Buddhist scriptures and the Buddha, while by no means accepting their
views, treats them with tolerance. Thus he bade Siha, General of the
Licchavis, who became his disciple after being an adherent of Nâtaputta
to continue to give alms as before to Nigaṇṭha ascetics (Mahâvag. VI.
32).]
[Footnote 267: Especially among the Âjîvikas. Their leader Gosâla had a
personal quarrel with Mahâvîra but his teaching was almost identical
except that he was a fatalist.]
[Footnote 268: Uttarâdhyâyana. XXIII. 29.]
[Footnote 269: According to Śvetâmbara tradition there was a great
schism 609 years after Mahâvîra's death. The canon was not fixed until
904 (? 454 A.D.) of the same era. The Digambara traditions are different
but appear to be later.]
[Footnote 270: See especially Guérinot, _Répertoire d'Éipigraphie
Jaina_]
[Footnote 271: So Bühler, Pillar Edict no. VIII. Senart Inscrip. de
Piyadasi II. 97 translates somewhat differently, but the reference to
the Jains is not disputed.]
[Footnote 272: Rock Edict VI.]
[Footnote 273: Rice _(Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions_, 1909, p.
310) thinks that certain inscriptions at Sravana Belgola in Mysore
establish that this tradition is true and also that the expedition was
accompanied by King Candragupta who had abdicated and become a Jain
ascetic. But this interpretation has been much criticised. It is
probably true that a migration occurred and increased the differences
which ultimately led to the division into Śvetâmbaras and Digambaras.]
[Footnote 274: Guérinot, _Épig. Jaina_, no. 11.]
[Footnote 275: Rice, _Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions_, 1909, pp.
113-114, 207-208.]
[Footnote 276: Similar tolerance is attested by inscriptions (_e.g._
Guérinot, nos. 522 and 5776) recording donations to both Jain and Saiva
temples.]
[Footnote 277: They also make a regular practice of collecting and
rearing young animals which the owners throw away or wish to kill.]
[Footnote 278: Or Sthânakavâsi. See for them _Census of India_, 1911, 1.
p. 127 and _Baroda_, p. 93. The sect waa founded about A.D. 1653.]
[Footnote 279: Their names are as follows in Jain Prakrit, the Sanskrit
equivalent being given in bracketa:
1. *Âyârângasuttam (Âcârânga).
2. *Sûyagadangam (Sûtrakṛitângam).
3. Thânangam (Sthâ.).
4. Samavâyangam.
5. Viyâhapaññatti (Vyâkhyâprajnâpti). This work is commonly known
as the Bhagavatî.
6. Ñâyâdhammakahâo (Jñâtadharmakathâ).
7. *Uvâsagadasao (Upâsakadasâh).
8. *Antagadadasao (Antakritad.).
9. *Anuttarovavâidasâo (Anuttaraupapâtikad.).
10. Panhâvâgaranâim (Prasnavyakaraṇâni).
11. Vivâgasuyam (Vipâkasrutam).
The books marked with an asterisk have been translated by Jacobi
(_S.B.E._ vols. XXII. and XIV.), Hoernle and Barnett. See too Weber,
_Indischie Studien_, Bd. XVI. pp. 211-479 and Bd. XVIII. pp. 1-90.]
[Footnote 280: It is called Ârsha or Ardha-Mâgadhi and is the literary
form of the vernacular of Berar in the early centuries of the Christian
era. See H. Jacobi, Ausgewählte Erzählungen in _Maharashtri_, and
introduction to edition of _Ayarânga-sutta_.]
[Footnote 281: The titles given in note 2 illustrate aome of its
peculiarities.]
[Footnote 282: When I visited Sravana Belgola in 1910, the head of the
Jains there, who professed to be a Digambara, though dressed in purple
raiment, informed me that their sacred works were partly in Sanskrit and
partly in Prakrit. He showed me a book called Trilokasâra.]
[Footnote 283: But see Jagmanderlal Jaini, l.c. appendix V.]
[Footnote 284: Compare for instance Uttarâdyayana X., XXIII. and XXV.
with the Sutta-Nipâta and Dhammapada.]
[Footnote 285: I have only visited establishments in towns. Possibly
Yatis who follow a severer rule may be found in the country, especially
among Digambaras.]
[Footnote 286: In Gujarat they are called Cho-mukhji and it is said that
when a Tîrthankara preached in the midst of his audience each side saw
him facing them. In Burma the four figures are generally said to be the
last four Buddhas.]
[Footnote 287: This seems clear from the presence in Burma of the
curvilinear sikra and even of copies of Indian temples, _e.g._ of
Bodh-Gaya at Pagan. Burmese pilgrims to Gaya might easily have visited
Mt Parasnath on their way.]
[Footnote 288: I have this information from the Jain Guru at Sravana
Belgola. He said that Gomateśvara (who seems unknown to the Śvetâmbaras)
waa a Kevalin but not a Tîrthankara.]
[Footnote 289: Two others, rather smaller, are known, one at Karkâl
(dated 1431) and one at Yannur. These images are honoured at occasional
festivals (one was held at Sravana Belgola in 1910) attended by a
considerable concourse of Jains. The type of the statues is not
Buddhist. They are nude and represent sages meditating in a standing
position whereas Buddhists prescribe a sitting posture for meditation.]
[Footnote 290: The mountain of Satrunjaya rises above Palitâna, the
capital of a native state in Gujarat. Other collections of temples are
found on the hill of Parasnath in Bengal, at Sonâgir near Datiâ, and
Muktagiri near Gâwîlgarh. There are also a good many on the hills above
Rajgîr.]
[Footnote 291: The strength of Buddhism in Burma and Siam is no doubt
largely due to the fact that custom obliges every one to spend part of
his life—if only a few days—as a member of the order.]
[Footnote 292: One might perhaps add to this list the Skoptsy of Russia
and the Armenian colonies in many European and Asiatic towns.]
[Footnote 293: Throughout this book I have not hesitated to make use of
the many excellent translations of Pali works which have been published.
Students of Indian religion need hardly be reminded how much our
knowledge of Pali writings and of early Buddhism owes to the labours of
Professor and Mrs Rhys Davids.]
[Footnote 294: Sanskrit Sûtra, Pali Sutta. But the use of the words is
not quite the same in Buddhist and Brahmanic literature. A Buddhist
sutta or sûtra is a discourse, whether in Pali or in Sanskrit; a
Brahmanic sûtra is an aphorism. But the 227 divisions of the Pâtimokkha
are called Suttas, so that the word may have been originally used in
Pali to denote short statements of a single point. The longer Suttas are
often called Suttanta.]
[Footnote 295: _E.g._ Maj. Nik. 123 about the marvels attending the
birth of a Buddha.]
[Footnote 296: See some further remarks on this subject at the end of
chap. XIII. (on the Canon).]
[Footnote 297: Also Sakya or Sakka. The Sanskrit form is Śâkya.]
[Footnote 298: See among other passages the Ambaṭṭha Sutta of the Dîgha
Nikâya in which Ambattha relates how he saw the Sâkyas, old and young,
sitting on grand seats in this hall.]
[Footnote 299: But in Cullavagga VII. 1 Bhaddiya, a cousin of the Buddha
who is described as being the Râjâ at that time, says when thinking of
renouncing the world "Wait whilst I hand over the kingdom to my sons and
my brothers," which seems to imply that the kingdom was a family
possession. Rajja perhaps means Consulship in the Roman sense rather
than kingdom.]
[Footnote 300: E.g. the Sonadaṇḍa and Kûṭadanta Suttas of the Dîgha
Nikâya.]
[Footnote 301: Sanskrit Kapilavastu: red place or red earth.]
[Footnote 302: Tradition is unanimous that he died in his eightieth year
and hitherto it has been generally supposed that this was about 487
B.C., so that he would have been born a little before 560. But Vincent
Smith now thinks that he died about 543 B.C. See _J.R.A.S._ 1918, p.
547. He was certainly contemporary with kings Bimbisâra and Ajâtasattu,
dying in the reign of the latter. His date therefore depends on the
chronology of the Śaisunâga and Nanda dynasties, for which new data are
now available.]
[Footnote 303: It was some time before the word came to mean definitely
the Buddha. In Udâna 1.5, which is not a very early work, a number of
disciples including Devadatta are described as being all _Buddhâ_.]
[Footnote 304: The Chinese translators render this word by Ju-lai (he
who has come thus). As they were in touch with the best Indian
tradition, this translation seems to prove that Tathâgata is equivalent
to Tathâ-âgata not to Tâtha-gata and the meaning must be, he who has
come in the proper manner; a holy man who conforms to a type and is one
in a series of Buddhas or Jinas.]
[Footnote 305: See the article on the neighbouring country of Magadha in
Macdonell and Keith's _Vedic Index_.]
[Footnote 306: Cf. the Ratthapâla-sutta.]
[Footnote 307: Mahâv. I. 54. 1.]
[Footnote 308: Devadûtavagga. Ang. Nik. III. 35.]
[Footnote 309: But the story is found in the Mahâpadâna-sutta. See also
Winternitz, _J.R.A.S._ 1911, p. 1146.]
[Footnote 310: He mentions that he had three palaces or houses, for the
hot, cold and rainy seasons respectively, but this is not necessarily
regal for the same words are used of Yasa, the son of a Treasurer
(Mahâv. 1. 7. 1) and Anuruddha, a Sâkyan noble (Cullav. VII. 1. 1).]
[Footnote 311: In the Sonadaṇḍa-sutta and elsewhere.]
[Footnote 312: The Pabbajjâ-sutta.]
[Footnote 313: Maj. Nik. Ariyapariyesana-sutta. It is found in
substantially the same form in the Mahâsaccaka-sutta and the
Bodhirâjakumâra-sutta.]
[Footnote 314: The teaching of Alâra Kâlâma led to rebirth in the sphere
called akiñcañ-ñâyatanam or the sphere in which nothing at all is
specially present to the mind and that of Uddaka Râmaputta to rebirth in
the sphere where neither any idea nor the absence of any idea is
specially present to the mind. These expressions occur elsewhere (_e.g._
in the Mahâparinibbâna-sutta) as names of stages in meditation or of
incorporeal worlds (arûpabrahmâloka) where those states prevail. Some
mysterious utterances of Uddaka are preserved in Sam. Nik. XXXV. 103.]
[Footnote 315: Underhill, _Introd. to Mysticism_, p. 387.]
[Footnote 316: Sam. Nik. XXXVI. 19.]
[Footnote 317: The Lalita Vistara says Alâra lived at Vesâlî and Uddaka
in Magadha.]
