[6] Henry, son of King Henry II., is frequently styled Henry the Third,

in the early chronicles.

LAWS OF RICHARD I. CONCERNING CRUSADERS WHO WERE TO GO BY SEA (1189).

+Source.+--_Historical Documents of the Middle Ages_, p. 135. Henderson.

G. Bell & Sons.

Richard by the grace of God, King of England, and Duke of Normandy and

Aquitaine, and Count of Anjou, to all his subjects who are about to go

by sea to Jerusalem, greeting. Know that we, by the common counsel of

upright men, have made the laws here given. Whoever slays a man on

shipboard, shall be bound to the dead man and thrown into the sea. But

if he shall slay him on land, he shall be bound to the dead man and

buried in the earth. If any one, moreover, shall be convicted through

lawful witnesses of having drawn a knife to strike another, or of having

struck him so as to draw blood, he shall lose his hand. But if he shall

strike him with his fist without drawing blood, he shall be dipped three

times in the sea. But if any one shall taunt or insult a comrade or

charge him with hatred of God: as many times as he shall have insulted

him, so many ounces of silver shall he pay. A robber, moreover,

convicted of theft, shall be shorn like a hired fighter, and boiling tar

shall be poured over his head, and feathers from a cushion shall be

shaken out over his head--so that he may be publicly known; and at the

first land where the ships shall put in he shall be cast on shore. Under

my own witness at Chinon.

THE ABBOT AND THE JEWS (1190).

+Source.+--_Jocelin de Brakelond_, Chapter 6. King's Classics. Chatto &

Windus.

The lord Abbot sought from the King letters enjoining that the Jews

should be driven away from the town of St. Edmund, he stating that

whatever is within the town of St. Edmund, or within the banlieue

thereof, of right belongs to St. Edmund: therefore the Jews ought to

become the men of St. Edmund, otherwise they should be expelled from the

town. Licence was accordingly given that he might put them forth,

saving, nevertheless, that they had all their chattels and the value of

their houses and lands. And when they were expelled, and with an armed

force conducted to divers towns, the abbot gave order that all those

that from henceforth should harbour or entertain Jews in the town of St.

Edmund should be solemnly excommunicated in every church and at every

altar. Howbeit it was afterwards conceded by the King's justices that if

the Jews should come to the great pleas of the Abbot, to demand their

debts from their debtors, on such occasion they might for two days and

two nights lodge within the town, and on the third day be permitted to

depart freely.

THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND AT MESSINA (1190).

+Source.+--_Chronicles of the Crusades_, Chap. XIII., pp. 163-4. Bohn's

Libraries. G. Bell & Sons.

It is a general custom, that when any particular king or prince of the

earth, conspicuous for his glory, might, and authority, comes forth in

public, his appearance of power shall not fall short of that with which

he is actually invested,--nay, it is but right and becoming that the

greatness of a king should be shown in his display and the homage which

is paid him; for a common proverb says, "Such as I see you are, I esteem

you." Moreover the general style and manner is taken from the

disposition of the chief. When, therefore, the King of France, of so

high renown, whose edict so many princes and nations obeyed, was known

to be entering the port of Messina, the natives, of every age and sex,

rushed forth to see so famous a King; but he, content with a single

ship, as if to avoid the sight of men, entered the port of the Citadel

privately, while those who awaited him along the shore conceived this to

be a proof of his weakness, and spoke upbraidingly of him as one not

likely to be the performer of any great actions, who thus slunk from the

eye of man, and being frustrated in their hopes of seeing him, they

returned indignant to their homes. But when the report was spread of the

arrival of the noble-minded King of England, the people rushed out

eagerly to behold him, crowding along the shore and seating themselves

wherever they were likely to catch a glimpse of him. And lo! they beheld

the sea in the distance covered with innumerable galleys; and the sound

of trumpets and clarions, loud and shrill, strike upon the ear! Then, as

they approached nearer, they saw the galleys as they were impelled

onward, laden and adorned with arms of all kinds; their pennons and

standards floating in countless numbers in the breeze in good order, and

on the tops of their spears; the prow of the galleys distinguished from

each other by the variety of the paintings, with shields glittering in

the sun, and you might behold the sea boiling, from the number of

oarsmen who plied it, and the ears of the spectators rang with the peals

of the instruments commonly called trumpets, and their delight was

aroused by the approach of the varied crowd, when lo! the magnificent

King, accompanied by the crowd of obedient galleys, standing on a prow

more elevated and ornamental than the others, as if to see what he had

not seen before, or to be seen by the crowds that densely thronged the

shore, lands in a splendid dress, where the sailors whom he had sent

before him, and others of his equipage, receive him with

congratulations, and bring forward the chargers and horses which had

been committed to their care for transportation, that he and his suite

might mount. The natives crowd round him on all sides, mixed with his

own men, and followed him to his hostel. The common people conversed

with each other in admiration of his great glory; and agreed that he was

worthy of Empire, and deserved to be set over nations and kingdoms, "for

the fame of him which we had before heard fell far short of the truth

when we saw him." Meanwhile, the trumpets blew, and their sounds being

harmoniously blended, there arose a kind of discordant concord of notes.

Whilst the sameness of the sounds being continued, the one followed the

other in mutual succession, and the notes which had been lowered were

again resounded.

THE CAPTURE OF MESSINA, AND THE JEALOUSY OF PHILIP, KING OF FRANCE (1190).

+Source.+--_Chronicles of the Crusades_, pp. 169-70. Bohn's Libraries.

