=Inauguration of the Rāo Rāja=, _August the 5th_.—The ceremony of
Rajtilak, or inauguration of the young Rao Raja, had been postponed as
soon as the Rani-mother heard of my intention to come to Bundi, and as
the joyous ‘third of Sawan,’ Sawan-ki-tij, was at hand, it was fixed for
the day following that festival. As the interval between the display of
grief and the expression of joy is short in these States, it would have
been inauspicious to mingle aught of gloom with the most celebrated of
all the festivals of the Haras, in which the whole city partakes. The
queen-mother sent a message to request that I would accompany her son in
the procession of the Tij, with which invitation I most [694] willingly
complied; and she also informed me that it was the custom of Rajwara,
for the nearest of kin, or some neighbouring prince, on such occasions,
to entreat the mourner, at the termination of the twelve days of
_matam_, to dispense with its emblems. Accordingly, I prepared a
coloured dress, with a turban and a jewelled _sarpesh_,[11.10.1] which I
sent, with a request that the prince would “put aside the white turban.”
In compliance with this, he appeared in these vestments in public, and I
accompanied him to the ancient palace in old Bundi, where all public
festivities are still held.
The young prince of the Haras is named Ram Singh, after one of the
invincibles of this race, who sealed his loyalty with his life on the
field of Dholpur. He is now in his eleventh year, fair, and with a
lively, intelligent cast of face, and a sedateness of demeanour which,
at his age, is only to be seen in the East. Gopal Singh, his brother, by
a different mother, is a few months younger, very intelligent, and in
person slight, fair, and somewhat marked with the smallpox. There is a
third boy, about four, who, although illegitimate, was brought up with
equal regard, but now he will have no consideration.
The cavalcade was numerous and imposing; the chiefs and their retainers
well mounted, their equipments all new for the occasion, and the
inhabitants in their best apparel, created a spectacle which was quite
exhilarating, and which Bundi had not witnessed for a century: indeed, I
should hardly have supposed it possible that four years could have
produced such a change in the general appearance or numbers of the
population. After remaining a few minutes, I took leave, that I might
impose no restraint on the mirth which the day produces.[11.10.2]
The next day was appointed for the installation. Captain Waugh, who had
been sent from Udaipur to Kotah in December last, when the troubles of
that State broke out afresh, joined me this day in order to be present
at the ceremony, though he was in wretched health from the peculiar
insalubrity of Kotah at this time of the year. We proceeded to the
Rajmahall, where all the sons of Dewa-Banga[11.10.3] have been anointed.
Every avenue through which we passed was crowded with well-dressed
people, who gave us hearty cheers of congratulation as we went along,
and seemed to participate in the feeling evinced towards their young
prince by the representative of the protecting power. The courts below
and around the palace were in like manner filled with the Hara
retainers, who rent the air with _Jai! Jai!_ as we dismounted. There was
a very full assemblage within, where the young Raja was undergoing
purification [695] by the priests; but we found his brother the Maharaja
Gopal Singh, Balwant Singh of Gotra, the first noble of Bundi, the
chiefs of Kapraun and Thana, old Bikramajit, and likewise the venerable
chief of Dugari (son of Sriji), grand-uncle of the young prince, who had
witnessed all the revolutions which the country had undergone, and could
appreciate the existing repose. It was gratifying to hear this ancient,
who could remember both periods of prosperity, thank Parameswar that he
had lived to see the restoration of his country’s independence. In this
manner we had some interesting conversation, while sacrifice and
purification were going on in the adjoining apartment. When this was
over, I was instructed to bring the young Raja forth and lead him to a
temporary ‘cushion of state,’ when a new round of religious ceremonies
took place, terminating with his re-election of the family Purohit and
Byas,[11.10.4] by marking their foreheads with the tilak: which
ordination entitled them to put the unction upon the prince’s, denoting
the ‘divine right’ by which he was in future to rule the Haras. The
young prince went through a multitude of propitiatory rites with
singular accuracy and self-possession; and when they were over, the
assembly rose. I was then requested to conduct him to the _gaddi_,
placed in an elevated balcony overlooking the external court and a great
part of the town; and it being too high for the young prince to reach, I
raised him to it. The officiating priest now brought the vessel
containing the unction, composed of sandalwood powder and aromatic oils,
into which I dipped the middle finger of my right hand, and made the
tilak on his forehead. I then girt him with the sword, and congratulated
him in the name of my Government, declaring aloud, that all might hear,
that the British Government would never cease to feel a deep interest in
all that concerned the welfare of Bundi and the young prince’s family.
