I. _The Land and the People._--For the first two periods the history of
the Jews is mainly that of Palestine. It begins among those peoples
which occupied the area lying between the Nile on the one side and the
Tigris and the Euphrates on the other. Surrounded by ancient seats of
culture in Egypt and Babylonia, by the mysterious deserts of Arabia, and
by the highlands of Asia Minor, Palestine, with Syria on the north, was
the high road of civilization, trade and warlike enterprise, and the
meeting-place of religions. Its small principalities were entirely
dominated by the great Powers, whose weakness or acquiescence alone
enabled them to rise above dependence or vassalage. The land was
traversed by old-established trade routes and possessed important
harbours on the Gulf of 'Akaba and on the Mediterranean coast, the
latter exposing it to the influence of the Levantine culture. It was
"the physical centre of those movements of history from which the world
has grown." The portion of this district abutting upon the Mediterranean
may be divided into two main parts:--Syria (from the Taurus to Hermon)
and Palestine (southward to the desert bordering upon Egypt). The latter
is about 150 m. from north to south (the proverbial "Dan to Beersheba"),
with a breadth varying from 25 to 80 m., i.e. about 6040 sq. m. This
excludes the land east of the Jordan, on which see PALESTINE.
From time to time streams of migration swept into Palestine and Syria.
Semitic tribes wandered northwards from their home in Arabia to seek
sustenance in its more fertile fields, to plunder, or to escape the
pressure of tribes in the rear. The course leads naturally into either
Palestine or Babylonia, and, following the Euphrates, northern Syria is
eventually reached. Tribes also moved down from the north: nomads, or
offshoots from the powerful states which stretch into Asia Minor. Such
frequently recurring movements introduced new blood. Tribes, chiefly of
pastoral habits, settled down among others who were so nearly of their
own type that a complete amalgamation could be effected, and this
without any marked modification of the general characteristics of the
earlier inhabitants. It is from such a fusion as this that the ancestors
of the Jews were descended, and both the history and the genius of this
people can be properly understood only by taking into account the
physical features of their land and the characteristics of the Semitic
races in general (see PALESTINE, SEMITIC LANGUAGES).
2. _Society and Religion._--The similarity uniting the peoples of the
East in respect of racial and social characteristics is accompanied by a
striking similarity of mental outlook which has survived to modern
times. Palestine, in spite of the numerous vicissitudes to which it has
been subjected, has not lost its fundamental characteristics. The
political changes involved in the Babylonian, Assyrian, Egyptian or
Persian conquests surely affected it as little as the subsequent waves
of Greek, Roman and other European invasions. Even during the temporary
Hellenization in the second great period the character of the people as
a whole was untouched by the various external influences which produced
so great an effect on the upper classes. When the foreign civilization
perished, the old culture once more came to the surface. Hence it is
possible, by a comprehensive comparative study of Eastern peoples, in
both ancient and modern times, to supplement and illustrate within
certain limits our direct knowledge of the early Jewish people, and thus
to understand more clearly those characteristics which were peculiar to
them, in relation to those which they shared with other Oriental
peoples.
Even before authentic history begins, the elements of religion and
society had already crystallized into a solid coherent structure which
was to persist without essential modification. Religion was inseparable
from ordinary life, and, like that of all peoples who are dependent on
the fruits of the earth, was a nature-worship. The tie between deities
and worshippers was regarded as physical and entailed mutual
obligations. The study of the clan-group as an organization is as
instructive here as in other fields. The members of each group lived on
terms of equality, the families forming a society of worship the rites
of which were conducted by the head. Such groups (each with its local
deity) would combine for definite purposes under the impulse of external
needs, but owing to inevitable internal jealousies and the incessant
feuds among a people averse from discipline and authority, the unions
were not necessarily lasting. The elders of these groups possessed some
influence, and tended to form an aristocracy, which took the lead in
social life, although their authority generally depended merely upon
custom. Individual leaders in times of stress acquired a recognized
supremacy, and, once a tribe outstripped the rest, the opportunities for
continued advance gave further scope to their authority. "The ...
interminable feuds of tribes, conducted on the theory of blood-revenge,
can seldom be durably healed without the intervention of a third
party who is called in as arbiter, and in this way an impartial and wise
power acquires of necessity a great and beneficent influence over all
around it" (W. R. Smith). In time, notwithstanding a certain inherent
individualism and impatience of control, veritable despotisms arose in
the Semitic world, although such organizations were invariably liable to
sudden collapse as the old forms of life broke down with changing
conditions.[1]
3. _Early History._[2]--Already in the 15th century B.C. Palestine was
inhabited by a settled people whose language, thought and religion were
not radically different several hundred years later. Small native
princes ruled as vassals of Egypt which, after expelling the Hyksos from
its borders, had entered upon a series of conquests as far as the
Euphrates. Some centuries previously, however, Babylonia had laid claim
to the western states, and the Babylonian (i.e. Assyrian) script and
language were now used, not merely in the diplomatic correspondence
between Egypt and Asia, but also for matters of private and everyday
life among the Palestinian princes themselves. To what extent specific
Babylonian influence showed itself in other directions is not completely
known. Canaan (Palestine and the south Phoenician coast land) and Amor
(Lebanon district and beyond) were under the constant supervision of
Egypt, and Egyptian officials journeyed round to collect tribute, to
attend to complaints, and to assure themselves of the allegiance of the
vassals. The Amarna tablets and those more recently found at Taannek
(bibl. Taanach), together with the contemporary archaeological evidence
(from Lachish, Gezer, Megiddo, Jericho, &c.), represent advanced
conditions of life and culture, the precise chronological limits of
which cannot be determined with certainty. This age, with its regular
maritime intercourse between the Aegean settlements, Phoenicia and the
Delta, and with lines of caravans connecting Babylonia, North Syria,
Arabia and Egypt, presents a remarkable picture of life and activity, in
the centre of which lies Palestine, with here and there Egyptian
colonies and some traces of Egyptian cults. The history of this, the
"Amarna" age, reveals a state of anarchy in Palestine for which the
weakness of Egypt and the downward pressure of north Syrian peoples
were responsible. Subdivided into a number of little local
principalities, Palestine was suffering both from internal intrigues and
from the designs of this northern power. It is now that we find the
restless Habiru, a name which is commonly identified with that of the
"Hebrews" (_'ibrim_). They offer themselves where necessary to either
party, and some at least perhaps belonged to the settled population. The
growing prominence of the new northern group of "Hittite" states
continued to occupy the energies of Egypt, and when again we have more
external light upon Palestinian history, the Hittites (q.v.) are found
strongly entrenched in the land. But by the end of the first quarter of
the 13th century B.C. Egypt had recovered its province (precise boundary
uncertain), leaving its rivals in possession of Syria. Towards the close
of the 13th century the Egyptian king Merneptah (Mineptah) records a
successful campaign in Palestine, and alludes to the defeat of Canaan,
Ascalon, Gezer, Yenuam (in Lebanon) and (the people or tribe) Israel.[3]
Bodies of aliens from the Levantine coast had previously threatened
Egypt and Syria, and at the beginning of the 12th century they formed a
coalition on land and sea which taxed all the resources of Rameses III.
In the Purasati, apparently the most influential of these peoples, may
be recognized the origin of the name "Philistine." The Hittite power
became weaker, and the invaders, in spite of defeat, appear to have
succeeded in maintaining themselves on the sea coast. External history,
however, is very fragmentary just at the age when its evidence would be
most welcome. For a time the fate of Syria and Palestine seems to have
been no longer controlled by the great powers. When the curtain rises
again we enter upon the historical traditions of the Old Testament.
4. _Biblical History._--For the rest of the first period the Old Testament
forms the main source. It contains in fact the history itself in two
forms: (a) from the creation of man to the fall of Judah (Genesis-2
Kings), which is supplemented and continued further--(b) to the foundation
of Judaism in the 5th century B.C. (Chronicles--Ezra-Nehemiah). In the
light of contemporary monuments, archaeological evidence, the progress of
scientific knowledge and the recognized methods of modern historical
criticism, the representation of the origin of mankind and of the history
of the Jews in the Old Testament can no longer be implicitly accepted.
Written by an Oriental people and clothed in an Oriental dress, the Old
Testament does not contain objective records, but subjective history
written and incorporated for specific purposes. Like many Oriental works
it is a compilation, as may be illustrated from a comparison of Chronicles
with Samuel-Kings, and the representation of the past in the light of the
present (as exemplified in Chronicles) is a frequently recurring
phenomenon. The critical examination of the nature and growth of this
compilation has removed much that had formerly caused insuperable
difficulties and had quite unnecessarily been made an integral or a
relevant part of practical religion. On the other hand, criticism has
given a deeper meaning to the Old Testament history, and has brought into
relief the central truths which really are vital; it may be said to have
replaced a divine account of man by man's account of the divine. Scholars
are now almost unanimously agreed that the internal features are best
explained by the Graf-Wellhausen hypothesis. This involves the view that
the historical traditions are mainly due to two characteristic though very
complicated recensions, one under the influence of the teaching of
Deuteronomy (Joshua to Kings, see § 20), the other, of a more priestly
character (akin to Leviticus), of somewhat later date (Genesis to Joshua,
with traces in Judges to Kings, see § 23). There are, of course, numerous
problems relating to the nature, limits and dates of the two recensions,
of the incorporated sources, and of other sources (whether early or late)
of independent origin; and here there is naturally room for much
divergence of opinion. Older material (often of composite origin) has been
used, not so much for the purpose of providing historical information, as
with the object of showing the religious significance of past history;
and the series Joshua-Kings is actually included among the "prophets" in
Jewish reckoning (see MIDRASH). In general, one may often observe that
freedom which is characteristic of early and unscientific historians. Thus
one may note the reshaping of older material to agree with later thought,
the building up of past periods from the records of other periods, and a
frequent loss of perspective. The historical traditions are to be
supplemented by the great body of prophetic, legal and poetic literature
which reveal contemporary conditions in various internal literary,
theological or sociological features. The investigation of their true
historical background and of the trustworthiness of their external setting
(e.g. titles of psalms, dates and headings of prophecies) involves a
criticism of the historical traditions themselves, and thus the two major
classes of material must be constantly examined both separately and in
their bearing on one another. In a word, the study of biblical history,
which is dependent in the first instance upon the written sources, demands
constant attention to the text (which has had an interesting history) and
to the literary features; and it requires a sympathetic acquaintance with
Oriental life and thought, both ancient and modern, an appreciation of the
necessity of employing the methods of scientific research, and (from the
theological side) a reasoned estimate of the dependence of individual
religious convictions upon the letter of the Old Testament.[4]