G. Bell & Sons.

King Richard captured Messina by one assault, in less time than a priest

could chant the matin service. Many more of the citizens would have

fallen, had not King Richard, with an impulse of generosity, ordered

their lives to be spared. But who could reckon the sum of money which

the citizens lost? All the gold and silver, and whatsoever precious

thing was found became the property of the victors. They also set fire

to, and burnt to ashes, the enemy's galleys, lest they should escape,

and recover strength to resist. The victors also carried off their

noblest women. And lo! after this action had been performed, the French

suddenly beheld the ensigns and standards of King Richard floating above

the walls of the city; at which the King of France was so mortified,

that he conceived that hatred against King Richard which lasted during

his life, and afterwards led him to the unjust invasion of Normandy.

Chap. XVII. The King of France, jealous of the successes of the King of

England, and misliking his high spirit, very much grieved that he should

not have the glory which the other had gained by the force of his own

greatness; for, contrary to the conditions of mutual agreement, and

while the army was in the greatest danger, and a great slaughter going

on before his eyes, he proffered not a helping hand to the King of

England against an obstinate foe. As he was bound by the treaty of

alliance. Nay, he resisted as much as he could, and kept him a long time

from occupying the entrance of the city where he himself abode. The city

being taken, as we said before, and the banners of King Richard planted

on the walls, the King of France, as an acknowledgment of his

superiority, ordered his banners to be planted above those of the

English King. King Richard, indignant at this command, considering what

previously occurred, and bearing in mind the rights of their fellowship,

sent no answer, lest he should seem to surrender his right, and the

victory should be ascribed not only to one who had been inactive, but to

a perjured adversary. At the intercession of mediators, however, the

anger of King Richard, was at length appeased; an end was put to their

wrangling, and, yielding to the soothings of his friends, with some

difficulty, he was held invincible, being overcome by his foes, gave way

to the request of the King of France, viz. that he should deliver into

his custody the towers he had taken, and place in them guards of both

nations, until they should learn the sentiments of King Tancred as to

what had been done; and he who remained angry and obdurate to threats

and boastings was moved by prayers and soothing. The standards of both

were, therefore, raised above the walls of the city, until he should try

the constancy of the King of France, and prove his friendship.

CAPTURE OF CYPRUS AND RICHARD'S MARRIAGE, 1191.

+Source.+--_Richard of Devizes_, §§ 59, 61, _Chronicles of the Crusades_.

Bohn's Libraries. G. Bell & Sons.

59. The fleet of Richard, King of the English, put out to sea, and

proceeded in this order. In the fore-front went three ships only, in one

of which was the Queen of Sicily and the young damsel of Navarre,

probably still a virgin; in the other two a certain part of the King's

treasure and arms; in each of the three, marines and provisions. In the

second line there were, what with ships and busses and men of war,

thirteen; in the third, fourteen; in the fourth, twenty; in the fifth,

thirty; in the sixth, forty; in the seventh, sixty; in the last, the

King himself, followed with his galleys.

60. Now as the ships were proceeding in the aforesaid manner and order,

some being before others, two of the three first, driven by the violence

of the winds, were broken on the rocks near the port of Cyprus; the

third, which was English, more speedy than they, having turned back into

the deep, escaped the peril. Almost all the men of both ships got away

alive to land, many of whom the hostile Cypriotes slew, some they took

captive, some, taking refuge in a certain church, were besieged.

Whatever also in the ships was cast up by the sea, fell a prey to the

Cypriotes.... God so willed that the cursed people should receive the

reward of their evil deeds by the hands of one who would not spare. The

third English ship, in which were the women, having cast out its

anchors, rode out at sea, and watched all things from opposite, to

report the misfortune to the King, lest haply, being ignorant of the

loss and disgrace, he should pass the place unrevenged. The next line of

the King's ships came up after the other, and they all stopped at the

first. A full report reached the King, who, sending heralds to the lord

of the island, and obtaining no satisfaction, commanded his entire army

to arm, from the first even to the last, and to get out of the great

ships into the galleys and boats, and follow him to the shore. What he

commanded, was immediately performed; they came in arms to the port. The

King being armed, leaped first from his galley, and gave the first blow

in the war; but before he was able to strike a second, he had three

thousand of his followers with him, striking away by his side. All the

timber that had been placed as a barricade in the port was cast down

instantly, and the brave fellows went up into the city, as ferocious as

lionesses are wont to be when robbed of their young. The fight was

carried on manfully against them, numbers fell down wounded on both

sides, and the swords of both parties were made drunk with blood. The

Cypriotes are vanquished, the city is taken, with the castle besides;

whatever the victors choose is ransacked, and the lord of the island is

himself taken and brought to the King. He, being taken, supplicates and

obtains pardon; he offers homage to the King, and it is received; and he

swears, though unasked, that henceforth he will hold the island of him

as his liege lord, and will open all the castles of the land to him,

make satisfaction for the damage already done; and further, bring

presents of his own. On being dismissed after the oath, he is commanded

to fulfil the conditions in the morning.

61. That night the King remained peaceably in the castle; and his

newly-sworn vassal flying, retired to another castle, and caused the

whole of the men of that land, who were able to bear arms, to be

summoned to repair to him, and so they did. The King of Jerusalem,

however, that same night, landed in Cyprus, that he might assist the

King and salute him, whose arrival he had desired above that of any

other in the whole world. On the morrow, the lord of Cyprus was sought

for and found to have fled. The King, seeing that he was abused and

having been informed where he was, directed the King of Jerusalem to

follow the traitor by land with the half of the army, while he conducted

the other part by water, intending to be in the way, that he might not

escape by sea. The divisions reassembled around the city in which he had

taken refuge, and he, having sallied out against the King, fought with

the English, and the battle was carried on sharply by both sides. The

English would that day have been beaten, had they not fought under the

command of King Richard. They at length obtained a dear-bought victory,

the Cypriote flies, and the castle is taken. The Kings pursue him as

before, the one by land, the other by water, and he is besieged in the

third castle. Its walls are cast down by engines hurling huge stones;

he, being overcome, promises to surrender, if only he might not be put

in iron fetters. The King consents to the prayers of the supplicant, and

caused silver shackles to be made for him. The prince of the pirates

being thus taken, the King traversed the whole island, and took all its

castles, and placed his constables in each, and constituted justiciaries

and sheriffs; and the whole land was subjected to him in everything just

like England. The gold, and the silk, and the jewels from the treasures

that were broken open, he retained for himself; the silver and victuals

he gave to the army. To the King of Jerusalem also he made a handsome

present out of his booty.