Shouts of approbation burst from the immense crowds who thronged the
palace, all in their gayest attire, while every valley re-echoed the
sound of the cannon from the citadel of Taragarh. I then put on the
jewels, consisting of _sarpesh_, or aigrette, which I bound round his
turban, a necklace of pearls, and bracelets, with twenty-one shields
(the tray of a Rajput) of shawls, brocades, and fine clothes. An
elephant and two handsome horses, richly caparisoned, the one having
silver, the other silver-gilt ornaments, with embroidered velvet
saddle-cloths, were then led into the centre of the court under the
balcony, a khilat befitting the dignity both of the giver and the
receiver. Having gone through this form, in which I was prompted by my
old friend the Maharaja Bikramajit, and paid my individual
congratulations as the friend of his father and his personal guardian, I
withdrew to make room for the [696] chiefs, heads of clans, to perform
the like round of ceremonies: for in making the tilak, they at the same
time acknowledge his accession and their own homage and fealty. I was
joined by Gopal Singh, the prince’s brother, who artlessly told me that
he had no protector but myself; and the chiefs, as they returned from
the ceremony, came and congratulated me on the part I had taken in a
rite which so nearly touched them all; individually presenting their
_nazars_ to me as the representative of the paramount power. I then made
my salutation to the prince and the assembly of the Haras, and returned.
The Rao Raja afterwards proceeded with his cavalcade to all the shrines
in this city, and Satur, to make his offerings.
The next day I received a message from the queen-mother with her
blessing (_asis_), intimating her surprise that I had yet sent no
special deputation to her, to comfort her under her affliction, and to
give a pledge for her own and her child’s protection; and that although
on this point she could feel no distrust, a direct communication would
be satisfactory. In reply, I urged that it was from delicacy alone I had
erred, and that I only awaited the intimation that it would be
agreeable, though she would see the embarrassment attending such a step,
more especially as I never employed my own servants when I could command
the services of the ministers; and that as I feared to give umbrage by
selecting any one of them, if she would receive the four, I would send
with them a confidential servant, the Akhbarnavis or newswriter, as the
bearer of my message. Her anxiety was not without good grounds: the
elements of disorder, though subdued, were not crushed, and she dreaded
the ambition and turbulence of the senior noble, Balwant Rao of Gotra,
who had proved a thorn in the side of the late Raja throughout his life.
This audacious but gallant Rajput, about twelve years before, had
stormed and taken Nainwa, one of the chief castles of Bundi, in the face
of day, and defeated with great slaughter many attempts to retake it,
still holding it in spite of his prince, and trusting to his own party
and the Mahrattas for support. In fact, but for the change in his
relations, he neither would have obeyed a summons to the Presence, nor
dared to appear uninvited; and even now his appearance excited no less
alarm than surprise. “Balwant Singh at Bundi!” was repeated by many of
the surrounding chiefs, as one of the anomalous signs of the times; for
to have heard that a lion from their jungles had gone to congratulate
the Raja, would have caused less wonder and infinitely less
apprehension. The Rani was not satisfied, nor had her late lord been,
with the chief minister, the Bohra, Shambhu Ram, who only a few days
before the [697] Raja’s death had expressed great unwillingness, when
called on, to produce his account of the finances. It was chiefly with a
view to guard against these individuals, that the deceased Rao Raja had
nominated the British Agent as the guardian of his son and the State
during his minority, and the queen-mother besought me to see his wishes
faithfully executed. Fortunately, there were some men who could be
depended on, especially Govind Ram, who had attended the Agent as wakil:
a simple-minded man, full of integrity and good intentions, though no
match for the Bohra in ability or intrigue. There was also the Dhabhai,
or foster-brother of the late prince, who held the important office of
kilahdar of Taragarh, and who, like all his class, is devotion
personified. There was likewise Chandarbhan Naik, who, from a low
condition, had risen to favour and power, and being quick, obedient, and
faithful, was always held as a check over the Bohra. There were also two
eunuchs of the palace, servants entirely confidential, and with a very
good notion of the general affairs of the State.
=Settlement of the Administration.=—Such were the materials at my
disposal, and they were ample for all the concerns of this little State.