In view of the numerous articles in this work dealing with biblical
subjects,[5] the present sketch is limited to the outlines of the
traditional history; the religious aspect in its bearing upon biblical
theology (which is closely bound up with the traditions) is handled
separately under HEBREW RELIGION. The related literature is enormous
(see the bibliographies to the special articles); it is indexed
annually in _Orientalische Bibliographie_ (Berlin), and is usefully
summarized in the _Theologische Jahresbericht_ (Berlin). On the
development of the study of biblical history see C. A. Briggs, _Study
of Holy Scripture_ (1899), especially ch. xx. The first scientific
historical work was by H. Ewald, _Gesch. d. Volkes Israel_ (1843; 3rd
ed., 1864-1868; Eng. trans., 1869-1883), popularized by Arthur Penrhyn
Stanley in his _Hist. of the Jewish Church_ (1863-1879). The works of
J. Wellhausen (especially _Prolegomena to the Hist. of Israel_, Eng.
trans., 1885, also the brilliant article "Israel" in the 9th ed. of
the _Ency. Brit._, 1879) were epoch-making; his position was
interpreted to English readers by W. Robertson Smith (_Old Test. in
Jewish Church_, 1881, 2nd ed., 1892; _Prophets of Israel_, 1882, 2nd
ed. by T. K. Cheyne, 1902). The historical (and related) works of T.
K. Cheyne, H. Graetz, H. Guthe, F. C. Kent, A. Kittel, W. H. Kosters,
A. Kuenen, C. Piepenbring, and especially B. Stade, although varying
greatly in standpoint, are among the most valuable by recent scholars;
H. P. Smith's _Old Test. Hist._ ("International Theological Library,"
Edinburgh, 1903) is in many respects the most serviceable and complete
study; a modern and more critical "Ewald" is a desideratum. For the
works of numerous other scholars who have furthered Old Testament
research in the past it must suffice to refer to the annotated list by
J. M. P. Smith, _Books for O.T. Study_ (Chicago, 1908).
For the external history, E. Schrader, _Cuneiform Inscr. and the Old
Testament_ (Eng. trans. by O. C. Whitehouse, 1885-1888) is still
helpful; among the less technical works are J. F. McCurdy, _History,
Prophecy and the Monuments_; B. Paton, _Syria and Palestine_ (1902);
G. Maspero, _Hist. ancienne_ (6th ed., 1904); A. Jeremias, _Alte Test.
im Lichte d. Alten Orients_ (2nd ed., 1906); and especially
_Altoriental. Texte u. Bilder zum Alten Test._, ed. by H. Gressman,
with A. Ungnad and H. Ranke (1909). The most complete is that of Ed.
Meyer, _Gesch. d. Alterthums_ (2nd ed., 1907 sqq.). That of Jeremias
follows upon the lines of H. Winckler, whose works depart from the
somewhat narrow limits of purely "Israelite" histories, emphasize the
necessity of observing the characteristics of Oriental thought and
policy, and are invaluable for discriminating students. Winckler's own
views are condensed in the 3rd edition--a re-writing--of Schrader's
work (_Keilinschr. u. d. Alte Testament_, 1903), and, with an
instructive account of the history of "ancient nearer Asia," in H. F.
Helmolt's _World's History_, iii. 1-252 (1903). All modern histories
of any value are necessarily compromises between the biblical
traditions and the results of recent investigation, and those studies
which appear to depart most widely from the biblical or canonical
representation often do greater justice to the evidence as a whole
than the slighter or more conservative and apologetic
reconstructions.[6] Scientific biblical historical study,
nevertheless, is still in a relatively backward condition; and
although the labours of scholars since Ewald constitute a distinct
epoch, the trend of research points to the recognition of the fact
that the purely subjective literary material requires a more
historical treatment in the light of our increasing knowledge of
external and internal conditions in the old Oriental world. But an
inductive and deductive treatment, both, comprehensive and in due
proportion, does not as yet (1910) exist, and awaits fuller external
evidence.[7]
5. _Traditions of Origin._--The Old Testament preserves the remains of
an extensive literature, representing different standpoints, which
passed through several hands before it reached its present form.
Surrounded by ancient civilizations where writing had long been known,
and enjoying, as excavation has proved, a considerable amount of
material culture, Palestine could look back upon a lengthy and stirring
history which, however, has rarely left its mark upon our records.
Whatever ancient sources may have been accessible, whatever trustworthy
traditions were in circulation, and whatever a knowledge of the ancient
Oriental world might lead one to expect, one is naturally restricted in
the first instance to those undated records which have survived in the
form which the last editors gave to them. The critical investigation of
these records is the indispensable prelude to all serious biblical
study, and hasty or sweeping deductions from monumental or
archaeological evidence, or versions compiled promiscuously from
materials of distinct origin, are alike hazardous. A glimpse at
Palestine in the latter half of the second millennium B.C. (§ 3)
prepares us for busy scenes and active intercourse, but it is not a
history of this kind which the biblical historians themselves transmit.
At an age when--on literary-critical grounds--the Old Testament writings
were assuming their present form, it was possible to divide the
immediately preceding centuries into three distinct period. (a) The
first, that of the two rival kingdoms: Israel (Ephraim or Samaria) in
the northern half of Palestine, and Judah in the south. Then (b) the
former lost its independence towards the close of the 8th century B.C.,
when a number of its inhabitants were carried away; and the latter
shared the fate of exile at the beginning of the 6th, but succeeded in
making a fresh reconstruction some fifty or sixty years later. Finally
(c), in the so-called "post-exilic" period, religion and life were
reorganized under the influence of a new spirit; relations with Samaria
were broken off, and Judaism took its definite character, perhaps about
the middle or close of the 5th century. Throughout these vicissitudes
there were important political and religious changes which render the
study of the composite sources a work of unique difficulty. In addition
to this it should be noticed that the term "Jew" (originally _Yehudi_),
in spite of its wider application, means properly "man of Judah," i.e.
of that small district which, with Jerusalem as its capital, became the
centre of Judaism. The favourite name "Israel" with all its religious
and national associations is somewhat ambiguous in an historical sketch,
since, although it is used as opposed to Judah (a), it ultimately came
to designate the true nucleus of the worshippers of the national god
Yahweh as opposed to the Samaritans, the later inhabitants of Israelite
territory (c). A more general term is "Hebrew" (see HEBREW LANGUAGE),
which, whether originally identical with the Habiru or not (§ 3), is
used in contrast to foreigners, and this non-committal ethnic deserves
preference where precise distinction is unnecessary or impossible.
The traditions which prevailed among the Hebrews concerning their origin
belong to a time when Judah and Israel were regarded as a unit. Twelve
divisions or tribes, of which Judah was one, held together by a
traditional sentiment, were traced back to the sons of Jacob (otherwise
known as Israel), the son of Isaac and grandson of Abraham. Their names
vary in origin and probably also in point of age, and where they
represent fixed territorial limits, the districts so described were in
some cases certainly peopled by groups of non-Israelite ancestry. But as
tribal names they invited explanation, and of the many characteristic
traditions which were doubtless current a number have been preserved,
though not in any very early dress. Close relationship was recognized
with the Aramaeans, with Edom, Moab and Ammon. This is characteristically
expressed when Esau, the ancestor of Edom, is represented as the brother
of Jacob, or when Moab and Ammon are the children of Lot, Abraham's
nephew (see GENEALOGY: _Biblical_). Abraham, it was believed, came from
Harran (Carrhae), primarily from Babylonia, and Jacob re-enters from
Gilead in the north-east with his Aramaean wives and concubines and their
families (Benjamin excepted). It is on this occasion that Jacob's name is
changed to Israel. These traditions of migration and kinship are in
themselves entirely credible, but the detailed accounts of the ancestors
Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, as given in Genesis, are inherently doubtful as
regards both the internal conditions, which the (late) chronological
scheme ascribes to the first half of the second millennium B.C., and the
general circumstances of the life of these strangers in a foreign land.
From a variety of independent reasons one is forced to conclude that,
whatever historical elements they may contain, the stories of this remote
past represent the form which tradition had taken in a very much later
age.
Opinion is at variance regarding the patriarchal narratives as a
whole. To deny their historical character is to reject them as
trustworthy accounts of the age to which they are ascribed, and even
those scholars who claim that they are essentially historical already
go so far as to concede idealization and the possibility or
probability of later revision. The failure to apprehend historical
method has often led to the fallacious argument that the
trustworthiness of individual features justifies our accepting the
whole, or that the elimination of unhistorical elements will leave an
historical residuum. Here and frequently elsewhere in biblical history
it is necessary to allow that a genuine historical tradition may be
clothed in an unhistorical dress, but since many diverse motives are
often concentrated upon one narrative (e.g. Gen. xxxii. 22-32, xxxiv.,
xxxviii.), the work of internal historical criticism (in view of the
scantiness of the evidence) can rarely claim finality. The patriarchal
narratives themselves belong to the popular stock of tradition of
which only a portion has been preserved. Many of the elements lie
outside questions of time and place and are almost immemorial. Some
appear written for the first time in the book of Jubilees, in "the
Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs" (both perhaps 2nd century B.C.)
and in later sources; and although in Genesis the stories are now in a
post-exilic setting (a stage earlier than Jubilees), the older
portions may well belong to the 7th or 6th cent. This question,
however, will rest upon those criteria alone which are of true
chronological validity (see further GENESIS).