And because Lent had already passed, and the lawful time of contract was

come, he caused Berengaria, daughter of the King of Navarre, whom his

mother had brought to him in Lent, to be affianced to him in the island.

AT ACRE, (1191).

+Source.+--_Geoffrey de Vinsauf_, Chs. IV., V., VI., VIII., _Chronicles

of the Crusades_. Bohn's Libraries. G. Bell & Sons.

On the following day of Pentecost, King Richard arrived with an army,

the flower of war, and upon learning that the King of France had gained

the goodwill and favour of all, by giving to each of his soldiers three

"aurei" a month,--not to be outdone or equalled in generosity, he

proclaimed by mouth of herald, that whosoever was in his service, no

matter of what nation, should receive four statute "aurei" a month for

his pay. By these means his generosity was extolled by all, for he

outshone everyone else in merit and favours, as he outdid them in gifts

and magnificence. "When," exclaimed they, "will the first attack take

place, by a man whom we have expected so long and anxiously? A man, by

far the first of kings, and the most skilled in war throughout

Christendom? Now let the will of God be done, for the hope of all rests

on King Richard." But after some days sojourn, the King was afflicted

with a severe illness, to which the common people gave the name of

Arnoldia, which is produced by change of climate working on the

constitution. But for all that, he caused petrariae and mangonels to be

raised, and a fort in front of the city gates; and spared no pains to

expedite the construction of machines.

Ch. V. The King of France, not liking the delay in commencing the

attack, sent word to King Richard, that a favourable opportunity now

offered itself: and he also warned, by voice of herald, the army to

prepare for an assault. But King Richard had signified his inability

hitherto to attend to his duty, both on account of indisposition, and

because his men were not yet come; though he hoped that they would

arrive in the next fleet of ships, and would bring with them materials

for the construction of machines. The King of France, not thinking fit

to desist, on that account, from his purpose, commanded an assault to be

proclaimed, by voice of herald throughout the army. Therefore, on the

Monday after the Feast of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist, the King

of France, having erected his machines, gave orders to his men to arm.

Then might have been seen a countless multitude of armed men, worthily

equipped; and so many coats of scale armour, gleaming helmets, and noble

chargers with pennons and banners of various workmanship, and soldiers

of tried valour and courage, as never had been seen before. Having

placed men to defend the trenches against the threatened attack of

Saladin from without, the armies approached the walls of the city and

commenced a most vigorous assault, by casting darts and stones from

arbalests and machines, without ceasing. When the Turks who were shut up

in the city saw this, they raised a tumultuous clamour and shouted to

the skies; so that it resembled the crash in the air caused by thunder

and lightning; for some had this sole duty--to beat basins and platters;

to strike timbrels; and by other means to make signal to Saladin and the

army without; in order that they might come to their succour, according

to agreement. And when the Turks from without saw and heard this, they

gathered in a body; and collecting every material within their reach to

fill up the ditch, they essayed to cross over, and attack our men, but

failed in effecting their object. For Godfrey of Lusignan, a man of the

most approved valour, opposed them, and drove them back from the

barricades, which they had already seized upon, above our men; and he

slew ten of them with an axe he carried in his hand, in a most glorious

manner; and none he smote escaped; nay, he took some alive; for such was

his courage and activity, that no one since the time of those famous

soldiers, Roland and Oliver, could lay claim to such distinction, from

the mouth of all, as himself. Our men regained the barricades, but with

much labour and difficulty; for the Turks kept pouring in, and by their

obstinate persistence, made the issue a long time doubtful. So severe

and insupportable was the struggle, and so horrible the clamour of the

conflict, that the men who were making the assault on the city and were

intent on filling up the trenches, were forced to retire and give up the

attempt, for they were not able to carry on the assault, and at the same

time defend their camp from the Turks without. And many of the French

perished from the darts cast by the arbalests, the throwing of stones,

and the pouring on them of Greek fire; and there was great mourning and

lamentation among the people. O! with what earnestness had we expected

the arrival of the Kings! How fallen were our hopes! They had come, and

we profited not; nay, we suffered a severer loss than usual; and those

we expected came to no purpose. Our men of France having laid aside

their arms, the Turks began to revile them shamefully; and reproached

them with not being able to accomplish what they had begun; moreover,

they threw Greek fire on the machines and other warlike instruments of

the King of France, which had been made with such care, and destroyed

them. Whence the King of France, overcome by fury and anger, sunk into a

state of languid sickness, from sorrow, it was said; and from confusion

and discouragement, mounted not on horseback.

