal, 43, 53, 85, 89, 94, 123 _et seq._, 152, 211, 217
Gebel Usdum, 178
Gerar, 181, 189
Gezer, 94, 134, 136, 141, 144, 151
Gibeah, 232
Gilu-khipa, 111
Girgashites, 43, 51
Goshen, 201
Gudea, 62, 70
Hittites, 41, 43, 46 _et seq._, 86, 89, 102, 104, 107, 110, 118, 124,
131, 156, 157, 163, 185, 209, 251
Hivites, 43, 52
Horites, 35, 39, 52, 64
Horus, 92
Hui, 156
Hyksos, 88, 91 _et seq._, 170, 201
Ibleam, 229
Ihem or Iha (_see_ Yahem), 96, 239
Ilgi, 129
Inuam, 98, 110, 133, 157, 235, 236
Ionian, 127
_'Ir_, 249
Ir-Shemesh, 238
Iron, 84, 224, 242
Isaiah, 74
Israel, meaning of name, 194
Istar (Ashtoreth), 87, 168, 253
Ituraea, 23
Jabbok, 193
Jachin and Boaz, 161, 262
Jacob-el, 160, 164, 194, 202, 232, 236, 239
Jacob's well, 195
Jebusites, 43, 51
Jehovah-jireh, 77
Jephthah-Hadad, 122, 139
Jerusalem (_see_ Salem), 29, 43, 50, 51, 71, 75, 77 _et seq._, 88, 142,
143, 160, 165, 173, 236, 239; etymology of name, 73
Joktheel, 239
Joppa, 150, 151, 213, 230
Jordan, 21, 74, 212, 237, 239
Joseph, 200 _et seq._
Joseph-el, 202, 230
Kadesh on the Orontes, 43, 96, 98, 104, 111, 131, 132, 157, 163, 209,
217, 226
Kadesh-barnea, 35, 39, 58, 64, 180
Kadmonites, 63, 206
Kaft, 83, 85
Kana'an, 41, 157
Kanneh, 132
Kassites, 88, 147, 149, 269
Kedesh (goddess), 256
Keilah, 71, 144, 145, 146
Kenites, 224
Khabiri, 51, 122, 138, 141, 143, 144, 146 _et seq._
Khalunni, 133
Khammurabi, 62, 66
Khani, 125
Khata, 44
Khata-sil, 158
Khatip (Hotep), 125, 126
Khayapa, 127
Khazi (Gaza), 134
Khu-n-Aten (Amenôphis IV.), 71, 113 _et seq._, 120
_Kikar_, 72, 76, 142
Kinanat, 132
Kinza, 129
Kiriathaim, 35, 38
Kirjath-Sepher, 81, 161, 220, 221
Kishion, 228
Kudur-Lagamar (Chedor-lao-mer), 65, 69
Kudur-Mabug, 65, 69
Kumidi (or Kamdu), 126, 129, 133, 157, 164, 217, 227, 235, 239
Kuri-galzu, 155
Labai, 51, 134 _et seq._, 141, 143, 145
Lachish, 85, 119, 122, 139, 141, 148
Lagamar, 69
Laish, 25, 228
Lakhmu, 82, 260
Larsa (Ellasar), 65, 66, 69
Lebanon, 27, 60, 62, 101, 262
Levi-el, 239
Libnah, 164, 239
Lot, 65
Lotan (Lutennu), 95, 150, 156, 206
Ma'arath, 232
Mabug, 65
Machpelah, 187, 188
Mad-ga, 70
Mafkat (Sinai), 57, 109
Magan (Sinai), 57, 60
Magoras, 164, 210, 217, 238
Malachite, 109, 110
Malchiel, 135 _et seq._, 141, 143, 144, 146, 152
Manahath, 150
Max Müller, Dr. W., 81, 160, 206, 221
Mearah, 217
Megiddo, 30, 31, 94, 97 _et seq._, 134, 135, 150, 212, 226, 257
Melchizedek, 71 _et seq._, 173
Melkarth, 43
Meneptah, 110, 161, 162, 181
Merom, 160, 227, 236
Midian, 57, 109
Migdol, 153, 155, 165, 230, 239
Misheal, 229
Misi, 95
Mitanni (Aram-Naharaim), 86, 89, 108, 111, 124, 150, 160
Miya-Riya (Meri-Ra), 143
Mizraim, 42
Moab, 21, 36, 38, 53, 153, 165, 180, 237
_Mohar, Travels of a_, 84, 189, 204 _et seq._, 209
Moloch, 82, 258
Moriah, 77, 184 _et seq._
Moses, 267
Mosheh, 153
Most High God, 173
Musikhuna, 150
Mut-Hadad, 152
Na'amah, 231
Namya-yitsa, 129, 133, 134
Naram-Sin, 57, 59, 60, 168
Nazi-Murudas, 269
Nebo, 82, 257
Negela, 26
Ni, 101, 106, 125, 131, 132
Nimrod, 91, 269
Nin-ip, 79, 144, 174, 256, 258;
Bit, 127, 144
Nukhasse (Anugas), 98, 102,
107, 116, 125, 132
On, 25, 92, 191
Pa-Hor, 126
Pakhanate, 128
Palasa, 131
Pa-ur, 142, 144
Pella, 157, 228, 235
Penuel, or Peniel, 193, 262
Perizzites, 20, 52, 162
Pethor, 22, 64
Petrie, Prof., 48, 62, 113, 120
Philistines, 17, 54, 163, 182