The story of the settlement of the national and tribal ancestors in
Palestine is interrupted by an account of the southward movement of
Jacob (or Israel) and his sons into a district under the immediate
influence of the kings of Egypt. After an interval of uncertain duration
we find in Exodus a numerous people subjected to rigorous oppression. No
longer individual sons of Jacob or Israel, united tribes were led out by
Moses and Aaron; and, after a series of incidents extending over forty
years, the "children of Israel" invaded the land in which their
ancestors had lived. The traditions embodied in the books Exodus-Joshua
are considerably later than the apparent date of the events themselves,
and amid the diverse and often conflicting data it is possible to
recognize distinct groups due to some extent to distinct historical
conditions. The story of the "exodus" is that of the religious birth of
"Israel," joined by covenant with the national god Yahweh[8] whose aid
in times of peril and need proved his supremacy. In Moses (q.v.) was
seen the founder of Israel's religion and laws; in Aaron (q.v.) the
prototype of the Israelite priesthood. Although it is difficult to
determine the true historical kernel, two features are most prominent in
the narratives which the post-exilic compiler has incorporated: the
revelation of Yahweh, and the movement into Palestine. Yahweh had
admittedly been the God of Israel's ancestors, but his name was only now
made known (Exod. iii. 13 sqq., vi. 2 seq.), and this conception of a
new era in Yahweh's relations with the people is associated with the
family of Moses and with small groups from the south of Palestine which
reappear in religious movements in later history (see KENITES). Amid a
great variety of motives the prominence of Kadesh in south Palestine is
to be recognized, but it is uncertain what clans or tribes were at
Kadesh, and it is possible that traditions, originally confined to those
with whom the new conception of Yahweh is connected, were subsequently
adopted by others who came to regard themselves as the worshippers of
the only true Yahweh. At all events, two quite distinct views seem to
underlie the opening books of the Old Testament. The one associates
itself with the ancestors of the Hebrews and has an ethnic character.
The other, part of the religious history of "Israel," is essentially
bound up with the religious genius of the people, and is partly
connected with clans from the south of Palestine whose influence appears
in later times. Other factors in the literary growth of the present
narratives are not excluded (see further § 8, and EXODUS, THE).[9]
6. _The Monarchy of Israel._--The book of Joshua continues the fortunes
of the "children of Israel" and describes a successful occupation of
Palestine by the united tribes. This stands in striking contrast to
other records of the partial successes of individual groups (Judg. i.).
The former, however, is based upon the account of victories by the
Ephraimite Joshua over confederations of petty kings to the south and
north of central Palestine, apparently the specific traditions of the
people of Ephraim describing from their standpoint the entire conquest
of Palestine.[10] The book of Judges represents a period of unrest after
the settlement of the people. External oppression and internal rivalries
rent the Israelites, and in the religious philosophy of a later
(Deuteronomic) age the period is represented as one of alternate
apostasy from and of penitent return to the Yahweh of the "exodus." Some
vague recollection of known historical events (§ 3 end) might be claimed
among the traditions ascribed to the closing centuries of the second
millennium, but the view that the prelude to the monarchy was an era
when individual leaders "judged" all Israel finds no support in the
older narratives, where the heroes of the age (whose correct sequence is
uncertain) enjoy only a local fame. The best historical narratives
belong to Israel and Gilead; Judah scarcely appears, and in a relatively
old poetical account of a great fight of the united tribes against a
northern adversary lies outside the writer's horizon or interest (Judg.
v., see DEBORAH). Stories of successful warfare and of temporary leaders
(see ABIMELECH; EHUD; GIDEON; JEPHTHAH) form an introduction to the
institution of the Israelite monarchy, an epoch of supreme importance in
biblical history. The heroic figure who stands at the head is Saul
("asked"), and two accounts of his rise are recorded. (1) The
Philistines, a foreign people whose presence in Palestine has already
been noticed, had oppressed Israel (cf. SAMSON) until a brilliant
victory was gained by the prophet Samuel, some account of whose early
history is recorded. He himself held supreme sway over all Israel as the
last of the "judges" until compelled to accede to the popular demand for
a king. The young Saul was chosen by lot and gained unanimous
recognition by delivering Jabesh in Gilead from the Ammonites. (2) But
other traditions represent the people scattered and in hiding; Israel is
groaning under the Philistine yoke, and the unknown Saul is raised up by
Yahweh to save his people. This he accomplishes with the help of his son
Jonathan. The first account, although now essential to the canonical
history, clearly gives a less authentic account of the change from the
"judges" to the monarchy, while the second is fragmentary and can hardly
be fitted into the present historical thread (see SAUL). At all events
the first of a series of annalistic notices of the kings of Israel
ascribes to Saul conquests over the surrounding peoples to an extent
which implies that the district of Judah formed part of his kingdom (1
Sam. xiv. 47 seq). His might is attested also by the fine elegy (2 Sam.
i. 19 sqq.) over the death of two great Israelite heroes, Saul and
Jonathan, knit together by mutual love, inseparable in life and death,
whose unhappy end after a career of success was a national misfortune.
Disaster had come upon the north, and the plain of Jezreel saw the total
defeat of the king and the rout of his army. The court was hastily
removed across the Jordan to Mahanaim, where Saul's son Ishbaal
(Ish-bosheth), thanks to his general Abner, recovered some of the lost
prestige. In circumstances which are not detailed, the kingdom seems to
have regained its strength, and Ishbaal is credited with a reign of two
years over Israel and Gilead (2 Sam. ii. 8-10; contrast v. 11). But at
this point the scanty annals are suspended and the history of the age is
given in more popular sources. Both Israel and Judah had their own
annals, brief excerpts from which appear in the books of Samuel, Kings
and Chronicles, and they are supplemented by fuller narratives of
distinct and more popular origin. The writings are the result of a
continued literary process, and the Israelite national history has come
down to us through Judaean hands, with the result that much of it has
been coloured by late Judaean feeling. It is precisely in Saul's time
that the account of the Judaean monarchy, or perhaps of the monarchy
from the Judaean standpoint, now begins.
7. _The Monarchy of Judah._--Certain traditions of Judah and Jerusalem
appear to have looked back upon a movement from the south, traces of
which underlie the present account of the "exodus." The land was full of
"sons of Anak," giants who had terrified the scouts sent from Kadesh.
Caleb (q.v.) alone had distinguished himself by his fearlessness, and
the clan Caleb drove them out from Hebron in south Judah (Josh. xv. 14
sqq.; cf. also xi. 21 seq.). David and his followers are found in the
south of Hebron, and as they advanced northwards they encountered
wondrous heroes between Gath and Jerusalem (2 Sam. xxi. 15 sqq.; xxiii.
8 sqq.). After strenuous fighting the district was cleared, and
Jerusalem, taken by the sword, became the capital. History saw in David
the head of a lengthy line of kings, the founder of the Judaean
monarchy, the psalmist and the priest-king who inaugurated religious
institutions now recognized to be of a distinctly later character. As a
result of this backward projection of later conceptions, the recovery of
the true historical nucleus is difficult. The prominence of Jerusalem,
the centre of post-exilic Judaism, necessarily invited reflection.
Israelite tradition had ascribed the conquest of Jerusalem, Hebron and
other cities of Judah to the Ephraimite Joshua; Judaean tradition, on
the other hand, relates the capture of the sacred city from a strange
and hostile people (2 Sam. v.). The famous city, within easy reach of
the southern desert and central Palestine (to Hebron and to Samaria the
distances are about 18 and 35 miles respectively), had already entered
into Palestinian history in the "Amarna" age (§ 3). Anathoth, a few
miles to the north-east, points to the cult of the goddess Anath, the
near-lying Nob has suggested the name of the Babylonian Nebo, and the
neighbouring, though unidentified, Beth-Ninib of the Amarna tablets may
indicate the worship of a Babylonian war and astral god (cf. the solar
name Beth-Shemesh). Such was the religious environment of the ancient
city which was destined to become the centre of Judaism. Judaean
tradition dated the sanctity of Jerusalem from the installation of the
ark, a sacred movable object which symbolized the presence of Yahweh. It
is associated with the half-nomad clans in the south of Palestine, or
with the wanderings of David and his own priest Abiathar; it is
ultimately placed within the newly captured city. Quite another body of
tradition associates it with the invasion of all the tribes of Israel
from beyond the Jordan (see ARK). To combine the heterogeneous
narratives and isolated statements into a consecutive account is
impossible; to ignore those which conflict with the now predominating
views would be unmethodical. When the narratives describe the life of
the young David at the court of the first king of the northern kingdom,
when the scenes cover the district which he took with the sword, and
when the brave Saul is represented in an unfavourable light, one must
allow for the popular tendency to idealize great figures, and for the
Judaean origin of the compilation. To David is ascribed the sovereignty
over a united people. But the stages in his progress are not clear.
After being the popular favourite of Israel in the little district of
Benjamin, he was driven away by the jealousy and animosity of Saul.
Gradually strengthening his position by alliance with Judaean clans, he
became king at Hebron at the time when Israel suffered defeat in the
north. His subsequent advance to the kingship over Judah and Israel at
Jerusalem is represented as due to the weak condition of Israel,
facilitated by the compliance of Abner; partly, also, to the
long-expressed wish of the Israelites that their old hero should reign
over them. Yet again, Saul had been chosen by Yahweh to free his people
from the Philistines; he had been rejected for his sins, and had
suffered continuously from this enemy; Israel at his death was left in
the unhappy state in which he had found it; it was the Judaean David,
the faithful servant of Yahweh, who was now chosen to deliver Israel,
and to the last the people gratefully remembered their debt. David
accomplished the conquests of Saul but on a grander scale; "Saul hath
slain his thousands and David his tens of thousands" is the popular
couplet comparing the relative merits of the rival dynasts. A series of
campaigns against Edom, Moab, Ammon and the Aramaean states, friendly
relations with Hiram of Tyre, and the recognition of his sovereignty by
the king of Hamath on the Orontes, combine to portray a monarchy which
was the ideal.