Ch. VIII. The City of Acre, from its strong position, and its being

defended by the choicest men of the Turks, appeared difficult to be

taken by assault. The French had hitherto spent their labour in vain in

constructing machines and engines for breaking down the walls, with the

greatest care; for whatever they erected, at a great expense, the Turks

destroyed with Greek fire or some devouring conflagration. Amongst other

machines and engines which the King of France had erected for breaking

down the walls, he had prepared one with great labour, to be used for

scaling it, which they called a "cat," because like a cat it crept up

and adhered to the wall. He had also another, made of strong hurdle

twigs, put together most compactly, which they used to call a

"cercleia," and under its covering of hides the King of France used to

sit, and employ himself in throwing darts from a sling; he would thus

watch the approach of the Turks, above on the walls, by the battlements,

and then hit them unawares. But it happened one day that the French were

eagerly pressing forward to apply their cat to the walls, when behold!

the Turks let down upon it a heap of the driest wood, and threw upon it

a quantity of Greek fire, as well as upon the hurdle they had

constructed with such toil, and then aimed a petraria in that direction,

and all having forthwith caught fire, they broke them in pieces by the

blows from their petraria. Upon this the King of France was enraged

beyond measure, and began to curse all those who were under his command;

and rated them shamefully for not exacting condign vengeance of the

Saracens, who had done them such injuries. In the heat of his passion,

and when the day was drawing in, he published an edict, by voice of

herald, that an assault should be made upon the city on the morrow.

Ch. XV. What can we say of this race of unbelievers who thus defended

their city? They must be admired for their valour in war, and were the

honour of their whole nation. Yet they dreaded our men, not without

reason, for they saw the choicest soldiers from the ranks of all

Christendom come to destroy them; their walls in part broken down, in

part shattered, the greater portion of their army mutilated, some

killed, and others weakened by their wounds. There were still remaining

in the city 6000 Turks, with Mestoc and Caracois their chiefs, but they

despaired of succour. They perceived that the Christian army was very

much dejected at the death of Alberic Clements, and their sons and

kinsmen who had fallen in battle, and that they were determined either

to die bravely, or gain the mastery over the Turks, and that they

thought a middle course dishonourable. Under these circumstances, by

common counsel and assent, the besieged begged a truce, in order to

inform Saladin of their condition, and to ascertain how far he would

afford them security according to the manner of barbarous nations, by

either sending them speedy help, or giving them leave to depart from the

city with honour. To obtain this object, two of the most noble of the

Saracens and of Paganism, Mestoc and Caracois, came to our Kings with

the promise that if Saladin did not send them speedy assistance, they

would give up the city, on the condition that all the besieged Turks

should be permitted to depart in freedom, with their arms and property,

and go whithersoever they liked. And on the King of France and nearly

all the French giving their assent to this condition at the conference,

King Richard absolutely refused his, and said, it was not to be

consented to, that after so long and laborious a siege they should enter

a deserted city only. On his pleasure being known, Caracois and Mestoc

returned to the city without effecting their object. And Saladin, when

he learnt that ambassadors had been sent by the besieged, commanded them

to persevere and defend their city with as much courage as that which

they had hitherto shewn, promising that most ample assistance should

soon come to them without a doubt; for he declared to the ambassadors

who waited upon him that he would certainly persevere, and as he was

expecting a large body of soldiers from Babylon, they would soon come in

ships and galleys; for he had given orders to Muleina to be with him,

without fail, in eight days; and if they did not come according to

agreement, he promised with an oath to procure for them as honourable a

peace as he could from the Christians, and the liberty to depart. On

hearing these things, the ambassadors returned to the city, and,

repeating the promises of Saladin, persuaded the townsmen to resist

while they looked forward with anxiety for the promised assistance.

Ch. XVI. Meanwhile, the petrariae of the Christians never ceased, day

and night, to shake the walls; and when the Turks saw this, they were

smitten with wonder, astonishment, terror, and confusion; and many,

yielding to their fears, threw themselves down from the walls by night,

and without waiting for the promised aid, very many sought, with

supplications, the sacrament of baptism and Christianity....

Ch. XVII. Saladin, perceiving the dangers of delay, at length determined

to yield to the entreaties of the besieged; he was, moreover, persuaded

by his admirals, and his satraps, and his influential courtiers, who had

many friends and kinsmen among the besieged. The latter alleged also,

that he was bound to them on his promise made on the Mahometan law, that

he would procure for them an honourable capitulation at the last moment,

lest, perchance, made prisoners at discretion, they should be

exterminated or put to an ignominious death, and thus the law of

Mahomet, which had been strictly observed by their ancestors, be effaced

by its dependence on him; and nevertheless very much would be derogated

from his name and excellence if the worshippers of Mahomet should fall

into the hands of Christians. They also begged to remind Saladin of the

fact that they, a chosen race of Turks, in obedience to his commands,

had been cooped up in the city, and withstood a siege for so long a

time; they reminded him too, that they had not seen their wives and

children for three years, during which period the siege had lasted; and

they said that it would be better to surrender the city, than that

people of such merit should be destroyed. The princes persuading the

Sultan to this effect, that their latter condition might not be worse

than their former one; he assented to their making peace on the best

terms they could, and they drew up a statement of what appeared to them

the most proper terms of treaty....

Ch. XVIII. Thus, after the Friday after the Translation of St. Benedict,

the principal and noblest of the admirals were given and received as

hostages, and the space of one month fixed for the delivery of the Cross

and the collecting together of the captives. And when it was rumoured

abroad that the city was to be given up, the common people, in their

folly, were inflamed with fury, but the wiser portion rejoiced, at

gaining so profitably and without danger, what they had been so long a

time unable to obtain. Then was it proclaimed and prohibited by voice of

herald, that any one should molest the Turks by word or deed, or provoke

them by abuse, or that missiles should any longer be cast for the

destruction of the walls or of the Turks who might be seen on the

battlements.

RETURN OF PHILIP (1191).

+Source.+--_Geoffrey de Vinsauf_, Ch. XXI., _Chronicles of the Crusades_.

Bohn's Libraries. G. Bell & Sons.