Conformably to the will of the late prince, and the injunctions of the
queen-mother, the Agent entirely reformed the functions of these
officers, prohibited the revenues of the State from being confounded
with the mercantile concerns of the minister, requiring them henceforth
to be deposited at the Kishanbhandar, or treasury in the palace,
providing a system of checks, as well on the receipts as the
expenditure, and making all the four jointly and severally answerable;
yet he made no material innovations, and displaced or displeased no one;
though in raising those who were noted throughout the country for their
integrity, he confirmed their good intentions and afforded them scope,
while his measures were viewed with general satisfaction. After these
arrangements, the greatest anxiety of the queen was for the absence of
Balwant Rao; and, as it was in vain to argue against her fears, she
requested that, when the ceremonies of installation were over, the
chiefs might be dismissed to their estates, and that I would take the
opportunity, at the next darbar, to point out to them the exact line of
their duties, and the necessity of observance of the customs of past
days: all of which was courteously done.
=Interview of the Author with the Rāni.=—Although the festival of the
Rakhi was not until the end of the month, the mother of the young prince
sent me by the hands of the Bhatt, or family priest, the bracelet of
adoption as her brother, which made my young ward henceforth my
_bhanja_, or nephew. With this mark of regard, she also expressed,
through the ministers, a wish that I would pay her a visit at the
palace, as she had many points to discuss regarding [698] Lalji’s
welfare, which could only be satisfactorily argued viva voce. Of course
I assented; and, accompanied by the Bohra and the confidential eunuchs
of the Rawala, I had a conversation of about three hours with my adopted
sister; a curtain being between us. Her language was sensible and
forcible, and she evinced a thorough knowledge of all the routine of
government and the views of parties, which she described with great
clearness and precision. She especially approved of the distribution of
duties, and said, with these checks, and the deep interest I felt for
all that concerned the honour of Bundi, her mind was quite at ease; nor
had she anything left to desire. She added that she relied implicitly on
my friendship for the deceased, whose regard for me was great. I took
the liberty of adverting to many topics for her own guidance;
counselling her to shun the error of communicating with or receiving
reports from interested or ignorant advisers; and above all, to shun
forming parties, and ruling, according to their usual policy, by
divisions: I suggested that the object would be best attained by never
intimating her wishes but when the four ministers were together; and
urged her to exercise her own sound judgment, and banish all anxiety for
her son’s welfare, by always recalling to mind what my government had
done for the interests of Bundi. During a great part of this
conversation, the Bohra had retired, so that her tongue was
unrestrained. With _itr-pan_ and her blessing (_asis_) sent by one of
her damsels, she dismissed me with the oft-repeated remark, “Forget not
that Lalji is now in your lap.”
I retired with my conductors, highly gratified with this interesting
conversation, and impressed with respect for her capacity and views.
This Rani, as I have elsewhere mentioned, is of the Rathor tribe, and of
the house of Kishangarh in Marwar; she is the youngest of the late Rao
Raja’s four widowed queens, but takes the chief rank, as mother and
guardian of the minor prince.
I remained at Bundi till the middle of August; when, having given a
right tone and direction to its government, I left it with the
admonition that I should consider myself authorized, not as the Agent of
government so much as the executor of their late lord’s wishes, and with
the concurrent assent of the regent-queen, to watch over the prince’s
welfare until the age of sixteen, when Rajput minority ceases; and
advertised them, that they must not be surprised if I called upon them
every year to inform me of the annual surplus revenue they had set aside
for accumulation until his majority. I reminded the Bohra, in the words
of his own beautiful metaphor, when, at the period of the treaty, my
government restored its long-alienated lands [699], “again will our
lakes overflow; once more will the lotus show its face on the waters.”
Nor had he forgotten this emblematic phraseology, and with his
coadjutors promised his most strenuous efforts. During the few remaining
days of my stay, I had continual messages from the young prince, by the
‘Gold stick,’ or Dhabhai, which were invariably addressed to me as ‘the
Mamu Sahib,’ or uncle. He sent me specimens of his handwriting, both in
Devanagari and Persian, in which last, however, he had not got farther
than the alphabet; and he used to ride and _karauli_[11.10.5] his horse
within sight of my tents, and always expressed anxiety to know what the
‘Mamu’ thought of his horsemanship. I was soon after called upon by the
queen-mother for my congratulations on Lalji having slain his first
boar, an event that had summoned all the Haras to make their offerings;
a ceremony which will recall a distinction received by the Macedonian
youths, on a similar occasion, who were not admitted to public
discussions until they had slain a wild boar.[11.10.6]
Whilst partaking in these national amusements, and affording all the
political aid I could, my leisure time was employed in extracting from
old chronicles or living records what might serve to develop the past
history of the family; in frequent visits to the cenotaphs of the
family, or other remarkable spots, and in dispersing my emissaries for
inscriptions in every direction. This was the most singular part of my
conduct to the Bundi court; they could not conceive why I should take an
interest in such a pursuit.