But in passing from the books of Samuel, with their many rich and vivid
narratives, to the books of Kings, we enter upon another phase of
literature; it is a different atmosphere, due to the character of the
material and the aims of other compilers (see § 9 beginning). David, the
conqueror, was followed by his son Solomon, famous for his wealth,
wisdom and piety, above all for the magnificent Temple which he built at
Jerusalem. Phoenician artificers were enlisted for the purpose, and with
Phoenician sailors successful trading-journeys were regularly
undertaken. Commercial intercourse with Asia Minor, Arabia, Tarshish
(probably in Spain) and Ophir (q.v.) filled his coffers, and his realm
extended from the Euphrates to the border of Egypt. Tradition depicts
him as a worthy successor to his father, and represents a state of
luxury and riches impressive to all who were familiar with the great
Oriental courts. The commercial activity of the king and the picture of
intercourse and wealth are quite in accordance with what is known of the
ancient monarchies, and could already be illustrated from the Amarna
age. Judah and Israel dwelt at ease, or held the superior position of
military officials, while the earlier inhabitants of the land were put
to forced labour. But another side of the picture shows the domestic
intrigues which darkened the last days of David. The accession of
Solomon had not been without bloodshed, and Judah, together with David's
old general Joab and his faithful priest Abiathar, were opposed to the
son of a woman who had been the wife of a Hittite warrior. The era of
the Temple of Jerusalem starts with a new régime, another captain of the
army and another priest. Nevertheless, the enmity of Judah is passed
over, and when the kingdom is divided for administrative purposes into
twelve districts, which ignore the tribal divisions, the centre of
David's early power is exempt from the duty of providing supplies (1
Kings iv.). Yet again, the approach of the divided monarchy is
foreshadowed. The employment of Judaeans and Israelites for Solomon's
palatial buildings, and the heavy taxation for the upkeep of a court
which was the wonder of the world, caused grave internal discontent.
External relations, too, were unsatisfactory. The Edomites, who had been
almost extirpated by David in the valley of Salt, south of the Dead Sea,
were now strong enough to seek revenge; and the powerful kingdom of
Damascus, whose foundation is ascribed to this period, began to threaten
Israel on the north and north-east. These troubles, we learn, had
affected all Solomon's reign, and even Hiram appears to have acquired a
portion of Galilee. In the approaching disruption writers saw the
punishment for the king's apostasy, and they condemn the sanctuaries in
Jerusalem which he erected to the gods of his heathen wives.
Nevertheless, these places of cult remained some 300 years until almost
the close of the monarchy, when their destruction is attributed to
Josiah (§ 16). When at length Solomon died the opportunity was at once
seized to request from his son Rehoboam a more generous treatment. The
reply is memorable: "My little finger is thicker than my father's loins;
my father chastised you with whips, but I will chastise you with
scorpions." These words were calculated to inflame a people whom history
proves to have been haughty and high-spirited, and the great Israel
renounced its union with the small district of Judah. Jeroboam (q.v.),
once one of Solomon's officers, became king over the north, and thus the
history of the divided monarchy begins (about 930 B.C.) with the
Israelite power on both sides of the Jordan and with Judah extending
southwards from a point a few miles north of Jerusalem.
8. _Problems of the Earliest History._--Biblical history previous to
the separation of Judah and Israel holds a prominent place in current
ideas, since over two-fifths of the entire Old Testament deals with
these early ages. The historical sources for the crucial period, from
the separation to the fall of Jerusalem (586 B.C.), occupy only about
one-twelfth, and even of this about one-third is spread over some
fifteen years (see below, § 11). From the flourishing days of the
later monarchy and onwards, different writers handled the early
history of their land from different standpoints. The feeling of
national unity between north and south would require historical
treatment, the existence of rival monarchies would demand an
explanation. But the surviving material is extremely uneven; vital
events in these centuries are treated with a slightness in striking
contrast to the relatively detailed evidence for the preceding
period--evidence, however, which is far from being contemporary. Where
the material is fuller, serious discrepancies are found; and where
external evidence is fortunately available, the independent character
of the biblical history is vividly illustrated. The varied traditions
up to this stage cannot be regarded as objective history. It is
naturally impossible to treat them from any modern standpoint as
fiction; they are honest even where they are most untrustworthy. But
the recovery of successive historical nuclei does not furnish a
continuous thread, and if one is to be guided by the historical
context of events the true background to each nucleus must be sought.
The northern kingdom cherished the institution of a monarchy, and in
this, as in all great political events, the prophets took part. The
precise part these figures play is often idealized and expresses the
later views of their prominence. It was only after a bitter experience
that the kingship was no longer regarded as a divine gift, and
traditions have been revised in order to illustrate the opposition to
secular authority. In this and in many other respects the records of
the first monarchy have been elaborated and now reveal traces of
differing conceptions of the events (see DAN; DAVID; ELI; SAMUEL;
SAUL; SOLOMON). The oldest narratives are not in their original
contexts, and they contain features which render it questionable
whether a very trustworthy recollection of the period was retained.
Although the rise of the Hebrew state, at an age when the great powers
were quiescent and when such a people as the Philistines is known to
have appeared upon the scene, is entirely intelligible, it is not
improbable that legends of Saul and David, the heroic founders of the
two kingdoms, have been put in a historical setting with the help of
later historical tradition. It is at least necessary to distinguish
provisionally between a possibly historical framework and narratives
which may be of later growth--between the general outlines which only
external evidence can test and details which cannot be tested and
appear isolated without any cause or devoid of any effect.
Many attempts have been made to present a satisfactory sketch of the
early history and to do justice to (a) the patriarchal narratives,
(b) the exodus from Egypt and the Israelite invasion, and (c) the
rise of the monarchy. As regards (b), external evidence has already
suggested to scholars that there were Israelites in Palestine before
the invasion; internal historical criticism is against the view that
all the tribes entered under Joshua; and in (a) there are traces of an
actual settlement in the land, entirely distinct from the cycle of
narratives which prepare the way for (b). The various reconstructions
and compromises by modern apologetic and critical writers alike
involve without exception an extremely free treatment of the biblical
sources and the rejection of many important and circumstantial
data.[11] On the one hand, a sweeping invasion of all the tribes of
Israel moved by a common zeal may, like the conquests of Islam, have
produced permanent results. According to this view the enervating
luxury of Palestinian culture almost destroyed the lofty ideal
monotheism inculcated in the desert, and after the fall of the
northern tribes (latter part of the 8th cent.) Judah is naturally
regarded as the sole heir. But such a conquest, and all that it
signifies, conflict both with external evidence (e.g. the results of
excavation), and with any careful inspection of the narratives
themselves. On the other hand, the reconstructions which allow a
gradual settlement (perhaps of distinct groups), and an intermingling
with the earlier inhabitants, certainly find support in biblical
evidence, and they have been ingeniously built up with the help of
tribal and other data (e.g. Gen. xxxiv., xxxviii.; Judg. i. ix.). But
they imply political, sociological and religious developments which do
not do justice either to the biblical evidence as a whole or to a
comprehensive survey of contemporary conditions.[12] Thus, one of the
important questions is the relation between those who had taken part
in the exodus and the invasion and those who had not. This inquiry is
further complicated by (c), where the history of Israel and Judah, as
related in Judges and 1 Samuel, has caused endless perplexity. The
traditions of the Ephraimite Joshua and of Saul the first king of
(north) Israel virtually treat Judah as part of Israel and are related
to the underlying representations in (a). But the specific independent
Judaean standpoint treats the unification of the two divisions as the
work of David who leaves the heritage to Solomon. The varied
narratives, now due to Judaean editors, preserve distinct points of
view, and it is extremely difficult to unravel the threads and to
determine their relative position in the history. Finally, the
consciousness that the people as a religious body owed everything to
the desert clans (b) (see § 5) subsequently leaves its mark upon
(north) Israelite history (§ 14), but has not the profound
significance which it has in the records of Judah and Jerusalem.
Without sufficient external and independent evidence wherewith to
interpret in the light of history the internal features of the
intricate narratives, any reconstruction would naturally be hazardous,
and all attempts must invariably be considered in the light of the
biblical evidence itself, the date of the Israelite exodus, and the
external conditions. Biblical criticism is concerned with a composite
(Judaean) history based upon other histories (partly of non-Judaean
origin), and the relation between native written sources and external
contemporary evidence (monumental and archaeological) distinctly
forbids any haphazard selection from accessible sources. The true
nature of this relation can be readily observed in other fields
(ancient Britain, Greece, Egypt, &c.), where, however, the native
documents and sources have not that complexity which characterizes the
composite biblical history. (For the period under review, as it
appears in the light of existing external evidence, see PALESTINE:
_History_.)