Ch. XXI. Affairs being in this position, at the end of the month of

July, within which the Turks had promised to restore the holy cross, and

receive back their hostages, a rumour spread among the army, that the

King of France, on whom the hope of the people rested, intended to

return home, and was making active preparations for his journey. Oh how

wicked and how insulting a proceeding, while as yet so much work

remained on hand, to wish to go away, when his duty was to rule so large

a multitude of people, and when his presence was so necessary to

encourage the Christians to so pious a work, and to provide for the

progress of so arduous an undertaking! O why did he come so long a way

and with so much toil, if he intended to return almost immediately? O

wonderful performance of his vow, by merely entering the Holy Land, and

contending against the Turks with such small triumph! But why need we

say more? The King of France alleged sickness as the cause of his

return; and said that he had performed his vow as far as he was able;

most of all, because he was well and sound when he took up the cross

with King Henry between Trie and Gisors.... But when the inflexible

determination of the King of France to return became known to all, and

his refusal to yield to the murmurs of his men, or their supplications

to remain, the French would have renounced their subjection to him, if

it could have been done, and would have loathed his dominion; and they

imprecated on him every kind of adversity and misfortune that could fall

to the lot of man in this life. But for all that the King of France

hastened his voyage as much as possible, and left in his stead the Duke

of Burgundy, with a large number of men. Moreover, he begged King

Richard to supply him with two galleys, and the King readily gave him

two of his best; how ungrateful he was of this service was afterwards

seen.

RICHARD'S SICKNESS (1192). A TRUCE.

+Source.+--_Richard of Devizes_, §§ 87, 88, 90, 91, 92, 93, _Chronicles

of the Crusades_. Bohn's Libraries. G. Bell & Sons.

§ 87. The King was extremely sick, and confined to his bed; his fever

continued without intermission; the physicians whispered that it was an

acute semitertian.... No one speaks of the indisposition of the King,

lest the secret of their intense sorrow should be disclosed to the

enemy; for it was thoroughly understood that Saladin feared the charge

of the whole army less than that of the King alone; and if he should

know that he was dead, he would instantly pelt the French with cow-dung,

and intoxicate the best of the English with a dose that should make them

tremble.

§ 88. In the meantime, a certain Gentile, called Saffatin, came down to

see the King as he generally did: he was a brother of Saladin, an

ancient man of war of remarkable politeness and intelligence, and one

whom the King's magnanimity and munificence had charmed even to the love

of his person and favour of his party. The King's servants greeting him

less joyfully than they were accustomed, and not admitting him to an

interview with the King, "I perceive," said he by his interpreter, "that

you are greatly afflicted; nor am I ignorant of the cause. My friend

your King is sick.... O! if that Richard, whom although I love yet I

fear, if he were despatched out of the way, how little should we then

fear, how very little should we make account of that youngest of the

sons, who sleeps at home in clover. It was not unknown to us, that

Richard, who nobly succeeded his great father in the kingdom,

immediately set forward against us even in the very year of his

coronation. The number of his ships and troops was not unknown to us

before his setting forth. We knew, even at the very time, with what

speed he took Messina. The well-fortified city of Sicily, which he

besieged; and although none of our people believed it, yet our fears

increased, and fame added false terrors to the true.

§ 91. "His valour unable to rest in one place, proceeded through a

boundless region, and everywhere left trophies of his courage. We

questioned among ourselves whether he made ready to subdue, for his God

the Land of Promise only, or at the same time to take the whole world

for himself. Who shall worthily relate the capture of Cyprus? Verily had

the island of Cyprus been close to Egypt, and had my brother Saladin

subdued it in ten years, his name would have been reckoned by the people

among the names of the gods. When, however, we at last perceived that he

overthrew whatever resisted his purpose, our hearts were melted as the

hoar-frost melts at the appearance of the approaching sun, forasmuch as

it was said of him that he ate his enemies alive. And if he were not

presently, on the very day of his arrival before Acre, received freely

into the city with open gates, fear alone was the cause. It was not from

their desire to preserve the city, but through dread of the torments

promised them and their despair of life that they fought so bravely, or

rather, desperately, fearing this more than death, endeavouring this by

all means, namely, that they should not die unrevenged. And this was not

from sheer obstinacy, but to follow up the doctrine of our faith. For we

believe that the spirits of the unavenged wander for ever, and that they

are deprived of all rest. But what did the rashness and timidity of the

devoted profit them? Being vanquished by force and constrained by fear

to surrender, they were punished with a more lenient death than they

expected. And yet, oh! shame on the Gentiles, their spirits wandered

unavenged! I swear to you by the Great God, that if, after he had gained

Acre, he had immediately led his army to Jerusalem, he would not have

found even one of our people in the whole circuit of the Christian's

land; on the contrary, we should have offered him inestimable treasure,

that he might not proceed, that he might not prosecute us further.

§ 92. "But thanks be to God, he was burdened with the King of the French,

and hindered by him like a cat with a hammer tied to its tail. To

conclude, we, though his rivals, see nothing in Richard that we can find

fault with but his valour; nothing to hate but his experience in war.

But what glory is there in fighting with a sick man? And although this

very morning I could have wished that both you and he had all received

your final doom, now I compassionate you on account of your King's

illness. I will either obtain for you a settled peace with my brother,

or at the least, a good and durable truce...."

