CHAPTER XIII.

CLOSING OPERATIONS OF THE WAR--SURRENDER.

On the 26th of March Canby invested Spanish Fort, and began the siege by

regular approaches, a part of his army investing Blakeley on the same

day. General R.L. Gibson, now a member of Congress from Louisiana, held

Spanish Fort with twenty-five hundred men. Fighting all day and working

all night, Gibson successfully resisted the efforts of the immense force

against him until the evening of April 8, when the enemy effected a

lodgment threatening his only route of evacuation. Under instructions

from Maury, he withdrew his garrison in the night to Mobile, excepting

his pickets, necessarily left. Gibson's stubborn defense and skillful

retreat make this one of the best achievements of the war. Although

invested on the 26th of March, the siege of Blakeley was not pressed

until April 1, when Steele's corps of Canby's army joined the original

force before it. Here, with a garrison of twenty-eight hundred men,

commanded General Liddell, with General Cockrell, now a Senator from

Missouri, as his second. Every assault of the enemy, who made but little

progress, was gallantly repulsed until the afternoon of the 9th, when,

learning by the evacuation of Spanish Fort how small a force had delayed

him, he concentrated on Blakeley and carried it, capturing the garrison.

Maury intended to withdraw Liddell during the night of the 9th. It would

have been more prudent to have done so on the night of the 8th, as the

enemy would naturally make an energetic effort after the fall of Spanish

Fort; but he was unwilling to yield any ground until the last moment,

and felt confident of holding the place another day. After dismantling

his works, Maury marched out of Mobile on the 12th of April, with

forty-five hundred men, including three field batteries, and was

directed to Cuba Station, near Meridian. In the interest of the thirty

thousand non-combatants of the town, he properly notified the enemy that

the place was open. During the movement from Mobile toward Meridian

occurred the last engagement of the civil war, in a cavalry affair

between the Federal advance and our rear guard under Colonel Spence.

Commodore Farrand took his armed vessels and all the steamers in the

harbor up the Tombigby River, above its junction with the Alabama, and

planted torpedoes in the stream below. Forrest and Maury had about eight

thousand men, but tried and true. Cattle were shod, wagons overhauled,

and every preparation for rapid movement made.

From the North, by wire and courier, I received early intelligence of

passing events. Indeed, these were of a character for the enemy to

disseminate rather than suppress. Before Maury left Mobile I had learned

of Lee's surrender, rumors of which spreading among the troops, a number

from the neighboring camps came to see me. I confirmed the rumor, and

told them the astounding news, just received, of President Lincoln's

assassination. For a time they were silent with amazement, then asked if

it was possible that any Southern man had committed the act. There was a

sense of relief expressed when they learned that the wretched assassin

had no connection with the South, but was an actor, whose brains were

addled by tragedies and Plutarch's fables.

It was but right to tell these gallant, faithful men the whole truth

concerning our situation. The surrender of Lee left us little hope of

success; but while Johnston remained in arms we must be prepared to

fight our way to him. Again, the President and civil authorities of our

Government were on their way to the south, and might need our

protection. Granting the cause for which we had fought to be lost, we

owed it to our own manhood, to the memory of the dead, and to the honor

of our arms, to remain steadfast to the last. This was received, not

with noisy cheers, but solemn murmurs of approval, showing that it was

understood and adopted. Forrest and Maury shared my opinions and

objects, and impressed them on their men. Complete order was maintained

throughout, and public property protected, though it was known later

that this would be turned over to the Federal authorities. A

considerable amount of gold was near our camps, and safely guarded; yet

it is doubtful if our united means would have sufficed to purchase a

breakfast.

Members of the Confederate Congress from the adjoining and more western

States came to us. These gentlemen had left Richmond very hurriedly, in

the first days of April, and were sorely jaded by fatigue and anxiety,

as the presence of Wilson's troops in Georgia had driven them to

by-paths to escape capture. Arrived at a well-ordered camp, occupied by

a formidable-looking force, they felt as storm-tossed mariners in a

harbor of refuge, and, ignorant of recent events, as well as uncertain

of the future, were eager for news and counsel. The struggle was

virtually over, and the next few days, perhaps hours, would decide my

course. In my judgment it would speedily become their duty to go to

their respective homes. They had been the leaders of the people, had

sought and accepted high office at their hands, and it was for them to

teach the masses, by example and precept, how best to meet impending

troubles. Possibly they might suffer annoyance and persecution from

Federal power, but manhood and duty required them to incur the risk. To

the credit of these gentlemen it should be recorded that they followed

this advice when the time for action came. There was one exception which

deserves mention.

Ex-Governor Harris, now a United States Senator from Tennessee, occupied

the executive chair of his State in 1862, and withdrew from Nashville

when the army of General Sidney Johnston retreated to the Tennessee

River in the spring of that year. By the death of President Lincoln,

Andrew Johnson had succeeded to power, and he was from Tennessee, and

the personal enemy of Governor Harris. The relations of their State with

the Federal Union had been restored, and Harris's return would be

productive of discord rather than peace. I urged him to leave the

country for a time, and offered to aid him in crossing the Mississippi

River; but he was very unwilling to go, and only consented after a

matter was arranged, which I anticipate the current of events to relate.