[Footnote 318: The following account is based on Maj. Nik. suttas 85 and
26. Compare the beginning of the Mahâvagga of the Vinaya.]
[Footnote 319: Maj. Nik. 12. See too Dig. Nik. 8.]
[Footnote 320: If this discourse is regarded as giving in substance
Gotama's own version of his experiences, it need not be supposed to mean
much more than that his good angel (in European language) bade him not
take his own life. But the argument represented as appealing to him was
that if spirits sustained him with supernatural nourishment, entire
abstinence from food would be a useless pretence.]
[Footnote 321: The remarkable figures known as "fasting Buddhas" in
Lahore Museum and elsewhere represent Gotama in this condition and show
very plainly the falling in of the belly.]
[Footnote 322: Âsava. The word appears to mean literally an intoxicating
essence. See _e.g._ Vinaya, vol. IV. p. 110 (Rhys Davids and Oldenburg's
ed.). Cf. the use of the word in Sanskrit.]
[Footnote 323: Nâparam itthattâyâti. Itthattam is a substantive formed
from ittham thus. It was at this time too that he thought out the chain
of causation.]
[Footnote 324: Tradition states that it was on this occasion that he
uttered the well-known stanzas now found in the Dhammapada 154-5 (cf.
Theragâthâ 183) in which he exults in having, after long search in
repeated births, found the maker of the house. "Now, O maker of the
house thou art seen: no more shalt thou make a house." The lines which
follow are hard to translate. The ridge-pole of the house has been
destroyed (visankhitaṃ more literally de-com-posed) and so the mind
passes beyond the sankhâras (visankhâragataṃ). The play of words in
visankhitaṃ and visankhâra can hardly be rendered in English.]
[Footnote 325: As Rhys Davids observes, this expression means "to found
the Kingdom of Righteousness" but the metaphor is to make the wheels of
the chariot of righteousness move unopposed over all the Earth.]
[Footnote 326: At the modern Sarnath.]
[Footnote 327: It is from this point that he begins to use this title in
speaking of himself.]
[Footnote 328: Similar heavenly messages were often received by
Christian mystics and were probably true as subjective experiences. Thus
Suso was visited one Whitsunday by a heavenly messenger who bade him
cease his mortifications.]
[Footnote 329: It is the Pipal tree or Ficus religiosa, as is mentioned
in the Dîgha Nikâya, XIV. 30, not the Banyan. Its leaves have long
points and tremble continually. Popular fancy says this is in memory of
the tremendous struggle which they witnessed.]
[Footnote 330: Such are the Padhâna-sutta of the Sutta-Nipâta which has
an air of antiquity and the tales in the Mahâvagga of the
Saṃyutta-Nikâya. The Mahâvagga of the Vinaya (I. 11 and 13) mentions
such an encounter but places it considerably later after the conversion
of the five monks and of Yasa.]
[Footnote 331: The text is also found in the Saṃyutta-Nikâya.]
[Footnote 332: Concisely stated as suffering, the cause of suffering,
the suppression of suffering and the method of effecting that
suppression.]
[Footnote 333: Writers on Buddhism use this word in various forms,
arhat, arahat and arahant. Perhaps it is best to use the Sanskrit form
arhat just as karma and nirvana are commonly used instead of the Pali
equivalents.]
[Footnote 334: I.15-20.]
[Footnote 335: Brahmayoni. I make this suggestion about grass fires
because I have myself watched them from this point.]
[Footnote 336: This meal, the only solid one in the day, was taken a
little before midday.]
[Footnote 337: I. 53-54.]
[Footnote 338: His father.]
[Footnote 339: _I.e._ the Buddha's former wife.]
[Footnote 340: Half brother of the Buddha and Suddhodana'a son by
Mahâprajâpatî.]
[Footnote 341: Jâtaka, 356.]
[Footnote 342: Mahâvag. III. 1.]
[Footnote 343: Thus we hear how Dasama of Atthakam (Maj. Nik. 52) built
one for fifteen hundred monks, and Ghotamukha another in Pataliputta,
which bore his name.]
[Footnote 344: Maj. Nik. 53.]
[Footnote 345: Cullavag. VI. 4.]
[Footnote 346: Probably sheds consisting of a roof set on posts, but
without walls.]
[Footnote 347: Translated by Rhys Davids, _American Lectures_, pp. 108
ff.]
[Footnote 348: _E.g._ Maj. Nik. 62.]
[Footnote 349: But in Maj. Nik. II. 5 he says he is not bound by rules
as to eating.]
[Footnote 350: Maj. Nik. 147.]
[Footnote 351: In an exceedingly curious passage (Dig. Nik. IV.) the
Brahman Sonadaṇḍa, while accepting the Buddha's teaching, asks to be
excused from showing the Buddha such extreme marks of respect as rising
from his seat or dismounting from his chariot, on the ground that his
reputation would suffer. He proposes and apparently is allowed to
substitute less demonstrative salutations.]
[Footnote 352: Cullavagga V. 21 and Maj. Nik. 85.]
[Footnote 353: Visâkhâ, a lady of noted piety. It was probably a raised
garden planted with trees.]
[Footnote 354: Maj. Nik. 110.]
[Footnote 355: Dig. Nik. No. 2. Compare Jâtaka 150, which shows how much
variation was permitted in the words ascribed to the Buddha.]
[Footnote 356: Sam. Nik. XLII. 7.]
[Footnote 357: Mahâparinib-sutta, 6. 20. The monk Subhadda, in whose
mouth these words are put, was apparently not the person of the same
name who was the last convert made by the Buddha when dying.]
[Footnote 358: His personal name was Upatissa.]
[Footnote 359: This position was also held, previously no doubt, by
Sagata.]
[Footnote 360: Mahavâg. X. 2. Compare the singular anecdote in VI. 22
where the Buddha quite unjustifiably suspects a Doctor of making an
indelicate joke. The story seems to admit that the Buddha might be wrong
and also that he was sometimes treated with want of respect.]
[Footnote 361: VII. 2 ff.]
[Footnote 362: The introductions to Jâtakas 26 and 150 say that
Ajâtasattu built a great monastery for him at Gayâsîsa.]
[Footnote 363: The Buddha says so himself (Dig. Nik. II.) but does not
mention the method.]
[Footnote 364: The Dhamma-sangaṇī defines courtesy as being of two
kinds: hospitality and considerateness in matters of doctrine.]
[Footnote 365: Maj. Nik. 75.]
[Footnote 366: Mahāv. vi. 31. 11.]
[Footnote 367: Cullavag. x. 1. 3.]
[Footnote 368: Mahâparinib. V. 23. Perhaps the Buddha was supposed to be
giving Ânanda last warnings about his besetting weakness.]
[Footnote 369: Udâna 1. 8.]
[Footnote 370: Compare too the language of Angela of Foligno (1248-1309)
"By God's will there died my mother who was a great hindrance unto me in
following the way of God: my husband died likewise and all my children.
And because I had commenced to follow the aforesaid way and had prayed
God that he would rid me of them, I had great consolation of their
deaths, although I did also feel some grief." Beatae Angelae de Fulginio
Visionum et Instructionum Liber. Cap. ix.]
[Footnote 371: No account of this event has yet been found in the
earliest texts but it is no doubt historical. The versions found in the
Jâtaka and Commentaries trace it back to a quarrel about a marriage, but
the story is not very clear or consistent and the real motive was
probably that indicated above.]
[Footnote 372: See Rhys Davids, _Dialogues_, II. p. 70 and Przyluski's
articles (in _J.A_. 1918 ff.) Le Parinirvana et les funérailles du
Bouddha where the Pali texts are compared with the Mûlasarvâstivâdin
Vinaya and with other accounts.]
[Footnote 373: This was probably written after Pâṭaliputra had become a
great city but we do not know when its rise commenced.]
[Footnote 374: She was a noted character in Vesâlî. In Mahâvag. viii. 1,
people are represented as saying that it was through her the place was
so flourishing and that it would be a good thing if there were some one
like her in Râjagaha.]
[Footnote 375: The whole passage is interesting as displaying even in
the Pali Canon the germs of the idea that the Buddha is an eternal
spirit only partially manifested in the limits of human life. In the
Mahâparinib.-sutta Gotama is only voluntarily subject to natural death.]
[Footnote 376: The phrase occurs again in the Sutta-Nipâta. Its meaning
is not clear to me.]
[Footnote 377: The text seems to represent him as crossing first a
streamlet and then the river.]
[Footnote 378: It is not said how much time elapsed between the meal at
Cunda's and the arrival at Kusinârâ but since it was his last meal, he
probably arrived the same afternoon.]
[Footnote 379: Cf. Lyall's poem, on a Rajput Chief of the Old School,
who when nearing his end has to leave his pleasure garden in order that
he may die in the ancestral castle.]
[Footnote 380: Dig. Nik. 17 and Jâtaka 95.]
[Footnote 381: It is said that this discipline was efficacious and that
Channa became an Arhat.]
[Footnote 382: It is difficult to find a translation of these words
which is both accurate and natural in the mouth of a dying man. The Pali
text _vayadhammâ saṅkhârâ_ (transitory-by-nature are the Saṅkhâras) is
brief and simple but any correct and adequate rendering sounds
metaphysical and is dramatically inappropriate. Perhaps the rendering
"All compound things must decompose" expresses the Buddha's meaning
best. But the verbal antithesis between compound and decomposing is not
in the original and though saṅkhâra is etymologically the equivalent of
confection or synthesis it hardly means what we call a compound thing as
opposed to a simple thing.]
[Footnote 383: The Buddha before his death had explained that the corpse
of a Buddha should be treated like the corpse of a universal monarch. It
should be wrapped in layers of new cloth and laid in an iron vessel of
oil. Then it should be burnt and a Dagoba should be erected at four
cross roads.]
[Footnote 384: The Mallas had two capitals, Kusinârâ and Pâvâ,
corresponding to two subdivisions of the tribe.]
[Footnote 385: Theragâthâ 557 ff. Water to refresh tired and dusty feet
is commonly offered to anyone who comes from a distance.]
[Footnote 386: Mahâvag. VIII. 26.]
[Footnote 387: _E.g._ Therîgâthâ 133 ff. It should also be remembered
that orientals, particularly Chinese and Japanese, find Christ's
behaviour to his mother as related in the gospels very strange.]
[Footnote 388: _E.g._ Roja, the Malta, in Mahâvag. VI. 36 and the
account of the interview with the Five Monks in the Nidânakathâ (Rhys
Davids, _Budd. Birth Stories_, p. 112).]
[Footnote 389: _E.g._ Maj. Nik. 36.]
[Footnote 390: Dig. Nik. XVII. and V.]