§ 93. The bishop of Salisbury and such of the most trusty of the King's

household as were present, who had secretly deliberated with him upon

this subject, reluctantly consented to the truce which before they had

determined to purchase at any price, as if it had been detested and not

desired by them. So their right hands being given and received,

Saffatin, when he had washed his face, and disguised his sorrow,

returned to Jerusalem, to Saladin. The council was assembled before his

brother, and after seventeen days of weighty argument, he with

difficulty succeeded in prevailing on the stubbornness of the Gentiles

to grant a truce to the Christians. The time was appointed and the form

approved. If it please King Richard, for the space of three years, three

months, three weeks, three days and three hours, such a truce shall be

observed between the Christians and the Gentiles, that whatever either

one party or the other in any wise possesses, he shall possess without

molestation to the end; it will be permitted during the interval, that

the Christians at their pleasure may fortify Acre only, and the Gentiles

Jerusalem. All contracts, commerce, every act and every thing shall be

mutually carried on by all in peace. Saffatin himself is despatched to

the English as the bearer of this decree.

CHIVALRY OF SALADIN (1192-3).

+Source.+--_Geoffrey de Vinsauf_, Ch. 32, _Chronicles of the Crusades_.

Bohn's Libraries. G. Bell & Sons.

The next day certain of the Turks appeared before Saladin, and earnestly

entreated of him that they might be allowed to take vengeance on the

Christians who were now in their power, for the death of their friends,

fathers, brothers, sons, and relations who had been slain, first at

Acre, and afterwards at other places, and now, as they said, that they

had so good an opportunity. Saladin sent for the Turkish chiefs to

consult about this request, and Mestoc, Saphadin, Bedridin, and

Dorderin, were speedily in attendance. When the subject was placed

before them, it was their unanimous opinion that the Christians should

have leave to come and go, without injury or hinderance. "For," said

they to Saladin, "it would be a deep stain upon our honour, if the

treaty which has been made between you and the King of England should,

by our interference, be broken, and the faith of the Turks for ever

afterwards be called in question." In consequence of these observations,

Saladin gave orders immediately that the Christians should be taken care

of, and escorted to the city and back again without molestation. To

discharge this commission, Saphadin was at his own request deputed; and

under his protection the pilgrims had free access to the Holy Sepulchre,

and were treated with the greatest liberality, after which they returned

joyfully to Acre.

RETURN OF RICHARD (1193).

+Source.+--_Geoffrey de Vinsauf_, Ch. 37, _Chronicles of the Crusades_.

Bohn's Libraries. G. Bell & Sons.

Everything was now settled, and the King was already on the point of

embarking, when determining before he went, to leave nothing behind him

which might detract from his honour, he ordered proclamation to be made

that all who had claims on him should come forward, and that all his

debts should be paid fully, and more than fully, to avoid all occasion

afterwards of detraction or complaint. What sighs and tears were there

when the royal fleet weighed anchor! A blessing was invoked on the

King's many acts of benevolence, his virtues and his largesses were set

forth, and the numerous excellences combined in one man. How then did

the lamentations of all resound as they exclaimed, O Jerusalem, bereft

now of every succour! How hast thou lost thy defender? Who will protect

thee, should the truce be broken, now that King Richard is departed?

Such were the words of each when the King, whose health was not yet

fully re-established, and who was the subject of all their anxious

wishes, went on board and set sail. All night the ship ran on her way by

the light of the stars, and when morning dawned, the King looked back

with yearning eyes upon the land which he had left, and after long

meditation, he prayed aloud, in the hearing of several, in these words:

"O holy land, I commend thee to God, and if his heavenly grace shall

grant me so long to live, that I may in his good pleasure, afford thee

assistance, I hope, as I propose to be able to be some day a succour to

thee." With these words he urged the sailors to spread their canvass to

the winds, that they might the sooner cross over the expanse of sea that

lay before them; ignorant indeed of the tribulations and sorrows which

awaited him, and the calamities that he was to suffer from the treachery

that had long before been transmitted to France, by which it was

contrived that he should be wickedly thrown into prison, though he

justly suspected no such evil in the service of God, and in so laborious

a pilgrimage. O how unequally was he recompensed for his exertions in

the common cause! His inheritance was seized by another, his castles in

Normandy were unjustly taken, his rivals made cruel assaults on his

rights without provocation, and he only escaped from captivity by paying

a ransom to the Emperor of Germany. To gather the money for his ransom,

the taxes were raised to the uttermost; a large collection was levied

upon all his land and everything was distracted; for the chalices and

hallowed vessels of gold and silver were gathered from the churches, and

the monasteries were obliged to do without their utensils; neither was

this unlawful according to the decrees of the holy fathers, nay, it was

even a matter of necessity inasmuch as no saint, many though there be,

ever during life, suffered so much for the Lord as King Richard in his

captivity in Austria and in Germany. He who had gained so many triumphs

over the Turks was nefariously circumvented by the brethren of his own

faith, and seized by those who agreed with him in name only as members

of the Creed of Christ. Alas, how much more are secret snares to be

feared than open discord, according to the proverb, "It is easier to

avoid a hostile than a deceitful man." Oh, shame be it said, that one

whom no adversary could resist, nor the whole force of Saladin could

conquer, was now seized by an ignoble people, and kept a prisoner in

Germany. Oh, how painful is it for those who have been nurtured in

liberty, to be placed at the beck of another! But out of that captivity,

by God's usual mercy, his own activity, and the care of his faithful

servants, he was at length set at liberty for a large sum of money,

because he was known to be a man of great power. At last restored to his

native soil and the kingdom of his ancestors, in a short time he

restored all to tranquillity. He then crossed over into Normandy, to

avenge himself on the wanton aggressions of the King of France, his

rival; and when he had more than once defeated him, he powerfully

recovered with sword and spear his alienated rights, even with

augmentation.

RICHARD'S CAPTURE (1192).

+Source.+--_Roger de Hoveden_, Vol. II., pp. 269-70. Bohn's Libraries.