9. _The Rival Kingdoms._--The Palestine of the Hebrews was but part of a
great area breathing the same atmosphere, and there was little to
distinguish Judah from Israel except when they were distinct political
entities. The history of the two kingdoms is contained in Kings and the
later and relatively less trustworthy Chronicles, which deals with Judah
alone. In the former a separate history of the northern kingdom has been
combined with Judaean history by means of synchronisms in accordance
with a definite scheme. The 480 years from the foundation of the temple
of Jerusalem back to the date of the exodus (1 Kings vi. 1) corresponds
to the period forward to the return from the exile (§ 20). This falls
into three equal divisions, of which the first ends with Jehoash's
temple-reforms and the second with Hezekiah's death. The kingdom of
Israel lasts exactly half the time. Of the 240 years from Jeroboam I.,
80 elapse before the Syrian wars in Ahab's reign, these cover another
80; the famous king Jeroboam II. reigns 40 years, and 40 years of
decline bring the kingdom to an end. These figures speak for themselves,
and the present chronology can be accepted only where it is
independently proved to be trustworthy (see further W. R. Smith,
_Prophets of Israel_, pp. 144-149). Next, the Judaean compiler regularly
finds in Israel's troubles the punishment for its schismatic idolatry;
nor does he spare Judah, but judges its kings by a standard which agrees
with the standpoint of Deuteronomy and is scarcely earlier than the end
of the 7th century B.C. (§§ 16, 20). But the history of (north) Israel
had naturally its own independent political backgrounds and the literary
sources contain the same internal features as the annals and prophetic
narratives which are already met with in 1 Samuel. Similarly the thread
of the Judaean annals in Kings is also found in 2 Samuel, although the
supplementary narratives in Kings are not so rich or varied as the more
popular records in the preceding books. The striking differences between
Samuel and Kings are due to differences in the writing of the history;
independent Israelite records having been incorporated with those of
Judah and supplemented (with revision) from the Judaean standpoint (see
CHRONICLES; KINGS; SAMUEL).
The Judaean compiler, with his history of the two kingdoms, looks back
upon the time when each laid the foundation of its subsequent fortunes.
His small kingdom of Judah enjoyed an unbroken dynasty which survived
the most serious crises, a temple which grew in splendour and wealth
under royal patronage, and a legitimate priesthood which owed its origin
to Zadok, the successful rival of David's priest Abiathar. Israel, on
the other hand, had signed its death-warrant by the institution of
calf-cult, a cult which, however, was scarcely recognized as contrary to
the worship of Yahweh before the denunciations of Hosea. The scantiness
of political information and the distinctive arrangement of material
preclude the attempt to trace the relative position of the two rivals.
Judah had natural connexions with Edom and southern Palestine; Israel
was more closely associated with Gilead and the Aramaeans of the north.
That Israel was the stronger may be suggested by the acquiescence of
Judah in the new situation. A diversion was caused by Shishak's
invasion, but of this reappearance of Egypt after nearly three centuries
of inactivity little is preserved in biblical history. Only the Temple
records recall the spoliation of the sanctuary of Jerusalem, and
traditions of Jeroboam I. show that Shishak's prominence was well
known.[13] Although both kingdoms suffered, common misfortune did not
throw them together. On the contrary, the statement that there was
continual warfare is supplemented in Chronicles by the story of a
victory over Israel by Abijah the son of Rehoboam. Jeroboam's son Nadab
perished in a conspiracy whilst besieging the Philistine city of
Gibbethon, and Baasha of (north) Israel seized the throne. His reign is
noteworthy for the entrance of Damascus into Palestinian politics. Its
natural fertility and its commanding position at the meeting-place of
trade-routes from every quarter made it a dominant factor until its
overthrow. In the absence of its native records its relations with
Palestine are not always clear, but it may be supposed that amid varying
political changes it was able to play a double game. According to the
annals, incessant war prevailed between Baasha and Abijah's successor,
Asa. It is understood that the former was in league with Damascus, which
had once been hostile to Solomon (1 Kings xi. 24 seq.)--it is not stated
upon whom Asa could rely. However, Baasha at length seized Ramah about
five miles north of Jerusalem, and the very existence of Judah was
threatened. Asa utilized the treasure of the Temple and palace to induce
the Syrians to break off their relations with Baasha. These sent troops
to harry north Israel, and Baasha was compelled to retire. Asa, it is
evident, was too weak to achieve the remarkable victory ascribed to him
in 2 Chron. xiv. (see ASA). As for Baasha, his short-lived dynasty
resembles that of his predecessors. His son Elah had reigned only two
years (like Ishbaal and Nadab) when he was slain in the midst of a
drunken carousal by his captain Zimri. Meanwhile the Israelite army was
again besieging the Philistines at Gibbethon, and the recurrence of
these conflicts points to a critical situation in a Danite locality in
which Judah itself (although ignored by the writers), must have been
vitally concerned. The army preferred their general Omri, and marching
upon Zimri at Tirzah burnt the palace over his head. A fresh rival
immediately appeared, the otherwise unknown Tibni, son of Ginath. Israel
was divided into two camps, until, on the death of Tibni and his brother
Joram, Omri became sole king (c. 887 B.C.). The scanty details of these
important events must naturally be contrasted with the comparatively
full accounts of earlier Philistine wars and internal conflicts in
narratives which date from this or even a later age.
10. _The Dynasty of Omri._--Omri (q.v.), the founder of one of the
greatest dynasties of Israel, was contemporary with the revival of Tyre
under Ithobaal, and the relationship between the states is seen in the
marriage of Omri's son Ahab to Jezebel, the priest-king's daughter. His
most notable recorded achievement was the subjugation of Moab and the
seizure of part of its territory. The discovery of the inscription of a
later king of Moab (q.v.) has proved that the east-Jordanic tribes were
no uncivilized or barbaric folk; material wealth, a considerable
religious and political organization, and the cultivation of letters (as
exemplified in the style of the inscription) portray conditions which
allow us to form some conception of life in Israel itself. Moreover,
Judah (now under Jehoshaphat) enjoyed intimate relations with Israel
during Omri's dynasty, and the traditions of intermarriage, and of
co-operation in commerce and war, imply what was practically a united
Palestine. Alliance with Phoenicia gave the impulse to extended
intercourse; trading expeditions were undertaken from the Gulf of Akaba,
and Ahab built himself a palace decorated with ivory. The cult of the
Baal of Tyre followed Jezebel to the royal city Samaria and even found
its way into Jerusalem. This, the natural result of matrimonial and
political alliance, already met with under Solomon, receives the usual
denunciation. The conflict between Yahweh and Baal and the defeat of the
latter are the characteristic notes of the religious history of the
period, and they leave their impression upon the records, which are now
more abundant. Although little is preserved of Omri's history, the fact
that the northern kingdom long continued to be called by the Assyrians
after his name is a significant indication of his great reputation.
Assyria[14] was now making itself felt in the west for the first time
since the days of Tiglath-Pileser I. (c. 1100 B.C.), and external
sources come to our aid. Assur-nazir-pal III. had exacted tribute from
north Syria (c. 870 B.C.), and his successor Shalmaneser II., in the
course of a series of expeditions, succeeded in gaining the greater part
of that land. A defensive coalition was formed in which the kings of
Cilicia, Hamath, the Phoenician coast, Damascus and Ammon, the Arabs of
the Syrian desert, and "Ahabbu Sirlai" were concerned. In the last, we
must recognize the Israelite Ahab. His own contribution of 10,000 men
and 12,000 chariots perhaps included levies from Judah and Moab (cf. for
the number 1 Kings x. 26). In 854 the allies at least maintained
themselves at the battle of Karkar (perhaps Apamea to the north of
Hamath). In 849 and 846 other indecisive battles were fought, but the
precise constitution of the coalition is not recorded. In 842
Shalmaneser records a campaign against Hazael of Damascus; no coalition
is mentioned, although a battle was fought at Sanir (Hermon, Deut. iii.
9), and the cities of Hauran to the south of Damascus were spoiled.
Tribute was received from Tyre and Sidon; and Jehu, who was now king of
Israel, sent his gifts of gold, silver, &c., to the conqueror. The
Assyrian inscription (the so-called "Black Obelisk" now in the British
Museum), which records the submission of the petty kings, gives an
interesting representation of the humble Israelite emissaries with their
long fringed robes and strongly marked physiognomy (see COSTUME, fig.
9). Yet another expedition in 839 would seem to show that Damascus was
neither crushed nor helpless, but thenceforth for a number of years
Assyria was fully occupied elsewhere and the west was left to itself.
The value of this external evidence for the history of Israel is
enhanced by the fact that biblical tradition associates the changes in
the thrones of Israel and Damascus with the work of the prophets Elijah
and Elisha, but handles the period without a single reference to the
Assyrian Empire. Ahab, it seems, had aroused popular resentment by
encroaching upon the rights of the people to their landed possessions;
had it not been for Jezebel (q.v.) the tragedy of Naboth would not have
occurred. The worship of Baal of Tyre roused a small circle of zealots,
and again the Phoenician marriage was the cause of the evil. We read the
history from the point of view of prophets. Elijah of Gilead led the
revolt. To one who favoured simplicity of cult the new worship was a
desecration of Yahweh, and, braving the anger of the king and queen, he
foreshadowed their fate. Hostility towards the dynasty culminated a few
years later in a conspiracy which placed on the throne the general Jehu,
the son of one Jehoshaphat (or, otherwise, of Nimshi). The work which
Elijah began was completed by Elisha, who supported Jehu and the new
dynasty. A massacre ensued in which the royal families of Israel and
Judah perished. While the extirpation of the cult of Baal was furthered
in Israel by Jonadab the Rechabite, it was the "people of the land" who
undertook a similar reform in Judah. Jehu (q.v.) became king as the
champion of the purer worship of Yahweh. The descendants of the detested
Phoenician marriage were rooted out, and unless the close intercourse
between Israel and Judah had been suddenly broken, it would be supposed
that the new king at least laid claim to the south. The events form one
of the fundamental problems of biblical history.