[Footnote 391: Maj. Nik. 57.]
[Footnote 392: Mahâparib. Sutta, I. 61.]
[Footnote 393: The earliest sources for these legends are the Mahâvastu,
the Sanskrit Vinayas (preserved in Chinese translations), the Lalita
Vistara, the Introduction to the Jâtaka and the Buddha-carita. For
Burmese, Sinhalese, Tibetan and Chinese lives of the Buddha, see the
works of Bigandet, Hardy, Rockhill and Schiefner, Wieger and Beal. See
also Foucher, _Liste indienne des actes du Buddha_ and Hackin, _Scènes
de la Vie du Buddha d'après des peintures tibétaines_.]
[Footnote 394: It was the full moon of the month Vaiśâkha.]
[Footnote 395: The best known of the later biographies of the Buddha,
such as the Lalita Vistara and the Buddha-carita of Aśvaghosha stop
short after the Enlightenment.]
[Footnote 396: There are some curious coincidences of detail between the
Buddha and Confucius. Both disliked talking about prodigies (Analects.
V11. 20) Confucius concealed nothing from his disciples (ib. 23), just
as the Buddha had no "closed fist," but he would not discuss the
condition of the dead (Anal. xi. 11), just as the Buddha held it
unprofitable to discuss the fate of the saint after death. Neither had
any great opinion of the spirits worshipped in their respective
countries.]
[Footnote 397: Maj. Nik. 143.]
[Footnote 398: The miraculous cure of Suppiyâ (Mahâvag. VI. 23) is no
exception. She was ill not because of the effects of Karma but because,
according to the legend, she had cut off a piece of her flesh to cure a
sick monk who required meat broth. The Buddha healed her.]
[Footnote 399: The most human and kindly portrait of the Buddha is that
furnished by the Commentary on the Thera- and Therî-gâthâ. See
Thera-gâthâ xxx, xxxi and Mrs Rhys Davids' trans. of _Therî-gâthâ_, pp.
71, 79.]
[Footnote 400: John xvii. 9. But he prayed for his executioners.]
[Footnote 401: John vii. 19-20.]
[Footnote 402: See chap. VIII. of this book.]
[Footnote 403: Cullavag, IX, I. IV.]
[Footnote 404: Sam. Nik. LVI. 31.]
[Footnote 405: Udâna VI. 4. The story is that a king bade a number of
blind men examine an elephant and describe its shape. Some touched the
legs, some the tusks, some the tail and so on and gave descriptions
accordingly, but none had any idea of the general shape.]
[Footnote 406: Or "determined."]
[Footnote 407: Or form: _rûpa_.]
[Footnote 408: The word Jiva, sometimes translated _soul_, is not
equivalent to _âtman_. It seems to be a general expression for all the
immaterial side of a human being. It is laid down (Dig. Nik. VI. and
VII.) that it is fruitless to speculate whether the Jiva is distinct
from the body or not.]
[Footnote 409: Saññâ like many technical Buddhist terms is difficult to
render adequately, because it does not cover the same ground as any one
English word. Its essential meaning is recognition by a mark. When we
perceive a blue thing we recognize it as blue and as like other blue
things that we have marked. See Mrs Rhys Davids, Dhamma-Sangaṇi, p. 8.]
[Footnote 410: The Saṃyutta-Nikâya XXII. 79. 8 states that the Sankhâras
are so-called because they compose what is compound (sankhatam).]
[Footnote 411: Maj. Nik. 44.]
[Footnote 412: In this sense Sankhâra has also some affinity to the
Sanskrit use of Saṃskâra to mean a sacramental rite. It is the essential
nature of such a rite to produce a special effect. So too the Sankhâras
present in one existence inevitably produce their effect in the next
existence. For Sankhâra see also the long note by S.Z. Aung at the end
of the _Compendium of Philosophy_ (P.T.S. 1910).]
[Footnote 413: The use of this word for Viññâṇa is, I believe, due to
Mrs Rhys Davids.]
[Footnote 414: See especially Maj. Nik. 38.]
[Footnote 415: Pali, Khanda. But it has become the custom to use the
Sanskrit term. Cf. Karma, nirvâna.]
[Footnote 416: See Sam. Nik. XII. 62. For parallels to this view in
modern times see William James, _Text Book of Psychology_, especially
pp. 203, 215, 216.]
[Footnote 417: Cf. Milinda Panha II. 1. 1 and also the dialogue between
the king of Sauvîra and the Brahman in Vishnu Pur. II. XIII.]
[Footnote 418: Vis. Mag. chap. XVI. quoted by Warren, _Buddhism in
Translations_, p. 146. Also it is admitted that viññâṇa cannot be
disentangled and sharply distinguished from feeling and sensation. See
passages quoted in Mrs Rhys Davids, _Buddhist Psychology,_ pp. 52-54.]
[Footnote 419: Sam. Nik. XXII. 22. 1.]
[Footnote 420: With reference to a teacher dhamma is the doctrine which
he preaches. With reference to a disciple, it may often be equivalent to
duty. Cf. the Sanskrit expressions: sva-dharma, one's own duty;
para-dharma, the duty of another person or caste.]
[Footnote 421: Dhamma-s. 1044-5.]
[Footnote 422: II. 3. 8.]
[Footnote 423: Dig. Nik. XI. 85.]
[Footnote 424: Name and form is the Buddhist equivalent for subject and
object or mind and body.]
[Footnote 425: Mrs Rhys Davids, _Buddhist Psychology_, p. 39.]
[Footnote 426: Sam. Nik. xxxv. 93.]
[Footnote 427: The same formula is repeated for the other senses.]
[Footnote 428: See Maj. Nik. 36 for his own experiences and Dig. Nik. 2.
93-96.]
[Footnote 429: In Dig. Nik. xxiii. Pâyâsi maintains the thesis, regarded
as most unusual (sec. 5), that there is no world but this and no such
things as rebirth and karma. He is confuted not by the Buddha but by
Kassapa. His arguments are that dead friends whom he has asked to bring
him news of the next world have not done so and that experiments
performed on criminals do not support the idea that a soul leaves the
body at death. Kassapa's reply is chiefly based on analogies of doubtful
value but also on the affirmation that those who have cultivated their
spiritual faculties have intuitive knowledge of rebirth and other
worlds. But Pâyâsi did not draw any distinction between rebirth and
immortality as understood in Europe. He was a simple materialist.]
[Footnote 430: The more mythological parts of the Pitakas make it plain
that the early Buddhists were not materialists in the modern sense. It
is also said that there are formless worlds in which there is thought,
but no form or matter.]
[Footnote 431: See too the story of Godhika's death. Sam. Nik. I. iv. 3
and Buddhaghosa on Dhammap. 57.]
[Footnote 432: No. 38 called the Mahâtaṇhâsankhaya-suttam.]
[Footnote 433: See too Dig. Nik. n. 63, "If Viññâṇa did not descend into
the womb, would body and mind be constituted there?" and Sam. Nik. xii.
12. 3, "Viññâṇa food is the condition for bringing about rebirth in the
future."]
[Footnote 434: Uppajjati is the usual word.]
[Footnote 435: Ariyasaccâni. Rhys Davids translates the phrase as Aryan
truths and the word Ariya in old Pali appears not to have lost its
national or tribal sense, _e.g._ Dig. Nik. n. 87 Ariyam âyatanam the
Aryan sphere (of influence). But was a religious teacher preaching a
doctrine of salvation open to all men likely to describe its most
fundamental and universal truths by an adjective implying pride of
race?]
[Footnote 436: In Maj. Nik. 44 the word dukkha is replaced by sakkâya,
individuality, which is apparently regarded as equivalent in meaning. So
for instance the Noble Eightfold path is described as
sakkâya-nirodha-gâminî patipadâ.]
[Footnote 437: Theragâthâ 487-493, and Puggala Pañ. iv. 1.]
[Footnote 438: But it has not been proved so far as I know.]
[Footnote 439: Sam. Nik. XV. 3.]
[Footnote 440: Buddhist works sometimes insist on the impurity of human
physical life in a way which seems morbid and disagreeable. But this
view is not exclusively Buddhist or Asiatic. It is found in Marcus
Aurelius and perhaps finds its strongest expression in the De Contemptu
Mundi of Pope Innocent III (in Pat. Lat. ccxvii. cols. 701-746).]
[Footnote 441: As a general rule suicide is strictly forbidden (see the
third Pârâjika and Milinda, iv. 13 and 14) for in most cases it is not a
passionless renunciation of the world but rather a passionate and
irritable protest against difficulties which simply lays up bad karma in
the next life. Yet cases such as that of Godhika (see Buddhaghosa on the
Dhammapada, 57) seem to imply that it is unobjectionable if performed
not out of irritation but by one who having already obtained mental
release is troubled by disease.]
[Footnote 442: Pali Paticca-samuppâda. Sanskrit Pratîtya-samutpâda.]
[Footnote 443: Sam. Nik. xii. 10.]
[Footnote 444: Dig. Nik. XV.]
[Footnote 445: "Contact comes from consciousness: sensation from
contact: craving from sensation: the sankhâras from craving:
consciousness from the sankhâras: contact from consciousness" and so on
_ad infinitum_. See Mil. Pan. 51.]
[Footnote 446: Dig. Nik. XV.]
[Footnote 447: Sam. Nik. XII. 53. Cf. too the previous sutta 51. In the
Abhidhamma Pitaka and later scholastic works we find as a development of
the law of causation the theory of relations (paccaya) or system of
correlation (paṭṭhâna-nayo). According to this theory phenomena are not
thought of merely in the simple relation of cause and effect. One
phenomenon can be the assistant agency (upakâraka) of another phenomenon
in 24 modes. See Mrs Rhys Davids' article Relations in _E.R.E._]
[Footnote 448: Mrs Rhys Davids, Dhamma-sangaṇi, pref. p. lii. "The
sensory process is analysed in each case into (_a_) an apparatus capable
of reaching to an impact not itself: (_b_) an impinging form (rûpam):
(_c_) contact between (_a_) and (_b_): (_d_) resultant modification of
the mental continuum, viz. first, contact of a specific sort, then
hedonistic result or intellectual result or presumably both."]
[Footnote 449: See _e.g._ Maj. Nik. 38.]
[Footnote 450: This does not mean that the same name-and-form plus
consciousness which dies in one existence reappears in another.]
[Footnote 451: Maj. Nik. 120 Sankhâruppatti sutta.]
[Footnote 452: He should make it a continual mental exercise to think of
the rebirth which he desires.]
[Footnote 453: So too in the Sânkhya philosophy the samskâras are said
to pass from one human existence to another. They may also remain
dormant for several existences and then become active.]