G. Bell & Sons.

After this, the King of England placing everything in the hands of

Henry, Count of Champagne, hastened to return to his kingdom, by reason

of the sinister reports which he had heard, both as to the King of

France and the expulsion of his Chancellor, as also the Earl of

Mortaigne, his brother, who had seized the castles of the kingdom and

would have taken possession of the whole thereof if he could have found

the opportunity. Accordingly, the King of England came to Caiaphas,

where he fell sick, and proceeded thence to Acre. Here, after the feast

of St. Michael, being the eighth day before the Ides of October, and the

fifth day of the week, he embarked on board of a large buss, and, within

a month from that day, arrived at the island of Cunerfu, where he went

on board a boat, and sailed towards three galleys which he saw on the

opposite side off the coast of Romania, and hired them to take him as

far as Ragusa, for two hundred marks of silver; after which he returned

to his buss, and the said galleys with him; and, having made terms with

them, he took with him Baldwin, the advocate of Bethune, and twenty

other companions, and embarked on board one of the said galleys, and on

landing at Gazera, near Ragusa, declined to tell them that he was King

of England, but said that they were pilgrims. However, although he had a

long beard and long hair and garments, and everything else to resemble

the people of that country, he was unable to remain unknown, in

consequence of his great expenditure, which was quite foreign to the

usage of the people of that country.

Immediately, the people of the province guessing that he was the King of

England, prepared to capture him and deliver him to the Emperor of the

Romans, who hated him, on account of the aid he had given to King

Tancred, and for the death of his kinsman, the Marquis Conrad. Upon the

King of England being informed of this by one of his followers, he

placed his retinue in charge of Baldwin, the Advocate of Bethune, and

ordered him to remain the next four days at that place, making a more

lavish expenditure than he himself had done; after which, he himself,

with a single attendant, having mounted a swift horse, his attendant

doing the same, set out late at night, and, hastening day and night,

arrived in the neighbourhood of Vienna; at a little village, not far

from which place he and his attendant took up their abode. While the

King's attendant was gone to buy food, the King, being fatigued by the

labour of his journey, immediately threw himself upon a bed and fell

asleep. In the meantime, his attendant, while endeavouring to exchange

some money, was recognized by the servant of the duke of Austria, and

taken prisoner, and brought before the duke; and, when he could conceal

it no longer, disclosed to him the lodging of the King; on which they

came, and, finding him asleep, took him prisoner. As for the Advocate of

Bethune, and those who were with him, on attempting to leave the town,

they were taken prisoners, and not allowed to depart.

THE RELEASE OF RICHARD (1192).

+Source.+--_Roger de Hoveden_, Vol. II., pp. 281-2. Bohn's

Libraries. G. Bell & Sons.

Accordingly, upon hearing of the confinement of the King, Walter,

Archbishop of Rouen, and the other justiciaries of our lord the King,

sent the Abbot of Boxley and the Abbot of Pont Robert to Germany, to

seek the King of England. After having passed through the whole of

Germany, and not finding the King, they entered Bavaria, and met the

King at a town, the name of which is Oxefer, where he was brought before

the Emperor, to hold a conference with him, on Palm Sunday. On hearing

that the before-named abbots had come from England, the King showed

himself courteous and affable to them; making enquiries about the state

of his kingdom and the fidelity of his subjects, and the health and

prosperity of the King of Scotland, in whose fidelity he placed a very

strong reliance: on which they testified to what they had heard and

seen. A conference accordingly taking place between them, the King made

complaint of the treachery of his brother, John, earl of Mortaigne, on

whom he had conferred so many favours and boundless honors, and who had

thrown himself into the hands of the King of France against him, and,

having broken the ties of brotherhood, had made a league with death and

a compact with hell. The King, though greatly afflicted upon this

subject, suddenly broke forth into these words of consolation, saying,

"My brother John is not the man to subjugate a country, if there is a

person able to make the slightest resistance to his attempts."

During his journey of three days, while on the road to meet the emperor,

it was the admiration of all how boldly, how courteously, and how

becomingly he behaved himself, and they judged him worthy of the

imperial elevation who so thoroughly understood the arts of command, and

how, with uniform self-possession, to rise superior to the two-faced

events of fortune. On a day named, after he had held a conference by

messengers with the emperor, they were unable on that day to have an

interview with him, because the Emperor had made of him many demands, to

which the King had determined not to yield, even though his life should

be perilled thereby. On the morrow, however, while all were despairing,

with joyous success ensued joyous consolation.

For, on the emperor accusing the King of many things, and charging him

with many misdeeds, both with his betrayal of the land of Sulia, and

with the death of the Marquis of Montferrat, as also with reference to

certain covenants made between them and not observed by him, the King

made answer with such frankness, such self-possession and such

intrepidity, that the emperor thought him worthy, not only of his favour

and pardon, but even of his praise. For he raised the King when bending

before him, and received him with the kiss of peace, and made a treaty

of friendship with him, and, loading him with honors and succour (the

people standing round and bursting into tears for very joy), made a

promise that he would reconcile the King of England with the King of

France. After this, with the mediation of the duke of Austria, the King

of England promised that he would pay to the Emperor for his liberation,

by way of ransom, one hundred thousand marks. The emperor also promised

that, if by his means the King of England and the King of France could

not be reconciled, he would send the King of England home without

exacting the money.

ENGLAND UNDER THE CHANCELLORS (1191-3).

+Source.+--_Roger de Hoveden_, Vol. II., p. 231 _seqq_. Bohn's Libraries.