Phoenicia, 25, 85, 99, 152, 191
Phoenician alphabet, 251
Phoenicians, 33, 177
Pinches, Mr., 70, 231
Pu-Hadad, 150
Purple-dye, 84, 85
Qana or Qina, 97
Qatna, 107, 132
Ra, 92
Rabbah, 78, 143, 144, 146, 232
Ramses II., 21, 45, 74, 81, 110, 157 _et seq._, 161, 204, 234, 269
Ramses III., 21, 53, 74, 109, 110, 162 _et seq._, 181, 235, 240
Raphia, 222
Raphon, 37, 228
Rehob, 222, 231
Rehoboth, 189, 223
Rephaim, 35, 36, 37, 48, 228
Resheph, 21, 237, 251, 256
Rethpana, Lake of, 21, 165, 237, 239
Rianap, 150
Rib-Hadad, 89, 123 _et seq._, 152
Rimmon, 82, 257
Rimmon-nirari, 116
Rowlands, Dr., 39, 180
Sacrifice of the firstborn, 183, 264
Sacrifices, 263
Salem or Shalem (Jerusalem), 71, 74, 160, 165, 173, 239
Salim (god), 73, 75, 79, 144, 174
Samas-akh-iddin, 116
Sangar (_see_ Singara), 68, 102
Saratum or Zurata, 135, 154
Sarepta, 211
Sardinians, 95, 127
Sargon of Akkad, 49, 55, 87, 167
Scheil, Dr., 121
Schumacher, Dr., 161
Seal-cylinders, 60, 83, 120, 252
Seir, 39, 53, 108, 138, 146
Sela, 160, 236, 239
Set, 251
Seti I., 41, 110, 157, 235
Seti or Suta, 134, 138
Shalem or Salem, 195
Shasu (_see_ Beduin), 40, 41, 104
Shaveh, 71
Shechem, 29, 30, 49, 134, 160, 170, 195, 198, 211, 219
Shenir, 28, 59, 164, 239
Shiloh, 30
Shimron, 227
Shimron-meron, 220
Shinab, 70
Shinar, 67, 68, 269
Ships, 85, 247
Shunem, 135, 229
Sibti-Hadad, 152
Siddim, 35, 40, 64, 177, 178
Sidon, 42, 94, 126, 128, 129, 164, 211, 250
Sihon, 50
Sin (city), 52
Sin (god), 59, 87, 259
Sinai, 57, 58, 100, 109, 160, 259
Singara (_see_ Sangar), 67, 108, 157.
Sinuhit, 63, 205 _et seq._
Sirah, 232
Sirion, 28
Sitti or Sati, 40
Socho, 160, 230, 236
Sodom, 65, 76, 172, 177, 237
Sonzar, 132
Stone of Job, 161
Subari, 87
Subsalla, 62
Sum-Adda, 154
Sumer, 55, 67
Sumerian, 249
Suri, 87
Sutarna, 111, 150
Sutatna or Zid-athon, 154, 155
Sutekh, 92
Sute, 40, 95, 127, 134, 143
Su-yardata or Su-ardatum, 137, 144, 145
Su-yarzana, 134
Taanach, 97, 150, 229
Tadu-khipa, 112
Tagi, 137, 143, 146
Takhis, 100, 110, 211, 220
Tamar (Tumur), 150
Tammuz, 262
Tanit, 194, 260
Tapun, 232
Tarqu, 222
_Tebah_, 245
Teie, 112, 120
Tel el-Amarna, 120 _et seq._
Tel-loh, 61
Temple, 262
Terebinth, 19
Thahash, 100, 220
Thothmes II., 94, 101
Thothmes III., 36, 44, 53, 67, 78, 83, 94 _et seq._, 110, 146, 208, 224,
242
Thothmes IV., 110
Tibhath, 217, 227
Tidal, 64, 70
Tidanum, 59, 62
Timnah, 220
Tithes, 175
Tomkins, Mr., 37, 82
Tree, sacred, 182
Trumbull, Dr., 39, 180
Tunip, 99, 104, 107, 111, 125 _et seq._, 133
Turbazu, 122, 138
Tusratta, 112
Tut-ankh-Amon, 156
Tyre, 43, 85, 94, 123, 127, 129, 157, 162, 211, 218, 235, 244, 262
Ube or Ubi, 132, 216, 222
Ugarit, 106, 236
Ur, 65, 166
_Uru_, 73, 77
Usu, 128, 157, 211, 218, 235
Winckler, Dr., 78
Yabitiri, 150
Yabni-el, 122
Yahem (_see_ Ihem), 230
Yamutbal, 65, 69
Yankhamu, 146, 151
Yapa-Hadad, 127
Yapakhi, 134
Yasdata, 135
Yerzeh, 150, 160, 230, 236
Yidya, 150
Yikhbil-Khamu, 140, 144
Yisyara, 121
Zahi, 83, 103
Zakkal, 163
Zamzummim, 36, 38
_Zedek_, 75
Zelah, 122, 139, 148, 232
Zelem, 258
Zemar, 26, 52, 100, 123, 126 _et seq._, 152
Zephath, 232
Zimmern, Dr., 79
Zimrida or Zimridi, 121, 122, 123, 127, 128, 129, 130, 139
Zinzar, 132
Zion, 197
Zippor, 162
Zoan, 93, 170, 198
Zorah, 137
Zurata or Saratum, 135, 154
Zuzim, 35
End of Project Gutenberg's Patriarchal Palestine, by Archibald Henry Sayce