[Footnote 454: Maj. Nik. 9 Sammâdiṭṭhi sutta.]
[Footnote 455: Sam. Nik. xxii. 126.]
[Footnote 456: Mahâvag. i. 23. 4 and 5:]
Ye dhammâ hetuppabhavâ tesam hetum Tathâgato Âha tesañca yo nirodho
evamvâdi Mahâsamano ti.
The passage is remarkable because it insists that this is the principal
and essential doctrine of Gotama. Compare too the definition of the
Dhamma put in the Buddha's own mouth in Majjhima, 79: Dhammam te
desessâmi: imasmim sati, idam hoti: imass' uppâdâ idaṃ upajjhati, etc.]
[Footnote 457: The Sânkhya might be described as teaching a law of
evolution, but that is not the way it is described in its own manuals.]
[Footnote 458: Take among hundreds of instances the account of the
Buddha's funeral.]
[Footnote 459: The Anguttara Nikâya, book iv. chap. 77, forbids
speculation on four subjects as likely to bring madness and trouble. Two
of the four are kamma-vipâko and loka-cintâ. An attempt to make the
chain of causation into a cosmic law would involve just this sort of
speculation.]
[Footnote 460: The Pitakas insist that causation applies to mental as
well as physical phenomena.]
[Footnote 461: Sam. Nik. xii. 35.]
[Footnote 462: Vis. Mag. xvii. Warren, p. 175.]
[Footnote 463: See Waddell, _J.R.A.S._ 1894, pp. 367-384: Rhys Davids,
_Amer. Lectures,_ pp. 155-160.]
[Footnote 464: Sam. Nik. XII. 61. See too Theragâthâ, verses 125 and
1111, and for other illustrative quotations Mrs Rhys Davids, _Buddhist
Psychology_, pp. 34, 35.]
[Footnote 465: But see Maj. Nik. 79, for the idea that there is
something beyond happiness.]
[Footnote 466: Dig. Nik. 22.]
[Footnote 467: Sutta-Nipâta, 787.]
[Footnote 468: Padhânam. But in later Buddhism we also find the idea
that nirvana is something which comes only when we do not struggle for
it.]
[Footnote 469: Mettâ, corresponding exactly to the Greek [Greek: agapei]
of the New Testament.]
[Footnote 470: III. 7. The translation is abbreviated.]
[Footnote 471: More literally, "All the occasions which can be used for
doing good works."]
[Footnote 472: Sutta-Nipâta, 1-8, _S.B.E._ vol. X. p. 25 and see also
Ang. Nik. IV. 190 which says that love leads to rebirth in the higher
heavens and Sam. Nik. XX. 4 to the effect that a little love is better
than great gifts. Also _Questions of Milinda_, 4. 4. 16.]
[Footnote 473: Ang. Nik. 1. 2. 4.]
[Footnote 474: Cf. too Mahâvag. VIII. 22 where a monk is not blamed for
giving the property of the order to his parents.]
[Footnote 475: Sati is the Sanskrit Smriti.]
[Footnote 476: Dhammap. 160.]
[Footnote 477: Bhag-gîtâ, 3. 27.]
[Footnote 478: Vishnu Pur. II. 13. The ancient Egyptians also, though
for quite different reasons, did not accept our ideas of personality.
For them man was not an individual unity but a compound consisting of
the body and of several immaterial parts called for want of a better
word souls, the _ka_, the _ba_, the _sekhem_, etc., which after death
continue to exist independently.]
[Footnote 479: _Ueber den Stand der indischen Philosophie zur Zeit
Mahâvîras und Buddhas_, 1902. And On the problem of Nirvana in _Journal
of Pali Text Society_, 1905. See too Sam. Nik. XXII. 15-17.]
[Footnote 480: Maj. Nik. 22.]
[Footnote 481: Compare also the sermon on the burden and the bearer and
Sam Nik. XXII. 15-17. It is admitted that Nirvana is not dukkha and not
aniccam and it seems to be implied it is not anattam.]
[Footnote 482: See the argument with Yamaka in Sam. Nik. XXII. 85.]
[Footnote 483: See Sam. Nik. III., XXII. 97.]
[Footnote 484: Also paññâkkhandha or vijjâ.]
[Footnote 485: Dig. Nik. II.]
[Footnote 486: These exercises are hardly possible for the laity.]
[Footnote 487: See chap. XIV. for details.]
[Footnote 488: Sanskrit Nirvâṇa: Pali Nibbâna.]
[Footnote 489: Maj. Nik. 26.]
[Footnote 490: _E.g_. the words addressed to Buddha, nibbutâ nûna sâ
narî yassâyam îdiso pati. Happy is the woman who has such a husband. In
the Anguttara Nikâya, III. 55 the Brahman Jâṇussoṇi asks Buddha what is
meant by Sanditthikam nibbâṇam, that is nirvâṇa which is visible or
belongs to this world. The reply is that it is effected by the
destruction of lust, hatred and stupidity and it is described as
_akâlikam, ehipassikam opanayikam, paccattam veditabbam
viññûhi_--difficult words which occur elsewhere as epithets of Dhamma
and apparently mean immediate, inviting (it says "come and see"),
leading to salvation, to be known by all who can understand. For some
views as to the derivation of nibbana, nibbuto, etc. see _J.P.T.S._
1919, pp. 53 ff. But the word nirvâṇa occurs frequently in the
Mahâbhârata and was probably borrowed by the Buddhists from the
Brahmans.]
[Footnote 491: Or sa-upâdi.]
[Footnote 492: But parinirvâṇa is not always rigidly distinguished from
nirvâṇa, _e.g._ Sutta Nipâta, 358. And in Cullavag. VI. 4. 4 the Buddha
describes himself as Brâhmaṇo parinibbuto. Parinibbuto is even used of a
horse in Maj. Nik. 65 _ad fin_.]
[Footnote 493: Sam. Nik. XXII. 1. 18.]
[Footnote 494: Vimuttisukham and brahmacariyogadham sukham.]
[Footnote 495: Maj. Nik. 139, cf. also Ang. Nik. II. 7 where various
kinds of sukham or happiness are enumerated, and we hear of
nekkhammasukham nirupadhis, upekkhâs, arûparamanam sukham, etc.]
[Footnote 496: _E.g._ Maj. Nik. 9 Ditthe dhamme dukkhass' antakaro
hoti.]
[Footnote 497: Ang. Nik. V. xxxii.]
[Footnote 498: Maj. Nik. 79.]
[Footnote 499: Asankhatadhâtu, cf. the expression asankhâraparinibbâyî.
Pugg. Pan. l. 44.]
[Footnote 500: Tabulated in Mrs Rhys Davids' translation, pp. 367-9.]
[Footnote 501: Such a phrase as _Nibbâṇassa sacchikiriyâya_ "for the
attainment or realization of Nirvana" would be hardly possible if
Nirvana were annihilation.]
[Footnote 502: Udâna VII. near beginning.]
[Footnote 503: These are the formless stages of meditation. In Nirvana
there is neither any ordinary form of existence nor even the forms of
existence with which we become acquainted in trances.]
[Footnote 504: This negative form of expression is very congenial to
Hindus. Thus many centuries later Kabir sung "With God is no rainy
season, no ocean, no sunshine, no shade: no creation and no destruction:
no life nor death: no sorrow nor joy is felt .... There is no water,
wind, nor fire. The True Guru is there contained."]
[Footnote 505: IV. 7. 13 ff.]
[Footnote 506: See also Book VII. of the Milinda containing a long list
of similes illustrating the qualities necessary for the attainment of
arhatship. Thirty qualities of arhatship are mentioned in Book VI. of
the same work. See also Mahâparinib. Sut. III. 65-60 and Rhys Davids'
note.]
[Footnote 507: _E.g._ Dig. Nik. xvi. ii. 7, Cullavag. ix. 1. 4.]
[Footnote 508: _E.g._ Pugg. Pan. 1. 39. The ten fetters are (1)
sakkâyadiṭṭhi, belief in the existence of the self, (2) vicikicchâ,
doubt, (3) silabbataparamâso, trust in ceremonies of good works, (4)
kâmarâgo, lust, (5) paṭigho, anger, (6) rûparâgo, desire for rebirth in
worlds of form, (7) arûparâgo, desire for rebirth in formless worlds,
(8) mano, pride, (9) uddhaccam, self-righteousness, (10) avijjâ,
ignorance.]
[Footnote 509: There is some diversity of doctrine about the
Sakadâgâmin. Some hold that he has two births, because he _comes back_
to the world of men after having been born once meanwhile in a heaven,
others that he has only one birth either on earth or in a devaloka.]
[Footnote 510: Avyâkatani. The Buddha, being omniscient, _sabaññu_, must
have known the answer but did not declare it, perhaps because language
was incapable of expressing it]
[Footnote 511: Jiva not attâ. ]
[Footnote 512: Maj. Nik. 63.]
[Footnote 513: Sam. Nik. xvii. 85.]
[Footnote 514: Maj. Nik. 72.]
[Footnote 515: Which is said not to grow up again.]
[Footnote 516: It may be that the Buddha had in his mind the idea that a
flame which goes out returns to the primitive invisible state of fire.
This view is advocated by Schrader (_Jour. Pali Text Soc_. 1905, p.
167). The passages which he cites seem to me to show that there was
supposed to be such an invisible store from which fire is born but to be
less conclusive as proving that fire which goes out is supposed to
return to that store, though the quotation from the Maitreyi Up. points
in this direction. For the metaphor of the flame see also Sutta-Nipâta,
verses 1074-6.]
[Footnote 517: XLIV. 1.]
[Footnote 518: Maj. Nik. 9, ad init. Asmîti diṭṭhim ânânusayam
samûhanitvâ.]
[Footnote 519: See especially Sutta-Nipâta, 1076 Atthan gatassa na
pamâṇam atthi, etc.]
[Footnote 520: Sam. Nik. XXII. 85.]
[Footnote 521: Maj. Nik. 22, Alagaddûpama-suttam.]
[Footnote 522: Later in the same Sutta: Kevalo paripûro bâladhammo.]
[Footnote 523: Four emphatic synonyms in the original.]
[Footnote 524: Dig. Nik. I. 73 uccinna-bhava-nettiko.]
[Footnote 525: I recommend the reader to consider carefully the passage
at the end of Book IV. of Schopenhauer's _Die Welt als Wille und
Vorstellung_ (Haldane and Kemp's translation, vol. I. pp. 529-530).
Though he evidently misunderstood what he calls "the Nirvana of the
Buddhists" yet his own thought throws much light on it.]