He had brought away from Nashville the coin of the Bank of Tennessee,

which, as above mentioned, was now in our camp. An official of the bank

had always been in immediate charge of this coin, but Harris felt that

honor was involved in its safe return. At my request, General Canby

detailed an officer and escort to take the coin to Nashville, where it

arrived intact; but the unhappy official accompanying it was

incarcerated for his fidelity. Had he betrayed his trust, he might have

received rewards instead of stripes. 'Tis dangerous to be out of harmony

with the practices of one's time.

Intelligence of the Johnston-Sherman convention reached us, and Canby

and I were requested by the officers making it to conform to its terms

until the civil authorities acted. A meeting was arranged to take place

a few miles north of Mobile, where the appearance of the two parties

contrasted the fortunes of our respective causes. Canby, who preceded me

at the appointed spot, a house near the railway, was escorted by a

brigade with a military band, and accompanied by many officers in "full

fig." With one officer, Colonel William Levy, since a member of Congress

from Louisiana, I made my appearance on a hand-car, the motive power of

which was two negroes. Descendants of the ancient race of Abraham,

dealers in cast-off raiment, would have scorned to bargain for our rusty

suits of Confederate gray. General Canby met me with much urbanity. We

retired to a room, and in a few moments agreed upon a truce, terminable

after forty-eight hours' notice by either party. Then, rejoining the

throng of officers, introductions and many pleasant civilities passed. I

was happy to recognize Commodore (afterward Admiral) James Palmer, an

old friend. He was second to Admiral Thatcher, commanding United States

squadron in Mobile Bay, and had come to meet me. A bountiful luncheon

was spread, of which we partook, with joyous poppings of champagne corks

for accompaniment, the first agreeable explosive sounds I had heard for

years. The air of "Hail Columbia," which the band in attendance struck

up, was instantly changed by Canby's order to that of "Dixie"; but I

insisted on the first, and expressed a hope that Columbia would be again

a happy land, a sentiment honored by many libations.

There was, as ever, a skeleton at the feast, in the person of a general

officer who had recently left Germany to become a citizen and soldier of

the United States. This person, with the strong accent and idioms of the

Fatherland, comforted me by assurances that we of the South would

speedily recognize our ignorance and errors, especially about slavery

and the rights of States, and rejoice in the results of the war. In vain

Canby and Palmer tried to suppress him. On a celebrated occasion an

Emperor of Germany proclaimed himself above grammar, and this earnest

philosopher was not to be restrained by canons of taste. I apologized

meekly for my ignorance, on the ground that my ancestors had come from

England to Virginia in 1608, and, in the short intervening period of two

hundred and fifty-odd years, had found no time to transmit to me correct

ideas of the duties of American citizenship. Moreover, my grandfather,

commanding the 9th Virginia regiment in our Revolutionary army, had

assisted in the defeat and capture of the Hessian mercenaries at

Trenton, and I lamented that he had not, by association with these

worthies, enlightened his understanding. My friend smiled blandly, and

assured me of his willingness to instruct me. Happily for the world,

since the days of Huss and Luther, neither tyranny nor taste can repress

the Teutonic intellect in search of truth or exposure of error. A

kindly, worthy people, the Germans, but wearing on occasions.

The party separated, Canby for Mobile, I for Meridian, where within two

days came news of Johnston's surrender in North Carolina, the capture of

President Davis in Georgia, and notice from Canby that the truce must

terminate, as his Government disavowed the Johnston-Sherman convention.

I informed General Canby that I desired to meet him for the purpose of

negotiating a surrender of my forces, and that Commodore Farrand would

accompany me to meet Admiral Thatcher. The military and civil

authorities of the Confederacy had fallen, and I was called to

administer on the ruins as residuary legatee. It seemed absurd for the

few there present to continue the struggle against a million of men. We

could only secure honorable interment for the remains of our cause--a

cause that for four years had fixed the attention of the world, been

baptized in the blood of thousands, and whose loss would be mourned in

bitter tears by countless widows and orphans throughout their lives. At

the time, no doubts as to the propriety of my course entered my mind,

but such have since crept in. Many Southern warriors, from the hustings

and in print, have declared that they were anxious to die in the last

ditch, and by implication were restrained from so doing by the readiness

of their generals to surrender. One is not permitted to question the

sincerity of these declarations, which have received the approval of

public opinion by the elevation of the heroes uttering them to such

offices as the people of the South have to bestow; and popular opinion

in our land is a court from whose decisions there is no appeal on this

side of the grave.

On the 8th of May, 1865, at Citronelle, forty miles north of Mobile, I

delivered the epilogue of the great drama in which I had played a humble

part. The terms of surrender demanded and granted were consistent with

the honor of our arms; and it is due to the memory of General Canby to

add that he was ready with suggestions to soothe our military pride.