11. _Damascus, Israel and Judah._--The appearance of Assyria in the
Mediterranean coast-lands had produced the results which inevitably
follow when a great empire comes into contact with minor states. It
awakened fresh possibilities--successful combination against a common
foe, the sinking of petty rivalries, the chance of gaining favour by a
neutrality which was scarcely benevolent. The alliances,
counter-alliances and far-reaching political combinations which spring
up at every advance of the greater powers are often perplexing in the
absence of records of the states concerned. Even the biblical traditions
alone do not always represent the same attitude, and our present sources
preserve the work of several hands. Hazael of Damascus, Jehu of Israel
and Elisha the prophet are the three men of the new age linked together
in the words of one writer as though commissioned for like ends (1 Kings
xix. 15-17). Hostility to Phoenicia (i.e. the Baal of Tyre) is as
intelligible as a tendency to look to Aramaean neighbours. Though Elisha
sent to anoint Jehu as king, he was none the less on most intimate terms
with Bar-hadad (Old. Test. Ben-hadad) of Damascus and recognized Hazael
as its future ruler. It is a natural assumption that Damascus could
still count upon Israel as an ally in 842; not until the withdrawal of
Assyria and the accession of Jehu did the situation change. "In those
days Yahweh began to cut short" (or, altering the text, "to be angry
with") "Israel." This brief notice heralds the commencement of Hazael's
attack upon Israelite territory east of the Jordan (2 Kings x. 32). The
origin of the outbreak is uncertain. It has been assumed that Israel had
withdrawn from the great coalition, that Jehu sent tribute to
Shalmaneser to obtain that monarch's recognition, and that Hazael
consequently seized the first opportunity to retaliate. Certain
traditions, it is true, indicate that Israel had been at war with the
Aramaeans from before 854 to 842, and that Hazael was attacking Gilead
at the time when Jehu revolted; but in the midst of these are other
traditions of the close and friendly relations between Israel and
Damascus! With these perplexing data the position of Judah is
inextricably involved.
The special points which have to be noticed in the records for this
brief period (1 Kings xvii.-2 Kings xi.) concern both literary and
historical criticism.[15] A number of narratives illustrate the work
of the prophets, and sometimes purely political records appear to have
been used for the purpose (see ELIJAH; ELISHA). If Elijah is the
prophet of the fall of Omri's dynasty, Elisha is no less the prophet
of Jehu and his successors; and it is extremely probable that his
lifework was confined to the dynasty which he inaugurated.[16] In the
present narratives, however, the stories in which he possesses
influence with king and court are placed before the rise of Jehu, and
some of them point to a state of hostility with Damascus before he
foresees the atrocities which Hazael will perpetrate. But Ahab's wars
with Syria can with difficulty be reconciled with the Assyrian
evidence (see AHAB), and the narratives, largely anonymous, agree in a
singular manner with what is known of the serious conflicts which, it
is said, began in Jehu's time. Moreover, the account of the joint
undertaking by Judah (under Jehoshaphat) and Israel against Syria at
Ramoth-Gilead at the time of Ahab's death, and again (under Ahaziah)
when Jehoram was wounded, shortly before the accession of Jehu, are
historical doublets, and they can hardly be harmonized either with the
known events of 854 and 842 or with the course of the intervening
years. Further, all the traditions point clearly to the very close
union of Israel and Judah at this period, a union which is apt to be
obscured by the fact that the annalistic summaries of each kingdom are
mainly independent. Thus we may contrast the favourable Judaean view
of Jehoshaphat with the condemnation passed upon Ahab and Jezebel,
whose daughter Athaliah married Jehoram, son of Jehoshaphat. It is
noteworthy, also, that an Ahaziah and a Jehoram appear as kings of
Israel, and (in the reverse order) of Judah, and somewhat similar
incidents recur in the now separate histories of the two kingdoms. The
most striking is a great revolt in south Palestine. The alliance
between Jehoshaphat and Ahab doubtless continued when the latter was
succeeded by his son Ahaziah, and some disaster befell their trading
fleet in the Gulf of Akaba (1 Kings xxii. 48 seq.; 2 Chron. xx.
35-37). Next came the revolt of Moab (2 Kings i. 1), and Ahaziah,
after the briefest of reigns, was followed by Jehoram, whose Judaean
contemporary was Jehoshaphat (ch. iii.), or perhaps rather his own
namesake (i. 17). The popular story of Jehoram's campaign against
Moab, with which Edom was probably allied (see MOAB), hints at a
disastrous ending, and the Judaean annals, in their turn, record the
revolt of Edom and the Philistine Libnah (see PHILISTINES), and allude
obscurely to a defeat of the Judaean Jehoram (2 Kings viii. 20-22).
Further details in 2 Chron. xxi.-xxii. 1 even record an invasion of
Philistines and Arabians (? Edomites), an attack upon Jerusalem, the
removal of the palace treasures and of all the royal sons with the
sole exception of Jehoahaz, i.e. Ahaziah (see JEHORAM; JEHOSHAPHAT).
Had the two kingdoms been under a single head, these features might
find an explanation, but it must be allowed that it is extremely
difficult to fit the general situation into our present history, and
to determine where the line is to be drawn between trustworthy and
untrustworthy details. Moreover, of the various accounts of the
massacre of the princes of Judah, the Judaean ascribes it not to Jehu
and the reforming party (2 Kings x. 13 seq.) but to Athaliah (q.v.).
Only the babe Jehoash was saved, and he remained hidden in the Temple
adjoining the palace itself. The queen, Athaliah, despite the weak
state of Judah after the revolt in Philistia and Edom, actually
appears to have maintained herself for six years, until the priests
slew her in a conspiracy, overthrew the cult of Baal, and crowned the
young child. It is a new source which is here suddenly introduced,
belonging apparently to a history of the Temple; it throws no light
upon the relations between Judah with its priests and Israel with its
prophets, the circumstances of the regency under the priest Jehoiada
are ignored, and the Temple reforms occupy the first place in the
compiler's interest. The Judaean annals then relate Hazael's advance
to Gath; the city was captured and Jerusalem was saved only by using
the Temple and palace treasure as a bribe. On the other hand,
Chronicles has a different story with a novel prelude. Jehoash, it is
said, turned away from Yahweh after the death of Jehoiada and gave
heed to the Judaean nobles, "wrath came upon Judah and Jerusalem for
their guilt," prophets were sent to bring them back but they turned a
deaf ear. The climax of iniquity was the murder of Jehoiada's son
Zechariah. Soon after, a small band of Syrians entered Judah,
destroyed its princes, and sent the spoil to the king of Damascus; the
disaster is regarded as a prompt retribution (2 Chron. xxiv.). The
inferiority of Chronicles as a historical source and its varied
examples of "tendency-writing" must be set against its possible access
to traditions as trustworthy as those in Kings.[17] In the present
instance the novel details cannot be lightly brushed aside. The
position of Judah at this period must be estimated (a) from the
preceding years of intimate relationship with Israel to the accession
of Jehu, and (b) from the calamity about half a century later when
Jerusalem was sacked by Israel. The Judaean narratives do not allow us
to fill the gap or to determine whether Judaean policy under the
regent Jehoiada would be friendly or hostile to Israel, or whether
Judaean nobles may have severed the earlier bond of union. If the
latter actually occurred, the hostility of the Israelite prophets is
only to be expected. But it is to be presumed that the punishment came
from Israel--the use of Syrian mercenaries not excluded--and if,
instead of using his treasure to ward off the invasion of Syria,
Jehoash bribed Damascus to break off relations with Israel, an
alternative explanation of the origin of the Aramaean wars may be
found.[18]
12. _The Aramaean Wars._--If the records leave it uncertain (a) whether
Jehu (like Tyre and Sidon) sent tribute to Shalmaneser as a sign of
submission or, while severing relations with Hazael, sought the favour
of Assyria, and (b) whether Judah only escaped Hazael's vengeance by a
timely bribe or, in freeing itself from Israel, had bribed Hazael to
create a diversion, it appears that the southern kingdom suffered little
in the disastrous wars between Damascus and Israel. There were, indeed,
internal troubles, and Jehoash perished in a conspiracy. His son Amaziah
had some difficulty in gaining the kingdom and showed unwonted leniency
in sparing the children of his father's murderers. This was a departure
from the customs of the age, and was perhaps influenced less by
generosity than by expediency. Israel, on the other hand, was almost
annihilated. The Syrians seized Gilead, crossed over into Palestine, and
occupied the land. Jehu's son Jehoahaz saw his army made "like the dust
in threshing," and the desperate condition of the country recalls the
straits in the time of Saul (1 Sam. xiii. 6, 7, 19-22), and the days
before the great overthrow of the northern power as described in Judges
v. 6-8. The impression left by the horrors of the age is clear from the
allusions to the barbarities committed by Damascus and its Ammonite
allies upon Gilead (Amos i. 3, 13), and in the account of the interview
between Elisha and Hazael (2 Kings viii. 12). Several of the situations
can be more vividly realized from the narratives of Syrian wars ascribed
to the time of Omri's dynasty, even if these did not originally refer to
the later period. Under Joash, son of Jehoahaz, the tide turned. Elisha
was apparently the champion, and posterity told of his exploits when
Samaria was visited with the sword. Thrice Joash smote the Syrians--in
accordance with the last words of the dying prophet--and Aphek in the
Sharon plain, famous in history for Israel's disasters, now witnessed
three victories. The enemy under Hazael's son Ben-hadad (properly
Bar-hadad) was driven out and Joash regained the territory which his
father had lost (2 Kings xiii. 25); it may reasonably be supposed that a
treaty was concluded (cf. 1 Kings xx. 34). But the peace does not seem
to have been popular. The story of the last scene in Elisha's life
implies in Joash an easily contented disposition which hindered him from
completing his successes. Syria had not been crushed, and the failure to
utilize the opportunity was an act of impolitic leniency for which
Israel was bound to suffer (2 Kings xiii. 19). Elisha's indignation can
be illustrated by the denunciation passed upon an anonymous king by the
prophetic party on a similar occasion (1 Kings xx. 35-43).