[Footnote 526: Sk. _Bhikshu_, beggar or mendicant, because they live on
alms. _Bhikshâcaryam_ occurs in Brihad-Âr. Up. III. 5. I.]
[Footnote 527: Mahâvag. I. 49, cf. ib. I. 39.]
[Footnote 528: Dig. Nik. VIII.]
[Footnote 529: Cullavag. I. 1. 3.]
[Footnote 530: Sam. Nik. XIV. 15. 12, Ang. Nik. I. xiv.]
[Footnote 531: Mahâvag. III. 12.]
[Footnote 532: Or the opinion of single persons, e.g. Visâkhâ in
Mahâvag. III. 13.]
[Footnote 533: Acârângasut, II. 2. 2.]
[Footnote 534: Mahâv. I. 42.]
[Footnote 535: But converted robbers were occasionally admitted, e.g.
Angulimâla.]
[Footnote 536: Sam. Nik. IV. XXXV., Maj. Nik. 8 ad fin. On the value
attached by mystics in all countries to trees and flowers, see
Underhill, _Mysticism_, p. 231.]
[Footnote 537: They are abstinence from (1) destroying life, (2)
stealing, (3) impurity, (4) lying, (5) intoxicants, (6) eating at
forbidden times, (7) dancing, music and theatres, (8) garlands,
perfumes, ornaments, (9) high or large beds, (10) accepting gold or
silver.]
[Footnote 538: These are practically equivalent to Sundays, being the
new moon, full moon and the eighth days from the new and full moon. In
Tibet however the 14th, 15th, 29th and 30th of each month are observed.]
[Footnote 539: Mahâvag. II. 1-2.]
[Footnote 540: Chap. VIII. Sec. 3.]
[Footnote 541: Required not so much to purify water as to prevent the
accidental destruction of insects.]
[Footnote 542: It might begin either the day after the full moon of
Asâlha (June-July) or a month later. In either case the period was three
months. Mahâvag. III. 2.]
[Footnote 543: Cullavag. X. 1.]
[Footnote 544: See the papers by Mrs Bode in _J.R.A.S._ 1893, pp. 517-66
and 763-98, and Mrs Rhys Davids in _Ninth Congress of Orientalists_,
vol. I. p. 344.]
[Footnote 545: Feminine Upâsikâ.]
[Footnote 546: Sutta-Nipâta, 289.]
[Footnote 547: _E.g._ Mahâmangala and Dhammika-Sutta in Sut. Nip. II. 4
and 14.]
[Footnote 548: Dig. Nik. 31.]
[Footnote 549: It may seem superfluous to insist on this, yet Warren in
his _Buddhism in Translations_ uniformly renders Bhikkhu by priest.]
[Footnote 550: The same idea occurs in the Upanishads, _e.g._ Brih.-Âr.
Up. IV. 4. 23, "he becomes a true Brahman."]
[Footnote 551: Especially in R.O. Franke's article in the _J.P.T.S._
1908. To demonstrate the "literary dependence" of chapters XI., XII. of
the Cullavagga does not seem to me equivalent to demonstrating that the
narratives contained in those chapters are "air-bubbles."]
[Footnote 552: The mantras of the Brahmans were hardly a sacred book
analogous to the Bible or Koran and, besides, the early Buddhists would
not have wished to imitate them.]
[Footnote 553: _E.g._ Dig. Nik. XVI.]
[Footnote 554: Cullav. XI. i. 11.]
[Footnote 555: Especially in Chinese works.]
[Footnote 556: Upâli, Dasaka, Sonaka, Siggava (with whom the name of
Candravajji is sometimes coupled) and Tissa Moggaliputta. This is the
list given in the Dîpavaṃsa.]
[Footnote 557: Sam. Nik. XVI. 11. The whole section is called Kassapa
Saṃyutta.]
[Footnote 558: They are to be found chiefly in Cullavagga, XII.,
Dîpavaṃsa, IV. and V. and Mahâvaṃsa, IV.]
[Footnote 559: The Dîpavaṃsa adds that all the principal monks present
had seen the Buddha. They must therefore all have been considerably over
a hundred years old so that the chronology is open to grave doubt. It
would be easier if we could suppose the meeting was held a hundred years
after the enlightenment.]
[Footnote 560: They are said to have rejected the Parivâra, the
Paṭisambhidâ, the Niddesa and parts of the Jâtaka. These are all later
parts of the Canon and if the word rejection were taken literally it
would imply that the Mahâsangîti was late too. But perhaps all that is
meant is that the books were not found in their Canon. Chinese sources
(_e.g._ Fa Hsien, tr. Legge, p. 99) state that they had an Abhidhamma of
their own.]
[Footnote 561: _Buddhist Records of the Western World_, vol. II. pp.
164-5; Watters, _Yüan Chwang_, pp. 159-161.]
[Footnote 562: Cap. XXXVI. Legge, p. 98.]
[Footnote 563: See I-tsing's _Records of the Buddhist Religion_, trans.
by Takakusu, p. XX. and Nanjio's _Catalogue of the Buddhist Tripitaka_,
nos. 1199, 1105 and 1159.]
[Footnote 564: An exception ought perhaps to be made for the Japanese
sects.]
[Footnote 565: The names are not quite the same in the various lists and
it seems useless to discuss them in detail. See Dîpavaṃsa, V. 39-48,
Mahâvaṃsa, V. ad in., Rhys Davids, _J.R.A.S._ 1891, p. 411, Rockhill,
_Life of the Buddha_, chap, VI., Geiger, _Trans. of Mahâvaṃsa_, App. B.]
[Footnote 566: The Hemavatikas, Râjagirikas, Siddhattas, Pubbaselikas,
Aparaselikas and Apararâjagirikas.]
[Footnote 567: Published in the _J.P.T.S._ 1889. Trans, by S.Z. Aung and
Mrs Rhys Davids, 1915. The text mentions doctrines only. The names of
the sects supposed to hold them are supplied by the commentary.]
[Footnote 568: They must not be confused with the four philosophic
schools Vaibhâshika, Sautrântika, Yogâcâra and Mâdhyamika. These came
into existence later.]
[Footnote 569: But the Vetulyakas were important in Ceylon.]
[Footnote 570: See Paramârtha's _Life of Vasabandhu_, Toung Pao, 1904,
p. 290.]
[Footnote 571: See Rhys Davids in _J.R.A.S._ 1892, pp. 8-9. The name is
variously spelt. The P.T.S. print Sammitiya, but the Sanskrit text of
the Madhyamakavritti (in _Bibl. Buddh._) has Sâmmitîya. Sanskrit
dictionaries give Sammatîya. The Abhidharma section of the Chinese
Tripitaka (Nanjio, 1272) contains a śâstra belonging to this school.
Nanjio, 1139 is apparently their Vinaya.]
[Footnote 572: Kern (_Versl. en Med. der K. Akad. van Wetenschappen
Letterk._ 4. R.D. VIII. 1907, pp. 312-319, cf. _J.R.A.S._ 1907, p. 432)
suggested on the authority of Kashgarian MSS. that the expression
Vailpulya sûtra is a misreading for Vaitulya sûtra, a sûtra of the
Vetulyakas. Ânanda was sometimes identified with the phantom who
represented the Buddha.]
[Footnote 573: It is remarkable that this view, though condemned by the
Kathâ-vatthu, is countenanced by the Khuddaka-pâṭha.]
[Footnote 574: The Kathâ-vatthu constantly cites the Nikâyas.]
[Footnote 575: Pali Sabbatthivâdins.]
[Footnote 576: Cf. the doctrine of the Sânkhya. For more about the
Sarvâstivâdins see below, Book IV. chap. XXII.]
[Footnote 577: See especially Le Nord-Ouest de L'Inde dans le Vinaya des
Mûlasarvâstivâdins by Przyluski in _J.A._ 1914, II. pp. 492 ff.]
[Footnote 578: See articles by Fleet in _J.R.A.S._ of 1903, 1904,
1908-1911 and 1914: Hultzsch in _J.R.A.S._ 1910-11: Thomas in _J.A._
1910: S. Lévi, _J.A._ 1911.]
[Footnote 579: Asoka's statement is confirmed (if it needs confirmation)
by the Chinese pilgrim I-ching who saw in India statues of him in
monastic costume.]
[Footnote 580: For a bibliography of the literature about these
inscriptions see Vincent Smith, _Early History of India_, 3rd ed. 1914,
pp. 172-4.]
[Footnote 581: The dialect is not strictly speaking the same in all the
inscriptions.]
[Footnote 582: Piyadassi, Sanskrit Priyadarsin. The Dîpavaṃsa, VI. 1 and
14, calls Asoka Piyadassi and Piyadassana. The name Asoka has hitherto
only been found in one edict discovered at Hyderabad, _J.R.A.S._ 1916,
p. 573.]
[Footnote 583: The principal single edicts are (1) that known as Minor
Rock Edict I. found in four recensions, (2) The Bhâbrû (or Bhâbrâ) Edict
of great importance for the Buddhist scriptures, (3) Two Kalinga Edicts,
(4) Edicts about schism, found at Sarnath and elsewhere, (4)
Commemorative inscriptions in the Terâi, (5) Dedications of caves.]
[Footnote 584: Asoka came to the throne about 270 B.C. (268 or 272
according to various authorities) but was not crowned until four years
later. Events are generally dated by the year after his coronation
(abhisheka), not after his accession.]
[Footnote 585: I must confess that Law of Piety (Vincent Smith) does not
seem to me very idiomatic.]
[Footnote 586: See Senart, _Inscrip. de Piyadassi_, II. pp. 314 ff.]
[Footnote 587: The Second Minor Rock Edict.]
[Footnote 588: Râjûka and pradesika.]
[Footnote 589: I.e. Syria, Egypt, Macedonia, Cyrene and Epirus.]
[Footnote 590: Kingdoms in the south of India.]
[Footnote 591: The inhabitants of the extreme north-west of India, not
necessarily Greeks by race.]
[Footnote 592: Possibly Tibet.]
[Footnote 593: Or Nâbhapamtis. In any case unknown.]
[Footnote 594: All these appear to have been tribes of Central India.]
[Footnote 595: Dîpav. VIII.; Mahâv. XII.]
[Footnote 596: Pillar Edict VI.]
[Footnote 597: Perhaps meant to be equivalent to 251 B.C. Vincent Smith
rejects this date and thinks that the Council met in the last ten years
of Asoka's reign. But the Sinhalese account is reasonable. Asoka was
very pious but very tolerant. Ten years of this regime may well have led
to the abuse complained of.]
[Footnote 598: Jâtaka, no. 472.]