=Revenues of Būndi.=—The fiscal revenues of Bundi do not yet exceed
three lakhs of rupees; and it will be some time before the entire
revenues, both fiscal and feudal, will produce more than five;[11.10.7]
and out of the crown domain, eighty thousand rupees annually are paid to
the British Government, on account of the lands Sindhia held in that
State, and which he relinquished by the treaty of A.D. 1818.
Notwithstanding his circumscribed means, the late Rao Raja put every
branch of his government on a most respectable footing. He could muster
seven hundred household and Pattayat horse; and, including his
garrisons, his corps of Golandaz, and little park (_jinsi_)[11.10.8] of
twelve guns, about two thousand seven hundred paid infantry; in all
between three and four thousand men. For the queens, the officers of
government, and the pay of the garrisons, estates were assigned, which
yielded sufficient for the purpose. A continuation of tranquillity is
all that is required, and Bundi will again take its proper station in
Rajwara.
=Camp, Rauta=, _November 19_.—On the 14th of August, I departed for
Kotah, and found the junior branches of the Haras far from enjoying the
repose of Bundi. But on these subjects we will not touch here, further
than to remark, that the last three [700] months have been the most
harassing of my existence:[11.10.9] civil war, deaths of friends and
relatives, cholera raging, and all of us worn out with perpetual attacks
of fever, ague, anxiety, and fatigue.
Rauta, the spot on which I encamped, is hallowed by recollections the
most inspiriting. It was on this very ground I took up my position
throughout the campaign of 1817-18, in the very centre of movements of
all the armies, friendly and hostile.[11.10.10]
=A Hunt in the Preserves.=—As we were now in the vicinity of the chief
Ramna in Haraoti, the Raj Rana proposed to exhibit the mode in which
they carry on their grand hunts. The site chosen was a large range
running into and parallel to the chain which separates Haraoti from
Malwa. At noon, the hour appointed, accompanied by several officers of
the Nimach force (amongst whom was my old friend Major Price), we
proceeded to the Shikargahs, a hunting seat, erected half-way up the
gentle ascent, having terraced roofs and parapets, on which the
sportsman lays his gun to massacre the game; and here we waited some
time in anxious expectation, occasionally some deer scudding by.
Gradually the din of the hunters reached us, increasing into tumultuous
shouts, with the beating of drums, and all the varieties of discord.
Soon various kind of deer galloped wildly past, succeeded by Nilgaes,
Barahsinghas, red and spotted. Some wild-hogs went off snorting and
trotting, and at length, as the hunters approached, a bevy of animals
[701], amongst which some black-snouted hyaenas were seen, who made a
dead halt when they saw themselves between two fires. There was no
tiger, however, in the assemblage, which rather disappointed us, but the
still more curious wild-dog was seen by some. A slaughter commenced, the
effects of which I judged less at the time, but soon after I got to my
tents I found six camel-loads of deer, of various kinds, deposited. My
friend, Major Price, did not much admire this unsportsmanlike mode of
dealing with the lords of the forest, and although very well, once in
one’s life, most would think a boar hunt, spear in hand, preferable.
Still it was an exhilarating scene; the confusion of the animals, their
wild dismay at this compulsory association; the yells, shouts, and din
from four battalions of regulars, who, in addition to the ordinary band
of huntsmen, formed a chain from the summit of the mountain, across the
valley to the opposite heights; and, last not least, the placid regent
himself listening to the tumult he could no longer witness, produced an
effect not easily forgotten. This sport is a species of petty war, not
altogether free from danger, especially to the rangers; but I heard of
no accidents. We had a round of a nilgae, and also tried some steaks,
which ate very like coarse beef.
It is asserted that, in one shape or another, these hunting excursions
cost the State two lakhs, or £20,000 annually. The regent’s regular
hunting-establishment consisted of twenty-five carpenters, two hundred
Aherias, or huntsmen, and five hundred occasional rangers. But the
_gots_, or ‘feasts,’ at the conclusion of these sports, occasioned the
chief expense, when some thousands were fed, and rewards and gratuities
were bestowed upon those whom the regent happened to be pleased with.