At this stage it is necessary to notice the fresh invasion of Syria by
Hadad (Adad)-nirari, who besieged Mari, king of Damascus, and exacted a
heavy tribute (c. 800 B.C.). A diversion of this kind may explain the
Israelite victories; the subsequent withdrawal of Assyria may have
afforded the occasion for retaliation. Those in Israel who remembered
the previous war between Assyria and Damascus would realize the
recuperative power of the latter, and would perceive the danger of the
short-sighted policy of Joash. It is interesting to find that
Hadad-nirari claims tribute from Tyre, Sidon and Beth-Omri (Israel),
also from Edom and Palastu (Philistia). There are no signs of an
extensive coalition as in the days of Shalmaneser; Ammon is probably
included under Damascus; the position of Moab--which had freed itself
from Jehoram of Israel--can hardly be calculated. But the absence of
Judah is surprising. Both Jehoash (of Judah) and his son Amaziah left
behind them a great name; and the latter was comparable only to David (2
Kings xiv. 3). He defeated Edom in the Valley of Salt, and hence it is
conceivable that Amaziah's kingdom extended over both Edom and
Philistia. A vaunting challenge to Joash (of Israel) gave rise to one of
the two fables that are preserved in the Old Testament (Judg. ix. 8
sqq.; see ABIMELECH). It was followed by a battle at Beth-shemesh; the
scene would suggest that Philistia also was involved. The result was the
route of Judah, the capture of Amaziah, the destruction of the northern
wall of Jerusalem, the sacking of the temple and palace, and the removal
of hostages to Samaria (2 Kings xiv. 12 sqq.). Only a few words are
preserved, but the details, when carefully weighed, are extremely
significant. This momentous event for the southern kingdom was scarcely
the outcome of a challenge to a trial of strength; it was rather the
sequel to a period of smouldering jealousy and hostility.
The Judaean records have obscured the history since the days of Omri's
dynasty, when Israel and Judah were as one, when they were moved by
common aims and by a single reforming zeal, and only Israel's
vengeance gives the measure of the injuries she had received. That the
Judaean compiler has not given fuller information is not surprising;
the wonder is that he should have given so much. It is one of those
epoch-making facts in the light of which the course of the history of
the preceding and following years must be estimated. It is taken,
strangely enough, from an Israelite source, but the tone of the whole
is quite dispassionate and objective. It needs little reflection to
perceive that the position of Jerusalem and Judah was now hardly one
of independence, and the conflicting chronological notices betray the
attempt to maintain intact the thread of Judaean history. So, on the
one hand, the year of the disaster sees the death of the Israelite
king, and Amaziah survives for fifteen years, while, on the other,
twenty-seven years elapse between the battle and the accession of
Uzziah, the next king of Judah.[19]
The importance of the historical questions regarding relations between
Damascus, Israel and Judah is clear. The defeat of Syria by Joash (of
Israel) was not final. The decisive victories were gained by Jeroboam
II. He saved Israel from being blotted out, and through his successes
"the children of Israel dwelt in their tents as of old" (2 Kings xiii.
5, xiv. 26 seq.). Syria must have resumed warfare with redoubled
energy, and a state of affairs is presupposed which can be pictured
with the help of narratives that deal with similar historical
situations. In particular, the overthrow of Israel as foreshadowed in
1 Kings xxii. implies an Aramaean invasion (cf. vv. 17, 25), after a
treaty (xx. 35 sqq.), although this can scarcely be justified by the
events which followed the death of Ahab, in whose time they are now
placed.
For the understanding of these great wars between Syria and Israel
(which the traditional chronology spreads over eighty years), for the
significance of the crushing defeats and inspiring victories, and for
the alternations of despair and hope, a careful study of all the
records of relations between Israel and the north is at least
instructive, and it is important to remember that, although the
present historical outlines are scanty and incomplete, some--if not
all--of the analogous descriptions in their present form are certainly
later than the second half of the 9th century B.C., the period in
which these great events fall.[20]
13. _Political Development._--Under Jeroboam II. the borders of Israel
were restored, and in this political revival the prophets again took
part.[21] The defeat of Ben-hadad by the king of Hamath and the
quiescence of Assyria may have encouraged Israelite ambitions, but until
more is known of the campaigns of Hadad-nirari and of Shalmaneser III.
(against Damascus, 773 B.C.) the situation cannot be safely gauged. Moab
was probably tributary; the position of Judah and Edom is involved with
the chronological problems. According to the Judaean annals, the "people
of Judah" set Azariah (Uzziah) upon his father's throne; and to his long
reign of fifty-two years are ascribed conquests over Philistia and Edom,
the fortification of Jerusalem and the reorganization of the army. As
the relations with Israel are not specified, the sequel to Amaziah's
defeat is a matter for conjecture; although, when at the death of
Jeroboam Israel hastened to its end amid anarchy and dissension, it is
hardly likely that the southern kingdom was unmoved. All that can be
recognized from the biblical records, however, is the period of internal
prosperity which Israel and Judah enjoyed under Jeroboam and Uzziah
(qq.v.) respectively.
It is difficult to trace the biblical history century by century as it
reaches these last years of bitter conflict and of renewed prosperity.
The northern kingdom at the height of its power included Judah, it
extended its territory east of the Jordan towards the north and the
south, and maintained close relations with Phoenicia and the Aramaean
states. It had a national history which left its impress upon the
popular imagination, and sundry fragments of tradition reveal the pride
which the patriot felt in the past. An original close connexion is felt
with the east of the Jordan and with Gilead; stories of invasion and
conquest express themselves in varied forms. In so far as internal
wealth and luxury presuppose the control of the trade-routes, periodical
alliances are implied in which Judah, willingly or unwillingly, was
included. But the Judaean records do not allow us to trace its
independent history with confidence, and our estimate can scarcely base
itself solely upon the accidental fulness or scantiness of political
details. In the subsequent disasters of Israel (§ 15) we may perceive
the growing supremacy of Judah, and the Assyrian inscriptions clearly
indicate the dependence of Judaean politics upon its relations with Edom
and Arab tribes on the south-east and with Philistia on the west.
Whatever had been the effect of the movement of the Purasati some
centuries previously, the Philistines (i.e. the people of Philistia) are
now found in possession of a mature organization, and the Assyrian
evidence is of considerable value for an estimate of the stories of
conflict and covenant, of hostility and friendship, which were current
in south Palestine. The extension of the term "Judah" (cf. that of
"Israel" and "Samaria") is involved with the incorporation of
non-Judaean elements. The country for ten miles north of Jerusalem was
the exposed and highly debatable district ascribed to the young tribe of
Benjamin (the favourite "brother" of both Judah and Joseph; Gen.
xxxvii., xxxix. sqq.); the border-line between the rival kingdoms
oscillated, and consequently the political position of the smaller and
half-desert Judaean state depended upon the attitude of its neighbours.
It is possible that tradition is right in supposing that "Judah went
down from his brethren" (Gen. xxxviii. 1; cf. Judg. i. 3). Its monarchy
traced its origin to Hebron in the south, and its growth is contemporary
with a decline in Israel (§ 7). It is at least probable that when Israel
was supreme an independent Judah would centre around a more southerly
site than Jerusalem. It is naturally uncertain how far the traditions of
David can be utilized; but they illustrate Judaean situations when they
depict intrigues with Israelite officials, vassalage under Philistia,
and friendly relations with Moab, or when they suggest how enmity
between Israel and Ammon could be turned to useful account. Tradition,
in fact, is concentrated upon the rise of the Judaean dynasty under
David, but there are significant periods before the rise of both Jehoash
and Uzziah upon which the historical records maintain a perplexing
silence.
The Hebrews of Israel and Judah were, political history apart, men of
the same general stamp, with the same cult and custom; for the study of
religion and social usages, therefore, they can be treated as a single
people. The institution of the monarchy was opposed to the simpler
local forms of government, and a military régime had distinct
disadvantages (cf. 1 Sam. viii. 11-18). The king stood at the head, as
the court of final appeal, and upon him and his officers depended the
people's welfare. A more intricate social organization caused internal
weakness, and Eastern history shows with what rapidity peoples who have
become strong by discipline and moderation pass from the height of their
glory into extreme corruption and disintegration.[22] This was Israel's
fate. Opposition to social abuses and enmity towards religious
innovations are regarded as the factors which led to the overthrow of
Omri's dynasty by Jehu, and when Israel seemed to be at the height of
its glory under Jeroboam II. warning voices again made themselves heard.
The two factors are inseparable, for in ancient times no sharp
dividing-line was drawn between religious and civic duties:
righteousness and equity, religious duty and national custom were one.
Elaborate legal enactments codified in Babylonia by the 20th century
B.C. find striking parallels in Hebrew, late Jewish (Talmudic), Syrian
and Mahommedan law, or in the unwritten usages of all ages; for even
where there were neither written laws nor duly instituted lawgivers,
there was no lawlessness, since custom and belief were, and still are,
almost inflexible. Various collections are preserved in the Old
Testament; they are attributed to the time of Moses the lawgiver, who
stands at the beginning of Israelite national and religious history.
But many of the laws were quite unsuitable for the circumstances of
his age, and the belief that a body of intricate and even
contradictory legislation was imposed suddenly upon a people newly
emerged from bondage in Egypt raises insurmountable objections, and
underestimates the fact that legal usage existed in the earliest
stages of society, and therefore in pre-Mosaic times. The more
important question is the date of the laws in their present form and
content. Collections of laws are found in Deuteronomy and in exilic
and post-exilic writings; groups of a relatively earlier type are
preserved in Exod. xxxiv. 14-26, xx. 23-xxiii., and (of another stamp)
in Lev. xvii.-xxvi. (now in post-exilic form). For a useful conspectus
of details, see J. E. Carpenter and G. Harford-Battersby. _The
Hexateuch_ (vol. i., appendix); C. F. Kent, _Israel's Laws and Legal
Enactments_ (1907); and in general I. Benzinger, articles
"Government," "Family" and "Law and Justice," _Ency. Bib._, and G. B.
Gray, "Law Literature," ib. (the literary growth of legislation).
Reference may also be made, for illustrative material, to W. R. Smith,
_Kinship and Marriage_, _Religion of the Semites_; to E. Day, _Social
Life of the Hebrews_; and, for some comparison of customary usage in
the Semitic field, to S. A. Cook, _Laws of Moses and Code of
Hammurabi_.