[Footnote 599: See for instance the _Life of Hsüan Chuang_; Beal, p. 39;
Julien, p. 50.]
[Footnote 600: I consider it possible, though by no means proved, that
the Abhidhamma was put together in Ceylon.]
[Footnote 601: For the Burmese Canon see chap. XXVI. Even if the Burmese
had Pali scriptures which did not come from Ceylon, they sought to
harmonize them with the texts known there.]
[Footnote 602: Pali Tipiṭaka.]
[Footnote 603: So in Maj. Nik. xxi. a man who proposes to excavate comes
Kuddalapiṭakam âdâya, "With spade and basket."]
[Footnote 604: The list of the Vinaya books is:
Pârâjikam } together constituting the Sutta-vibhanga.
Pacittiyam}
Mahâvagga } together constituting the Khandakas.
Cullavagga}
Parivâra-pâtha: a supplement and index. This book was rejected by some
schools.
Something is known of the Vinaya of the Sarvâstivâdins existing in a
Chinese translation and in fragments of the Sanskrit original found in
Central Asia. It also consists of the Pâtimokkha embedded in a
commentary called Vibhâga and of two treatises describing the foundation
of the order and its statutes. They are called Kshudrakavastu and
Vinayavastu. In these works the narrative and anecdotal element is
larger than in the Pali Vinaya. See also my remarks on the Mahâvastu
under the Mahayanist Canon. For some details about the Dharmagupta
Vinaya, see _J.A._ 1916, ii. p. 20: for a longish extract from the
Mülasarv. Vinaya, _J.A._ 1914, ii. pp. 493-522.]
[Footnote 605: I find it hard to accept Francke's view that the Dîgha
should be regarded as the Book of the Tathâgata, deliberately composed
to expound the doctrine of Buddhahood. Many of the suttas do not deal
with the Tathâgata.]
[Footnote 606: The Saṃyutta quotes by name a passage from the Dîgha as
"spoken by the Lord": compare Sam. Nik. XXII. 4 with Dig. Nik. 21. Both
the Anguttara and Saṃyutta quote the last two cantos of the
Sutta-Nipâta.]
[Footnote 607: It appears that the canonical book of the Jâtaka consists
only of verses and does not include explanatory prose matter. Something
similar to these collections of verses which are not fully intelligible
without a commentary explaining the occasions on which they were uttered
may be seen in Chândogya Up. VI. The father's answers are given but the
son's questions which render them intelligible are not found in the text
but are supplied in the commentary.]
[Footnote 608: The following ia a table of the Sutta Pitaka:
I. Dîgha-Nikâya }
II. Majjhima-Nikâya } Collections of discourses mostly attributed
III. Samyutta-Nikâya } to the Buddha.
IV. Anguttara-Nikâya }
V. Khuddaka-Nikâya: a collection of comparatively short treatises,
mostly in poetry, namely:
1. Dhammapada.
2. Udâna } Utterances of the Buddha with explanations
3. Itivuttakam } af the attendant circumstances.
4. Khuddaka-pâtha: a short anthology.
5. Sutta-nipâta: a collection of suttas mostly in verse.
*6. Thera-gâthâ: poems by monks.
*7. Therî-gâthâ: poems by nuns.
8. Niddesa: an old commentary on the latter half of the Sutta-nipâta,
ascribed to Sâriputta.
*9. The Jâtaka verses.
10. Paṭisambhidâ.
*11. Apadâna.
*12. Buddha-vaṃsa.
*13. Vimâna-vatthu.
*14. Peta-vatthu.
*15. Cariyâ-piṭaka.
The works marked * are not found in the Siamese edition of the Tripiṭaka
but the Burmese editions include four other texts, the Milinda-pañha,
Petakopadesa, Suttassanigaha, and Nettipakaraṇa.
The Khuddaka-Nikâya seems to have been wanting in the Pitaka of the
Sarvâstivâdins or whatever sect supplied the originals from which the
Chinese Canon was translated, for this Canon classes the Dhammapada as a
miscellaneous work outside the Sutta Pitaka. Fragments of the
Sutta-nipâta have been found in Turkestan but it is not clear to what
Pitaka it was considered to belong. For mentions of the Khuddaka-Nikâya
in Chinese see _J.A._ 1916, pp. 32-3.]
[Footnote 609: See _J.R.A.S._ 1891, p. 560. See too _Journal P.T.S._
1919, p. 44. Lexicographical notes.]
[Footnote 610: Mrs Rhys Davids' _Translations of the Dhamma-sangaṇi_
give a good idea of these books.]
[Footnote 611: The works comprised in this Pitaka are:
1. Dhamma-sangaṇi.
2. Vibhanga.
3. Kathâ-vatthu.
4. Puggala-paññatti.
5. Dhâtu-kathâ.
6. Yamaka.
7. Paṭṭhâna.
The Abhidhamma of the Sarvâstivâdins was entirely different. It seems
probable that the Abhidhamma books of all schools consisted almost
entirely of explanatory matter and added very little to the doctrine
laid down in the suttas. It would appear that the only new topic
introduced in the Pali Abhidhamma is the theory of relations (paccaya).]
[Footnote 612: Maj. Nik. XXII. and Angut. Nik. IV. 6.]
[Footnote 613: Pali means primarily a line or row and then a text as
distinguished from the commentary. Thus Pâlimattam means the text
without the commentary and Palibhâsâ is the language of the text or what
we call Pali. See _Pali and Sanskrit_, R.O. Franke, 1902. Windisch,
"Ueber den sprachlichen Character des Pali," in _Actes du XIV'me Congrès
des Orientalistes_, 1905. Grierson, "Home of Pali" in _Bhandarkar
Commemorative Essays_, 1917.]
[Footnote 614: It is not easy to say how late or to what extent Pali was
used in India. The Milinda-Pañha (or at least books II. and III.) was
probably composed in North Western India about the time of our era.
Dharmapâla wrote his commentaries (c. 500 A.D.) in the extreme south,
probably at Conjeevaram. Pali inscriptions of the second or third
century A.D. have been discovered at Sarnath but contain mistakes which
show that the engraver did not understand the language (_Epig. Ind_.
1908, p. 391). Bendall found Pali MSS. in Nepal, _J.R.A.S._ 1899, p.
422.]
[Footnote 615: Magadha of course was not his birth-place and the dialect
of Kosala must have been his native language. But it is not hinted that
he had any difficulty in making himself understood in Magadha and
elsewhere.]
[Footnote 616: E.g. nominatives singular in _e_. For the possible
existence of scriptures anterior to the Pali version and in another
dialect, see S. Lévi, _J.A._ 1912, II. p. 495.]
[Footnote 617: Cullavag. V. 33, chandaso âropema.]
[Footnote 618: Although Pali became a sacred language in the South, yet
in China, Tibet and Central Asia the scriptures were translated into the
idioms of the various countries which accepted Buddhism.]
[Footnote 619: Mahâparinibbâna-sutta, II. 26. Another expressive
compound is Dhûmakâ-likam (Cullav. XI. 1. 9) literally smoke-timed. The
disciples were afraid that the discipline of the Buddha might last only
as long as the smoke of his funeral pyre.]
[Footnote 620: Winternitz has acutely remarked that the Pali Pitaka
resembles the Upanishads in style. See also Keith, _Ait. Ar_. p. 55. For
repetitions in the Upanishads, see Chând. v. 3. 4 ff., v. 12 ff. and
much in VII. and VIII., Brihad. Âr. III. ix. 9 ff., VI. iii. 2, etc.
This Upanishad relates the incident of Yâjñavalkya and Maîtreyî twice.
So far as style goes, I see no reason why the earliest parts of the
Vinaya and Sutta Pitaka should not have been composed immediately after
the Buddha's death.]
[Footnote 621: E.g. Mahâv. 1. 49, Dig. Nik. I. 14, Sut. Vib. Bhikkhunî,
LXIX., Sut. Vib. Pârâj. III. 4. 4.]
[Footnote 622: Cullav. IV. 15. 4.]
[Footnote 623: Ang. Nik. IV. 100. 5, ib. v. lxxiv. 5.]
[Footnote 624: See Bühler in _Epigraphia Indica_, vol. II. p. 93.]
[Footnote 625: Even at the time of Fa Hsien's visit to India (c. 400
A.D.) the Vinaya of the Sarvâstivâdin school was preserved orally and
not written. See Legge's trans, p. 99.]
[Footnote 626: Ang. Nik. IV. 160. 5, Bhikkhû bahussutâ ... mâtikâdhârâ
monks who carry in memory the indices.]
[Footnote 627: Cullavag. XI., XII. ]
[Footnote 628: Dig. Nik. 1.]
[Footnote 629: It is remarkable that this account contemplates five
Nikâyas (of which the fifth is believed to be late) but only two
Pitakas, the Abhidhamma not being mentioned.]
[Footnote 630: It refers to a king Pingalaka, said to have reigned two
hundred years after the Buddha's time.]
[Footnote 631: Mahâv XI. 3.]
[Footnote 632: Mahâv. II. 17.]
[Footnote 633: Cullav. IX. 5.]
[Footnote 634: The passages are:
1. The Vinaya-Samukasa. Perhaps the sermon at Benares with
introductory matter found at the beginning of the Mahâvagga.
See Edmunds, in _J.R.A.S._ 1913, p. 385.
2. The Alia-Vâsâni (Pali Ariya-Vâsâni) = the Samgîti-sutta of the
Dîgha Nikâya.
3. The Anâgata-bhayâni = Anguttara-Nikâya, V. 77-80, or part of it.
4. The Munigâtha=Sutta-Nipâta, 206-220.
5. The Moneyasute=Moneyya-sutta in the Itivuttakam, 67: see
also Ang. Nik. III. 120.
6. The Upatisapasine. The question of Upatissa: not identified.
7. The Lâghulovâde musâvâdam adhigicya. The addresses to Râhula
beginning with subject of lying=Maj. Nik. 61.]
[Footnote 635: See _J.A._ 1916, II. pp. 20,38.]
[Footnote 636: For the date see the chapter on Ceylon.]
[Footnote 637: S. Lévi gives reasons for thinking that the prohibitions
against singing sacred texts (ayataka gîtassara, Cullavag. V. 3) go back
to the period when the Vedic accent was a living reality. See _J.A._
1915, I. pp. 401 ff.]
[Footnote 638: _Muséon_, 1905, p. 23. Anesaki thinks the text used by
Guṇabhadra was in Pali but the Abhayagiri, which had Mahayanist
proclivities, may have used Sanskrit texts.]
[Footnote 639: Nikâya-Sangrahawa, Fernando, _Govt. Record Office_,
Colombo, 1918.]