Officers retained their side arms, mounted men their horses, which in

our service were private property; and public stores, ordnance,

commissary, and quartermaster, were to be turned over to officers of the

proper departments and receipted for. Paroles of the men were to be

signed by their officers on rolls made out for the purpose, and I was to

retain control of railways and river steamers to transport the troops as

nearly as possible to their homes and feed them on the road, in order to

spare the destitute people of the country the burden of their

maintenance. Railways and steamers, though used by the Confederate

authorities, were private property, and had been taken by force which

the owners could not resist; and it was agreed that they should not be

seized by civil jackals following the army without special orders from

Washington. Finally, I was to notify Canby when to send his officers to

my camp to receive paroles and stores.

Near the Tombigby River, to the east of Meridian, were many thousands of

bales of cotton, belonging to the Confederate Government and in charge

of a treasury agent. It seemed to me a duty to protect public property

and transfer it to the United States, successors by victory to the

extinct Confederacy. Accordingly, a guard had been placed over this

cotton, though I hated the very name of the article, as the source of

much corruption to our people. Canby remarked that cotton had been a

curse to his side as well, and he would send to New Orleans for a United

States Treasury agent, so that we might rid ourselves of this at the

earliest moment. The conditions of surrender written out and signed, we

had some conversation about the state of the country, disposition of the

people, etc. I told him that all were weary of strife, and he would meet

no opposition in any quarter, and pointed out places in the interior

where supplies could be had, recommending him to station troops at such

places. I was persuaded that moderation by his officers and men would

lead to intercourse, traffic, and good feeling with the people. He

thanked me for the suggestions, and adopted them.

The Governors of Mississippi and Alabama, Clarke and Watts, had asked

for advice in the emergency produced by surrender, which they had been

informed was impending, and I thought their best course would be to

summon their State Legislatures. These would certainly provide for

conventions of the people to repeal ordinances of secession and abolish

slavery, thus smoothing the way for the restoration of their States to

the Union. Such action would be in harmony with the theory and practice

of the American system, and clear the road of difficulties. The North,

by its Government, press, and people, had been declaring for years that

the war was for the preservation of the Union and for nothing else, and

Canby and I, in the innocence of our hearts, believed it. As Canby

thought well of my plan, I communicated with the Governors, who acted on

it; but the Washington authorities imprisoned them for abetting a new

rebellion.

Returned to Meridian, I was soon ready for the Federal officers, who

came quietly to our camp and entered on their appointed work; and I have

now in my possession receipts given by them for public stores.

Meanwhile, I received from Canby a letter informing me that he had

directed two of his corps commanders, Generals Steele and Granger, to

apply to me for instructions concerning the movement of their troops, as

to time, places, and numbers. It was queer for one to be placed in

_quasi_ command of soldiers that he had been fighting for four years,

and to whom he had surrendered; but I delicately made some suggestions

to these officers, which were adopted.

With two or three staff officers, I remained at Meridian until the last

man had departed, and then went to Mobile. General Canby most

considerately took me, Tom, and my two horses on his boat to New

Orleans; else I must have begged my way. The Confederate paper (not

currency, for it was without exchangeable value) in my pocket would not

have served for traveling expenses; and my battered old sword could

hardly be relied on for breakfasts, dinners, and horse feed.

After an absence of four years, I saw my native place and home, New

Orleans. My estate had been confiscated and sold, and I was without a

penny. The man of Uz admitted that naked he came into the world, and

naked must leave it; but to find himself naked in the midst of it tried

even his patience. My first care was to sell my horses, and a purchaser

was found who agreed to take and pay for them the following morning. I

felt somewhat eager to get hold of the "greenbacks," and suffered for my

avarice. The best horse, one that had carried me many a weary mile and

day without failing, could not move a hoof when the purchaser came to

take him. Like other veterans, long unaccustomed to abundance of prog,

he had overfed and was badly foundered. Fortunately, the liveryman

proposed to take this animal as a consideration for the keep of the two,

and the price received for the other would suffice to bring my wife and

children from the Red River to New Orleans, and was sent to them for

that purpose.

Awaiting the arrival of my family, I had a few days of rest at the house

of an old friend, when Generals Price, Buckner, and Brent came from

Shreveport, the headquarters of the "Trans-Mississippi Department,"

under flag of truce, and sent for me. They reported a deplorable

condition of affairs in that region. Many of the troops had taken up the

idea that it was designed to inveigle them into Mexico, and were greatly

incensed. Some generals of the highest rank had found it convenient to

fold their tents and quietly leave for the Rio Grande; others, who

remained, were obliged to keep their horses in their quarters and guard

them in person; and numbers of men had disbanded and gone off. By a

meeting of officers, the gentlemen present were deputed to make a

surrender and ask for Federal troops to restore order. The officers in

question requested me to be present at their interview with General

Canby, who also invited me, and I witnessed the conclusion. So, from the

Charleston Convention to this point, I shared the fortunes of the

Confederacy, and can say, as Grattan did of Irish freedom, that I "sat

by its cradle and followed its hearse."

For some weeks after my return to New Orleans, I had various occasions

to see General Canby on matters connected with the surrender, and recall

no instance in which he did not conform to my wishes. Narrow perhaps in

his view, and harsh in discharge of duty, he was just, upright, and

honorable, and it was with regret that I learned of his murder by a band

of Modoc savages.

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