14. _Religion and the Prophets._--The elements of the thought and
religion of the Hebrews do not sever them from their neighbours; similar
features of cult are met with elsewhere under different names. Hebrew
religious institutions can be understood from the biblical evidence
studied in the light of comparative religion; and without going afield
to Babylonia, Assyria or Egypt, valuable data are furnished by the cults
of Phoenicia, Syria and Arabia, and these in turn can be illustrated
from excavation and from modern custom. Every religion has its customary
cult and ritual, its recognized times, places and persons for the
observance. Worship is simpler at the smaller shrines than at the more
famous temples; and, as the rulers are the patrons of the religion and
are brought into contact with the religious personnel, the character of
the social organization leaves its mark upon those who hold religious
and judicial functions alike. The Hebrews shared the paradoxes of
Orientals, and religious enthusiasm and ecstasy were prominent features.
Seers and prophets of all kinds ranged from those who were consulted for
daily mundane affairs to those who revealed the oracles in times of
stress, from those who haunted local holy sites to those high in royal
favour, from the quiet domestic communities to the austere mountain
recluse. Among these were to be found the most sordid opportunism and
the most heroic self-effacement, the crassest supernaturalism and--the
loftiest conceptions of practical morality. A development of ideals and
a growth of spirituality can be traced which render the biblical
writings with their series of prophecies a unique phenomenon.[23] The
prophets taught that the national existence of the people was bound up
with religious and social conditions; they were in a sense the
politicians of the age, and to regard them simply as foretellers of the
future is to limit their sphere unduly. They took a keen interest in all
the political vicissitudes of the Oriental world. Men of all standards
of integrity, they were exposed to external influences, but whether
divided among themselves in their adherence to conflicting parties, or
isolated in their fierce denunciation of contemporary abuses, they
shared alike in the worship of Yahweh whose inspiration they claimed. A
recollection of the manifold forms which religious life and thought have
taken in Christendom or in Islam, and the passions which are so easily
engendered among opposing sects, will prevent a one-sided estimate of
the religious standpoints which the writings betray; and to the
recognition that they represent lofty ideals it must be added that the
great prophets, like all great thinkers, were in advance of their age.
The prophets are thoroughly Oriental figures, and the interpretation of
their profound religious experiences requires a particular sympathy
which is not inherent in Western minds. Their writings are to be
understood in the light of their age and of the conditions which gave
birth to them. With few exceptions they are preserved in fragmentary
form, with additions and adjustments which were necessary in order to
make them applicable to later conditions. When, as often, the great
figures have been made the spokesmen of the thought of subsequent
generations, the historical criticism of the prophecies becomes one of
peculiar difficulty.[24] According to the historical traditions it is
precisely in the age of Jeroboam II. and Uzziah that the first of the
extant prophecies begin (see AMOS and HOSEA). Here it is enough to
observe that the highly advanced doctrines of the distinctive character
of Yahweh, as ascribed to the 8th century B.C., presuppose a foundation
and development. But the evidence does not allow us to trace the earlier
progress of the ideas. Yahwism presents itself under a variety of
aspects, and the history of Israel's relations to the God Yahweh (whose
name is not necessarily of Israelite origin) can hardly be disentangled
amid the complicated threads of the earlier history. The view that the
seeds of Yahwism were planted in the young Israelite nation in the days
of the "exodus" conflicts with the belief that the worship of Yahweh
began in the pre-Mosaic age. Nevertheless, it implies that religion
passed into a new stage through the influence of Moses, and to this we
find a relatively less complete analogy in the specific north Israelite
traditions of the age of Jehu. The change from the dynasty of Omri to
that of Jehu has been treated by several hands, and the writers, in
their recognition of the introduction of a new tendency, have obscured
the fact that the cult of Yahweh had flourished even under such a king
as Ahab. While the influence of the great prophets Elijah and Elisha is
clearly visible, it is instructive to find that the south, too, has its
share in the inauguration of the new era. At Horeb, the mount of God,
was located the dramatic theophany which heralded to Elijah the advent
of the sword, and Jehu's supporter in his sanguinary measures belongs to
the Rechabites, a sect which felt itself to be the true worshipping
community of Yahweh and is closely associated with the Kenites, the kin
of Moses. It was at the holy well of Kadesh, in the sacred mounts of
Sinai and Horeb, and in the field of Edom that the Yahweh of Moses was
found, and scattered traces survive of a definite belief in the entrance
into Palestine of a movement uncompromisingly devoted to the purer
worship of Yahweh. The course of the dynasty of Jehu--the reforms, the
disastrous Aramaean wars, and, at length, Yahweh's "arrow of
victory"--constituted an epoch in the Israelite history, and it is
regarded as such.[25]
The problem of the history of Yahwism depends essentially upon the
view adopted as to the date and origin of the biblical details and
their validity for the various historical and religious conditions
they presuppose. Yahwism is a religion which appears upon a soil
saturated with ideas and usages which find their parallel in
extra-biblical sources and in neighbouring lands. The problem cannot
be approached from modern preconceptions because there was much
associated with the worship of Yahweh which only gradually came to be
recognized as repugnant, and there was much in earlier ages and in
other lands which reflects an elevated and even complex religious
philosophy. In the south of the Sinaitic peninsula, remains have been
found of an elaborate half-Egyptian, half-Semitic cultus (Petrie,
_Researches in Sinai_, xiii.), and not only does Edom possess some
reputation for "wisdom," but, where this district is concerned, the
old Arabian religion (whose historical connexion with Palestine is
still imperfectly known) claims some attention. The characteristic
denunciations of corruption and lifeless ritual in the writings of the
prophets and the emphasis which is laid upon purity and simplicity of
religious life are suggestive of the influence of the nomadic spirit
rather than of an internal evolution on Palestinian soil. Desert
pastoral life does not necessarily imply any intellectual inferiority,
and its religious conceptions, though susceptible of modification, are
not artificially moulded through the influence of other civilizations.
Nomadic life is recognized by Arabian writers themselves as possessing
a relative superiority, and its characteristic purity of manner and
its reaction against corruption and luxury are not incompatible with a
warlike spirit. If nomadism may be recognized as one of the factors in
the growth of Yahwism, there is something to be said for the
hypothesis which associates it with the clans connected with the
Levites (see E. Meyer, _Israeliten_, pp. 82 sqq.; B. Luther, ib. 138).
It is, however, obvious that the influence due to immigrants could be,
and doubtless was, exerted at more than one period (see §§ 18, 20;
also HEBREW RELIGION; PRIEST).
15. _The Fall of the Israelite Monarchy._--The prosperity of Israel was
its undoing. The disorders that hastened its end find an analogy in the
events of the more obscure period after the death of the earlier
Jeroboam. Only the briefest details are given. Zechariah was slain after
six months by Shallum ben Jabesh in Ibleam; but the usurper fell a month
later to Menahem (q.v.), who only after much bloodshed established his
position. Assyria again appeared upon the scene under Tiglath-pileser
IV. (745-728 B.C.).[26] His approach was the signal for the formation of
a coalition, which was overthrown in 738. Among those who paid tribute
were Rasun (the biblical Rezin) of Damascus, Menahem of Samaria, the
kings of Tyre, Byblos and Hamath and the queen of Aribi (Arabia, the
Syrian desert). Israel was once more in league with Damascus and
Phoenicia, and the biblical records must be read in the light of
political history. Judah was probably holding aloof. Its king, Uzziah,
was a leper in his latter days, and his son and regent, Jotham, claims
notice for the circumstantial reference (2 Chron. xxvii.; cf. xxvi. 8)
to his subjugation of Ammon--the natural allies of Damascus--for three
years. Scarcely had Assyria withdrawn before Menahem lost his life in a
conspiracy, and Pekah with the help of Gilead made himself king. The new
movement was evidently anti-Assyrian, and strenuous endeavours were made
to present a united front. It is suggestive to find Judah the centre of
attack.[27] Rasun and Pekah directed their blows from the north,
Philistia threatened the west flank, and the Edomites who drove out the
Judaeans from Elath (on the Gulf of 'Akaba) were no doubt only taking
their part in the concerted action. A more critical situation could
scarcely be imagined. The throne of David was then occupied by the young
Ahaz, Jotham's son. In this crisis we meet with Isaiah (q.v.), one of
the finest of Hebrew prophets. The disorganized state of Egypt and the
uncertain allegiance of the desert tribes left Judah without direct aid;
on the other hand, opposition to Assyria among the conflicting interests
of Palestine and Syria was rarely unanimous. Either in the natural
course of events--to preserve the unity of his empire--or influenced by
the rich presents of gold and silver with which Ahaz accompanied his
appeal for help, Tiglath-pileser intervened with campaigns against
Philistia (734 B.C.) and Damascus (733-732). Israel was punished by the
ravaging of the northern districts, and the king claims to have carried
away the people of "the house of Omri." Pekah was slain and one Hoshea
(q.v.) was recognized as his successor. Assyrian officers were placed in
the land and Judah thus gained its deliverance at the expense of Israel.
But the proud Israelites did not remain submissive for long; Damascus
had indeed fallen, but neither Philistia nor Edom had yet been crushed.
At this stage a new problem becomes urgent. A number of petty peoples,
of whom little definite is known, fringed Palestine from the south of
Judah and the Delta to the Syrian desert. They belong to an area which
merges itself in the west into Egypt, and Egypt in fact had a hereditary
claim upon it. Continued intercourse between Egypt, Gaza and north
Arabia is natural in view of the trade-routes which connected them, and
on several occasions joint action on the part of Edomites (with allied
tribes) and the Philistines is recorded, or may be inferred. The part
played by Egypt proper in the ensuing anti-Assyrian combinations is not
clearly known; with a number of petty dynasts fomenting discontent and
revolt, there was an absence of cohesion in that ancient empire previous
to the rise of the Ethiopian dynasty. Consequently the references to
"Egypt" (Heb. _Misrayim_, Ass. _Musri_) sometimes suggest that the
geographical term was really extended beyond the bounds of Egypt proper
towards those districts where Egyptian influence or domination was or
had been recognized (see further MIZRAIM).