[Footnote 640: See Mahâyâna-sûtrâlatikâra, xvi. 22 and 75, with Lévi's
notes.]
[Footnote 641: Cullav. VII. 3.]
[Footnote 642: In the first book of the Mahâvagga. ]
[Footnote 643: Ang. Nik. V. 201 and VI. 40.]
[Footnote 644: It may be objected that some Suttas are put into the
mouths of the Buddha's disciples and that their words are very like
those of the Master. But as a rule they spoke on behalf of him and the
object was to make their language as much like his as possible.]
[Footnote 645: The Pali anthology known by this name was only one of
several called Dhammapada or Udâna which are preserved in the Chinese
and Tibetan Canons.]
[Footnote 646: The work might also be analyzed as consisting of three
old documents (the tract on morality, an account of ancient heresies,
and a discourse on spiritual progress) put together with a little
connecting matter, and provided with a prologue and epilogue.]
[Footnote 647: But in Ceylon there was a decided tendency to rewrite
Sinhalese treatises in Pali.]
[Footnote 648: Cf. Divyâv. ed. Cowell, p. 37 and Sam. Nik. _P.T.S._
edition, vol. IV. p. 60.]
[Footnote 649: See Takakusu on the Abhidharma literature of the
Sarvâstivâdins in the _Journ. of the Pali Text Society_, 1905, pp.
67-147.]
[Footnote 650: But not always. See S. Lévi, _J.A._ 1910, p. 436.]
[Footnote 651: See Lüders, _Bruchstücke Buddhistischer Dramen_, 1911 and
ib. _Das Sâri putra-prakaraṇa_, 1911.]
[Footnote 652: Inscriptions from Swat written in an alphabet supposed to
date from 50 B.C. to 50 A.D. contain Sanskrit verses from the Dharmapada
and Mahâparinirvânasûtra. See _Epig. Indica_, vol. IV. p. 133.]
[Footnote 653: E.g. The Sanskrit version of the Sutta-Nipâta. See
_J.R.A.S._ 1916, pp. 719-732.]
[Footnote 654: See the remarks on the Saṃyuktâgama in _J.A._ 1916, II.
p. 272.]
[Footnote 655: In the same spirit, the Chinese version of the Ekottara
(sec. 42) makes the dying Buddha order his bed to be made with the head
to the north, because northern India will be the home of the Law. See
_J.A._ Nov., Dec. 1918, p. 435.]
[Footnote 656: See for the whole question, Péri, Les Femmes de Çâkya
Muni, _B.E.F.E.O._ 1918, No. 2.]
[Footnote 657: Those of the Dharmaguptas, Mahâsânghikas and
Mahîśâsakas.]
[Footnote 658: See _J.A.O.S._ Dec. 1910, p. 24.]
[Footnote 659: Jacobi considers the Yoga Sûtras later than 450 A.D. but
if we adopt Péri's view that Vasubandhu, Asanga's brother, lived from
about 280-360, the fact that they imply a knowledge of the Vijnânavâda
need not make them much later than 300 A.D. It is noticeable that both
Asanga and the Yoga Sûtras employ the word _dharma-megha_.]
[Footnote 660: Called Citta in the Yoga philosophy.]
[Footnote 661: See Tylor, _Primitive Culture_, vol. II. pp. 410 ff.
Savages often supplement fasting by the use of drugs and the Yoga Sûtras
(IV. 1) mention that supernatural powers can be obtained by the use of
herbs.]
[Footnote 662: Kleśa: Kilesa in Pạli.]
[Footnote 663: The practices systematized in the Yoga Sûtras are
mentioned even in the older Upanishads such as the Maitrâyaṇa,
Śvetâśvatara and Chândogya.]
[Footnote 664: An extreme development of the idea that physical
processes can produce spiritual results is found in Raseśvara Darśana or
the Mercurial System described in the Sarva-Darśana-Sangraha chap. IX.
_Marco Polo_ (Yule's Edition, vol. II. pp. 365, 369) had also heard of
it.]
[Footnote 665: It seems to me analogous to the _introversion_ of
European mystics. See Underhill, _Mysticism_, chaps, VI. and VII.]
[Footnote 666: Jhâna in Pali.]
[Footnote 667: Samprajñâta and Asamprajñâta, called also sa- and
nirbīja, with and without seed.]
[Footnote 668: Savitarka and Savicâra, in which there is investigation
concerned with gross and subtle objects respectively: Sânanda, in which
there is a feeling of joy: Sasmitâ, in which there is only
self-consciousness. The corresponding stages in Buddhism are described
as phases of Jhâna not of Samâdhi.]
[Footnote 669: It is not easy to translate. _Megha_ is cloud and
_dharma_ may be rendered by righteousness but has many other meanings.
For the metaphor of the cloud compare the title of the English mystical
treatise _The Cloud of Unknowing_.]
[Footnote 670: Siddhi, vibhûti, aiśvarya. A belief in these powers is
found even in the Rig Veda where it is said (X. 136) that munis can fly
through the air and associate with gods.]
[Footnote 671: So too European mystics "are all but unanimous in their
refusal to attribute importance to any kind of visionary experience"
(Underhill, _Mysticism_, p. 335). St John of the Cross, Madame Guyon and
Walter Hilton are cited as severe critics of such experience.]
[Footnote 672: Cf. Underbill's remarks about contemplation (_Mysticism_,
p. 394). "Its results feed every aspect of the personality: minister to
its instinct for the Good, the Beautiful and the True. Psychologically
it is an induced state in which the field of consciousness is greatly
contracted: the whole of the self, its conative power, being sharply
focussed, concentrated upon one thing. We pour ourselvea out or, as it
sometimes seems to us, _in_ towards this overpowering interest: seem to
ourselves to reach it and be merged with it. Whatever the thing may be,
in this act we _know_ it, as we cannot know it by any ordinary devices
of thought."]
[Footnote 673: See instances quoted in W. James, _Varieties of Religious
Experience_, pp. 251-3.]
[Footnote 674: This curious idea is also countenanced, though not much
emphasized, by the Brahma Sûtras, IV. 4. 15. The object of producing
such bodies is to work off Karma. The Yogi acquires no new Karma but he
may have to get rid of accumulated Karma inherited from previous births,
which must bear fruit. By "making himself many" he can work it off in
one lifetime.]
[Footnote 675: _World as Will and Idea_, Book III. p. 254 (Haldane and
Kemp's translation).]
[Footnote 676: E.g. Dig. Nik. II. 95, etc.]
[Footnote 677: St Theresa, St Catharine of Siena and Rudman Merawin. Cf.
1 John ii. 20, 27. "Ye know all things."]
[Footnote 678: Chândog. Up. VIII. 15.]
[Footnote 679: As also to the Saṃhitâs of the Vaishṇavas and the Âgamic
literature of the Śaivas. The six cakras are: (1) Mûladhâra at the base
of the spinal cord, (2) Svâdhishṭhâna below the navel, (3) Maṇipûra near
the navel, (4) Anâhata in the heart, (5) Viśuddha at the lower end of
the throat, (6) Âjñâ between the eyebrows. See Avalon, _Tantric Texts_,
II. Shaṭcakranirûpana. Ib. _Tantra of Great Liberation_, pp. lvii ff.,
cxxxii ff. Ib. _Principles of Tantra_, pp. cvii ff. Gopinatha Ras,
_Indian Iconography_, pp. 328 ff. See also "Manual of a Mystic" (_Pali
Text Soc._) for something apparently similar, though not very
intelligible, in Hinayanist Buddhism.]
[Footnote 680: For the later Yoga see further Book V. I have recently
received A. Avalon, _The Serpent Power_, from which it appears that the
danger of the process lies in the fact that as Kuṇḍalinî ascends, the
lower parts of the body which she leaves become cold. The preliminary
note on Yoga in Grieraon and Barnett's Lallâ-Vâkyâni (_Asiat. Soc.'s
Monographs_, vol. XVII. 1920) contains much valuable information, but
both works arrived too late for me to make use of them.]
[Footnote 681: Maj. Nik. 36 and 85, but not in 26.]
[Footnote 682: Dig. Nik. 2. For the methods of Buddhist meditation, the
reader may consult the "Manual of a Mystic," edited (1896) and
translated (1916) by the _Pali Text Society_. But he will not find it
easy reading.]
[Footnote 683: See Ang. Nik. 1. 20 for a long list of the various kinds
of meditation. A conspectus of the system of meditation is given in
Seidenstücker, _Pali-Buddhismus_, pp. 344-356.]
[Footnote 684: Dig. Nik. XXII. _ad. in._]
[Footnote 685: Dig. Nik. I. 21-26.]
[Footnote 686: See, for instance, Dig. Nik. II. 75. Sometimes five
Jhânas are enumerated. This means that reasoning and investigation are
eliminated successively and not simultaneously, so that an additional
stage is created.]
[Footnote 687: See _Dhamma-Sangaṇi_; Mrs Rhys Davids' translation, pp.
45-6 and notes. Also _Journal of Pali Text Society_, 1885, p. 32, for
meaning of the difficult word Ekodibhâva.]
[Footnote 688: _E.g._ Maj. Nik. 77; Ang. Nik. 1. XX. 63.]
[Footnote 689: Hardy, _Eastern Monachism_, pp. 252 ff.]
[Footnote 690: But also without shape, colour or outward appearance, so
this statement must not be taken too literally.]
[Footnote 691: Such procedure has not received much countenance in
Christian mysticism but the contemplation of a burnished pewter dish and
of running water induced ecstasy in Jacob Boehme and Ignatius Loyola
respectively. See Underhill, _Mysticism_, p. 69.]
[Footnote 692: Maj. Nik. 62 end.]
[Footnote 693: The analysis means to analyze all things as consisting
alike of the four elements. The one perception is the perception that
all nourishment is impure.]
[Footnote 694: See Dig. Nik. 13 and Rhys Davids' introduction to it. In
spite of their name, they seem to be purely Buddhist and have not been
found in Brahmanic literature. The four states are characterized
respectively by love, sympathy with sorrow, sympathy with joy, and
equanimity.]
[Footnote 695: Dig. Nik. XIII. 76.]
[Footnote 696: Dig. Nik. XVII. 2-4.]
[Footnote 697: Christian mystics also, such as St Angela and St Theresa,
had "formless visions." See Underhill, _Myst._ pp. 338 ff.]
[Footnote 698: Attha vimokkhâ. See Mahâparinib. sut. in Rhys Davids'
_Dialogues of the Buddha,_ II. 119.]
[Footnote 699: Akiñcaññâyatanam.]
[Footnote 700: Nevasaññânâsaññâyatanam.]
