FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS.

Fellow-Citizens: About to undertake the arduous duties that I have been

appointed to perform by the choice of a free people, I avail myself of

this customary and solemn occasion to express the gratitude which their

confidence inspires and to acknowledge the accountability which my

situation enjoins. While the magnitude of their interests convinces me

that no thanks can be adequate to the honor they have conferred, it

admonishes me that the best return I can make is the zealous dedication

of my humble abilities to their service and their good.

As the instrument of the Federal Constitution it will devolve on me for

a stated period to execute the laws of the United States, to superintend

their foreign and their confederate relations, to manage their revenue,

to command their forces, and, by communications to the Legislature, to

watch over and to promote their interests generally. And the principles

of action by which I shall endeavor to accomplish this circle of duties

it is now proper for me briefly to explain.

In administering the laws of Congress I shall keep steadily in view the

limitations as well as the extent of the Executive power, trusting

thereby to discharge the functions of my office without transcending its

authority. With foreign nations it will be my study to preserve peace

and to cultivate friendship on fair and honorable terms, and in the

adjustment of any differences that may exist or arise to exhibit the

forbearance becoming a powerful nation rather than the sensibility

belonging to a gallant people.

In such measures as I may be called on to pursue in regard to the rights

of the separate States I hope to be animated by a proper respect for

those sovereign members of our Union, taking care not to confound the

powers they have reserved to themselves with those they have granted to

the Confederacy.

The management of the public revenue--that searching operation in all

governments--is among the most delicate and important trusts in ours,

and it will, of course, demand no inconsiderable share of my official

solicitude. Under every aspect in which it can be considered it would

appear that advantage must result from the observance of a strict and

faithful economy. This I shall aim at the more anxiously both because it

will facilitate the extinguishment of the national debt, the unnecessary

duration of which is incompatible with real independence, and because it

will counteract that tendency to public and private profligacy which a

profuse expenditure of money by the Government is but too apt to

engender. Powerful auxiliaries to the attainment of this desirable end

are to be found in the regulations provided by the wisdom of Congress

for the specific appropriation of public money and the prompt

accountability of public officers.

With regard to a proper selection of the subjects of impost with a view

to revenue, it would seem to me that the spirit of equity, caution, and

compromise in which the Constitution was formed requires that the great

interests of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures should be equally

favored, and that perhaps the only exception to this rule should consist

in the peculiar encouragement of any products of either of them that may

be found essential to our national independence.

Internal improvement and the diffusion of knowledge, so far as they can

be promoted by the constitutional acts of the Federal Government, are of

high importance.

Considering standing armies as dangerous to free governments in time of

peace, I shall not seek to enlarge our present establishment, nor

disregard that salutary lesson of political experience which teaches

that the military should be held subordinate to the civil power. The

gradual increase of our Navy, whose flag has displayed in distant climes

our skill in navigation and our fame in arms; the preservation of our

forts, arsenals, and dockyards, and the introduction of progressive

improvements in the discipline and science of both branches of our

military service are so plainly prescribed by prudence that I should be

excused for omitting their mention sooner than for enlarging on their

importance. But the bulwark of our defense is the national militia,

which in the present state of our intelligence and population must

render us invincible. As long as our Government is administered for the

good of the people, and is regulated by their will; as long as it

secures to us the rights of person and of property, liberty of

conscience and of the press, it will be worth defending; and so long as

it is worth defending a patriotic militia will cover it with an

impenetrable aegis. Partial injuries and occasional mortifications we

may be subjected to, but a million of armed freemen, possessed of the

means of war, can never be conquered by a foreign foe. To any just

system, therefore, calculated to strengthen this natural safeguard of

the country I shall cheerfully lend all the aid in my power.

It will be my sincere and constant desire to observe toward the Indian

tribes within our limits a just and liberal policy, and to give that

humane and considerate attention to their rights and their wants which

is consistent with the habits of our Government and the feelings of our

people.

The recent demonstration of public sentiment inscribes on the list of

Executive duties, in characters too legible to be overlooked, the task

of _reform_, which will require particularly the correction of those

abuses that have brought the patronage of the Federal Government into

conflict with the freedom of elections, and the counteraction of those

causes which have disturbed the rightful course of appointment and have

placed or continued power in unfaithful or incompetent hands.

In the performance of a task thus generally delineated I shall endeavor

to select men whose diligence and talents will insure in their

respective stations able and faithful cooperation, depending for the

advancement of the public service more on the integrity and zeal of the

public officers than on their numbers.

A diffidence, perhaps too just, in my own qualifications will teach me

to look with reverence to the examples of public virtue left by my

illustrious predecessors, and with veneration to the lights that flow

from the mind that founded and the mind that reformed our system. The

same diffidence induces me to hope for instruction and aid from the

coordinate branches of the Government, and for the indulgence and

support of my fellow-citizens generally. And a firm reliance on the

goodness of that Power whose providence mercifully protected our

national infancy, and has since upheld our liberties in various

vicissitudes, encourages me to offer up my ardent supplications that He

will continue to make our beloved country the object of His divine care

and gracious benediction.

A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents. Volume 2, part 3: Andrew Jackson, 1st term · 第 9 / 244 题