This was one of the methods he pursued to ingratiate himself with the
Haras, and he was eminently successful; the only wonder is, that so good
an opportunity should have been neglected of getting rid of one who had
so long tyrannized over them.
We here took a temporary leave of the regent; and we intend to fill up
the interval till the return of the Maharao from Mewar, by making a tour
through upper Malwa, in which we shall visit the falls of the Chambal
amidst the dense woods of Pachel [702].
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Footnote 11.10.1:
[Or _sarpech_, an ornament worn on the front of the turban.]
Footnote 11.10.2:
See the description of the Tij, Vol. II. p. 675.
Footnote 11.10.3:
[Rāo Dewa or Deorāj, who captured Būndi from the Mīnas about A.D.
1342. _See_ p. 1464.]
Footnote 11.10.4:
[In Mārwār the term Byās, from Vyāsa, ‘the arranger’ of the Vedas,
Epics, and Purānas, is applied to elderly members of the Daima group
of Brāhmans (_Census Report_, 1891, ii. 58 f.).]
Footnote 11.10.5:
[_Qarāwal_, ‘the manège.’]
Footnote 11.10.6:
[At a very early date in Macedonia no Macedonian was permitted to lie
down at table who had not slain a wild boar without the nets (W.
Smith, _Dict. Geography_, ii. 234).]
Footnote 11.10.7:
[The normal revenue is now nearly six lakhs (_IGI_, ix. 85).]
Footnote 11.10.8:
[_Golandāz_, ‘an artillery man.’ _Jinsi_ is a Marātha term; probably
_Jinsi topkhāna_, or ‘artillery,’ _Jins_ meaning ‘commodities,
supplies’; _Jinsi topkhāna_, ‘light artillery’ (Irvine, _Army of the
Indian Moghuls_, 133).]
Footnote 11.10.9:
For an account of these transactions, _vide_ Chapter XI., Annals of
Kotah.
Footnote 11.10.10:
It was from this ground I detached thirty-two firelocks of my guard,
supported by two hundred of the regent’s men, with two camel swivels,
to beat up a portion of the main Pindari horde, when broken by our
armies. But my little band outmarched the auxiliaries, and when they
came upon the foe, they found a camp of 1500 instead of 500 men; but
nothing daunted, and the surprise being complete, they poured in sixty
rounds before the day broke, and cleared their camp. Then, each
mounting a marauder’s horse and driving a laden camel before him, they
returned within the twenty-four hours, having marched sixty miles, and
slain more than four times their numbers. Nothing so clearly
illustrated the destitution of all moral courage in the freebooters,
as their conduct on this occasion; for at dawn of day, when the smoke
cleared away, and they saw the handful of men who had driven them into
the Kali Sind, a body of about four hundred returned to the attack;
but my Sipahis, dismounting, allowed the boldest to approach within
pistol-shot before they gave their fire, which sufficed to make the
lancers wheel off. The situation recalled the din which announced
their return: upon which occasion, going out to welcome them, I saw
the regent’s camp turn out, and the trees were crowded with
spectators, to enjoy the triumphal entry of the gallant little band
with the spoils of the spoiler. The prize was sold and divided on the
drum-head, and yielded six or eight months’ pay to each; but it did
not rest here, for Lord Hastings promoted the non-commissioned
officers and several of the men, giving to all additional pay for
life.
The effect of this exploit was surprising; the country people, who
hitherto would as soon have thought of plundering his Satanic majesty
as a Pindari, amassed all the spoils abandoned on their flight, and
brought them to the camp of the regent; who, as he never admitted the
spoils of an enemy into his treasury, sent it all to our tents to be
at my disposal. But, as I could see no right that we had to it, I
proposed that the action should be commemorated by the erection of a
bridge, bearing Lord Hastings’ name. There were the spoils of every
region; many trays of gold necklaces, some of which were strings of
Venetian sequins; coins of all ages (from which I completed a series
of the Mogul kings), and five or six thousand head of cattle of every
description. The regent adopted my suggestion: a bridge of fifteen
arches was constructed, extending over the river at the breadth of a
thousand feet, eastward of Kotah; and though more solid and useful
than remarkable for beauty, will serve to perpetuate, as Hastin-pul,
the name of a gallant soldier and enlightened statesman, who
emancipated India from the scourge of the Pindaris. He is now beyond
the reach of human praise, and the author may confess that he is proud
of having suggested, planned, and watched to its completion, this
trophy to his fame. [The Marquess of Hastings died on November 28,
1826.]
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