[Footnote 701: Saññavedâyita nirodhasamâpatti. The Buddha when dying
(Dig. XVI. V. 8, 9) passes through this state, but does not go from it
to Parinibbâna. This perhaps means that it was regarded as a
purification of the mind, but not on the direct road to the final goal.]
[Footnote 702: See Maj. Nik. 43. But the point of the discussion seems
to be not so much special commendation of this form of trance as an
explanation of its origin, namely that it, like other mental states, is
bound to ensue when certain preliminary conditions both moral and
intellectual have been realized. See also Sam. Nik. XXXVI. ii. 5. See
for examples of this cataleptic form of Samâdhi Max Müller's _Life of
Ramakrishna_, pp. 49,59, etc. Christian mystics (_e.g._ St Catharine of
Siena and St Theresa) were also subject to deathlike trances lasting for
hours and St Theresa is said once to have been in this condition for
some days.]
[Footnote 703: Maj. Nik. 86.]
[Footnote 704: This is known to European mystics, particularly Suso. St
Francis of Assisi, St Catharine of Siena and Richard Rolle are also
cited. See Underhill. _Mysticism_, p. 332.]
[Footnote 705: Christian visions of Hell, Purgatory and Paradise are
another instance of the divine eye, which thinks it can see the whole
scheme of things.]
[Footnote 706: Tales about such powers, are still very common in the
East, for instance the Chinese story (in the _Liao Chai_) of the man who
learnt from a Taoist how to walk through a wall but failed ignominiously
when he tried to give an exhibition to his family. Educated Chinese seem
to think there is something in the story and say that he failed because
his motives were bad.]
[Footnote 707: Bernheim, _La Suggestion_, chap. I. Quand j'ai éloigné de
son esprit la préoccupation que fait naître l'idée de magnétisme ... je
lui dis "Regardez-moi bien et ne songez qu'à dormir. Vous allez sentir
une lourdeur dans les paupières, une fatigue dans vos yeux: ils
clignotent, ils vont se mouiller; la vue devient confuse: ils se
ferment." Quelques sujets ferment les yeux et dorment immédiatement....
_C'est le sommeil par la suggestion, c'est l'image du sommeil_ que je
suggère, que j'insinue dans le cerveau. Les passes, la fixation des yeux
ou des doigts de l'opérateur, propres seulement à concentrer
l'attention, ne sont pas absolument necéssaires.]
[Footnote 708: Thus in the drama Ratnâvalî a magician makes the
characters see an imaginary conflagration of the palace and also a
vision of heaven. His performance seems to be accepted as merely a
remarkable piece of conjuring.]
[Footnote 709: Ang. Nik. xvi. 1. In spite of his magic power he could
not prevent himself being murdered. The Milinda-Pañha explains this as
the result of Karma, which is stronger than magic and everything else.]
[Footnote 710: _E.g._ Maj. Nik. 77. ]
[Footnote 711: Cullavag. v. 8.]
[Footnote 712: Dig. Nik. xi.]
[Footnote 713: Visuddhi Magga, xii. in Warren, _Buddhism in
Translation_, pp. 315 ff.]
[Footnote 714: R.V. II. 12. 5.]
[Footnote 715: Yet Tennyson can say "And at their feet the crocus brake
like fire," but in a mythological poem.]
[Footnote 716: Mahâv. V. i.]
[Footnote 717: E.g. Dig. Nik. XI. and Cullavag. V. 8.]
[Footnote 718: Even in the Upanishads the gods are not given a very high
position. They are powerless against Brahman (e.g. Kena Up. 14-28) and
are not naturally in possession of true knowledge, though they may
acquire it (e.g. Chând. Up. VIII. 7).]
[Footnote 719: Dig. Nik. XI.]
[Footnote 720: Dig. Nik. I. chap. 2, 1-6. The radiant gods are the
Abhassara, cf. Dhammap 200.]
[Footnote 721: Watters, II. p. 160.]
[Footnote 722: The legends of both Râma and Krishna occur in the _Book
of Jâtakas_ in a somewhat altered form, nos. 641 and 454.]
[Footnote 723: Thus Helios the Sun passes into St Elias.]
[Footnote 724: He is often called Brahmâ Sahampati, a title of doubtful
meaning and not found in Brahmanic writings. The Pitakas often speak of
Brahmâs and worlds of Brahmâ in the plural, as if there were a whole
class of Brahmâs. See especially the Suttas collected in book I, chap.
vi. of the Saṃyutta-Nikâya where we even hear of Pacceka Brahmâs,
apparently corresponding in some way to Pacceka Buddhas.]
[Footnote 725: Maj. Nik. 49. The meaning of the title Baka is not clear
and may be ironical. Another ironical name is manopadosikâ (debauched in
mind) invented as the title of a class of gods in Dig. Nik. I. and XX.
The idea that sages can instruct the gods is anterior to Buddhism, See
e.g. Bṛihad-Âr. Up. II. 5. 17, and ib. IV. 3. 33, and the parallel
passage in the Tait. Chând. Kaush. Upanishads and Śat. Brâhmaṇa for the
idea that a Śrotriya is equal to the highest deities.]
[Footnote 726: Six Manvantaras of the present Kalpa have elapsed and we
are in the seventh.]
[Footnote 727: We are in the Kali or worst age of the present mahâyuga.
The Kali lasts 432,000 years and began 3102 B.C.
In their number and in many other points of cosmography the various
accounts differ greatly. The account given above is taken from the
Vishnu Purâna, book II. but the details in it are not entirely
consistent.]
[Footnote 728: The detailed formulation of this cosmography was
naturally gradual but its chief features are known to the Nikâyas. Dig.
Nik. XIV. 17 and 30 seem to imply the theory of spheres. For Heavens,
see Maj. Nik. 49, Dig. Nik. XI. 68-79 and for Hells Sut. Nip. III. 10,
Maj. Nik. 129. See too De la Vallée Poussin's article, _Cosmology
Buddhist_, in _E.R.E._]
[Footnote 729: See for the Asuras Sam. Nik. I. xi. 1.]
[Footnote 730: See a Tibetan representation in Waddell's _Buddhism of
Tibet_, p. 79.]
[Footnote 731: The question of whether the universe is infinite in space
or not is according to the Pitakas one of those problems which cannot be
answered.]
[Footnote 732: Dig. Nik. XXVII.]
[Footnote 733: Mâro pâpimâ. See especially Windisch, _Mâra and Buddha_,
1895, and Sam. Nik. I. iv.]
[Footnote 734: We sometimes hear of Mâras in the plural. Like Brahmâ he
is sometimes a personality, sometimes the type of a class of gods. We
also hear that he has obtained his present exalted though not virtuous
post by his liberality in former births. Thus, like Sakka and other
Buddhist Devas, Mâra is really an office held by successive occupants.
He is said to be worshipped by some Tibetan sects. It is possible that
the legends about Mâra and his daughters and about Krishna and the Gopîs
may have a common origin for Mâra is called Kaṇha (the Prakrit
equivalent of Krishna) in Sutta-Nipâta, 439.]
[Footnote 735: Ang. Nik. III. 35.]
[Footnote 736: This seems to be the correct doctrine, though it is hard
to understand how the popular idea of continual torture is compatible
with the performance of good deeds. The Kathâ-vatthu, XIII. 2, states
that a man in purgatory can do good. See too Ang. Nik. 1. 19.]
[Footnote 737: But even the language of the Pitakas is not always quite
correct on this point, for it represents evil-doers as falling down
straight into hell.]
[Footnote 738: Khud. Path. 7. In this poem, the word Peta (Sk. Preta)
seems to be used as equivalent to departed spirits, not necessarily
implying that they are undergoing punishment. In the _Questions of
Milinda_ (IV. 8. 29) the practice of making offerings on behalf of the
dead is countenanced, and it is explained exactly what classes of dead
profit by them. On the other hand the Kathâ-vatthu states that the dead
do not benefit by gifts given in this world, but two sects, the
Râjagirika and Siddhattika, are said by the commentary to hold the
contrary view.]
[Footnote 739: See Max Müller's _Ramakrishna_, p. 40, for another
instance.]
[Footnote 740: In a passage of the Mahâparinib. Sut. (III. 22) which is
probably not very early the Buddha says that when he mixes with gods or
men he takes the shape of his auditors, so that they do not know him.]
[Footnote 741: Sam. Nik. II. 3. 10. Sadevakassa lokassa aggo.]
[Footnote 742: E.g. in the Lotus Sutra.]
[Footnote 743: One hundred and eight marks on the sole of each foot are
also enumerated in later writings.]
[Footnote 744: Artaxerxes Longimanus. Cf. the Russian princely name
Dolgorouki. The Chinese also attribute forty-nine physical signs of
perfection to Confucius, including long arms. See Doré, _Recherches sur
les Superstitions en Chine_, vol. XIII. pp. 2-6.]
[Footnote 745: Though Brahmans are represented as experts in these
marks, it seems likely that the idea of the Mahâpurusha was popular
chiefly among the Kshatriyas, for in one form, at any rate, it teaches
that a child of the warrior caste born with certain marks will become
either a universal monarch or a great teacher of the truth. This notion
must have been most distasteful to the priestly caste.]
[Footnote 746: See Dig. Nik. 3. The Lakkhana Suttanta (Dig. Nik. 30)
contains a discussion of the marks.]
[Footnote 747: See Dik. Nig. 14, Mahâpadânasutta: Therag. 490; Sam. Nik.
XII. 4-10.]
[Footnote 748: Maj. Nik. 50, Mâratajjaniyasuttam.]
[Footnote 749: Dig. Nik. 14.]
[Footnote 750: Maj. Nik. 123. See also Dig. Nik. 14.]
[Footnote 751: More literally that he knows exactly how his feelings,
etc., arise, continue and pass away and is not swayed by wandering
thoughts and desires.]
[Footnote 752: Three extra Buddhas are sometimes mentioned but are
usually ignored because they did not, like the others, come into contact
with Gotama in his previous births.]
[Footnote 753: E.g. Ang. Nik. III. 15 and the Mahâ-Sudassana Sutta (Dig.
Nik. X.) in which the Buddha says he has been buried at Kusinâra no less
than six times.]
[Footnote 754: Dig. Nik. XVI. v. 15.]
[Footnote 755: The two kinds of Buddhas are defined in the
Puggala-Pannatti, IX. 1. For details about Pratyeka-Buddhas see De La
Vallée Poussin's article in _E.R.E._]
[Footnote 756: Thus in Dig. Nik. XVI. 5. 12 they are declared worthy of
a Dâgaba or funeral monument and Sam. Nik. III. 2. 10 declares the
efficacy of alms given to them.]