G. Bell & Sons.

William, bishop of Ely, the King's Chancellor, was a great man among all

the people of the west, and, as though gifted with a two-fold right

hand, wielded the power of the kingdom, and the authority of the

Apostolic See, and was in possession of the King's seal over all lands,

so as to be enabled to govern according to his own will, and of his own

power to bring all things to completion; even in the same degree of

estimation as both king and priest together was he held; nor was there

any person to be found to dare to offer resistance to his will. For he

said, and the thing was done, he commanded, and all means were

discovered. In his hands were the royal treasures, the whole of the

King's riches, and the entire exchequer, so much so that all property

whatsoever that swam beneath our skies was no longer said to belong to

the King, but to him. And really if it had been the time of the Cæsars,

he would with Tiberius have had himself styled the living God. But when

the King had given him certain earls as his associates, in order that at

least the more weighty concerns of the realm might be managed by their

counsels in common, he could not at all endure to have any partner

therein, as he thought that the greater part of his glory would be

thrown into the shade, if he should stand in need of the advice of any

mortal being. Therefore he ruled alone, therefore he reigned alone, and

from sea to sea was he dreaded as though a God; and were I to say still

more, I should not be telling a falsehood, because God is long-suffering

and merciful; while he, ruling every thing according to his own

impulses, was neither able to observe justice when acting, nor to endure

delay in waiting the proper time. Hence it arose that he set at nought

all the letters and mandates of his lord; that he might not seem to have

a superior nor be supposed to be subject to any one, having always made

every one act as the servant of his own will. Therefore, after England

had for a considerable time suffered under so heavy a burden and a yoke

so insupportable, at length, while groaning at his deeds, she cried

aloud with all her might. As, therefore, a man so powerful could not be

overcome by man, the Father of Mercies and the God of all consolation

came to the aid of the people who supplicated God, and supplanting the

hand of mercy in his case, hurled him down from his power, and brought

this accuser, or rather destroyer, to such a pitch of giddiness of mind,

that he was unable to recover or rouse himself therefrom; but he so

hardened his heart, blinded his mind, and infatuated his counsels, that

he first besieged the Archbishop of York in a church, then seized him,

and after seizing him, violently tore him away; after tearing him away,

strongly bound him; after strongly binding him, dragged him along; and

after dragging him along, threw him into prison. And although there was

a concourse of people who exclaimed, "What has this righteous man and

friend of God been guilty of, that he should be taken to prison? his

innocent blood is condemned without a cause." Still pity could not

listen where pride reigned, and God was not heard where the tyrant held

sway. For the said Archbishop was coming from the country of Normandy

with his pastoral staff and mitre, and ring, and superhumeral, which in

later times has been styled the pall. And although he was the son of

King Henry, of happy memory, and the brother of King Richard, who now

reigns, and the brother of John, Earl of Mortaigne, still, his royal

blood could be of no service to him; and although he had been recently

consecrated, the recent performance of that sacrament could not avail

him.

The associates also of the said Chancellor whom the King had associated

with him in the government of the kingdom, accused him of many offences,

saying that, despising their advice, he had transacted all the affairs

of the kingdom according to impulse and his own will. The Archbishop of

Rouen also, and William Marshal, Earl of Striguil, then for the first

time produced before the people the sealed letters from our lord the

King, in which the King had sent orders from Messina, that they should

be associated with him in the government of the kingdom, and that,

without the advice of them and the other persons so appointed, he was

not to act in the affairs of the King and the kingdom, and that if he

should do anything to the detriment of the kingdom, or without the

consent of the persons before-named, he should be deposed and the

Archbishop of Rouen substituted in his place.

It seemed good, therefore, to John, the King's brother, and all the

bishops, earls, and barons of the kingdom, and to the citizens of

London, that the Chancellor should be deposed, and they accordingly

deposed him, and substituted in his place the Archbishop of Rouen, who

was willing to do nothing in the government of kingdom except with the

will and consent of the persons assigned to him as associates therein,

and with the sanction of the barons of the exchequer.

THE CAPTURE OF ARTHUR (1202).

+Source.+--_Roger of Wendover_, Vol. II., _Annal 1202_. Bohn's

Libraries. G. Bell & Sons.

When the French and the people of Poictou learned that the King was on

his way, they went out with a pompous array to meet him, and give him

battle; but when they met each other in battle order, and had engaged,

the King bravely withstood their turbulent attacks, and at length put

them to flight, pursuing them so quickly with his cavalry, that he

entered the castle at the same time as the fugitives. Then a most severe

conflict took place inside the walls of the castle, but was soon

determined by the laudable valour of the English: in the conflict there

two hundred French knights were taken prisoners, and all the nobles in

Poictou and Anjou, together with Arthur himself, so that not one out of

the whole number escaped, who could return and tell the misfortune to

the rest of their countrymen. Having, therefore, secured his prisoners

in fetters and shackles, and placed them in cars, a new and unusual mode

of conveyance, the King sent some of them to Normandy, and some to

England, to be imprisoned in strong castles, whence there would be no

fear of their escape; but Arthur was kept at Falaise under close custody.

THE LOSS OF NORMANDY (1204).

+Source.+--_Roger of Wendover_, Vol. II., _Annal 1204_. Bohn's

Libraries. G. Bell & Sons.

Thus the castle of the Rock of Andelys fell into the hands of the French

King on the 6th of March, and Roger de Lacy with all his followers were

taken to France, where, on account of the bravery he had shown in

defence of his castle, he was detained prisoner on parole. On this all

the holders of castles in the transmarine territories, with the citizens

and other subjects of the King of England, sent messages to England to

tell him in what a precarious situation they were placed, and that the

time, according to the terms of the treaty, was near, when they must

either give up the cities and castles to the King of the French, or

consign to destruction the hostages which they had given him. To which

message King John answered, and intimated by the same messengers to all

of them, that they were to expect no assistance from him, but that they

each were to do what seemed best to him. And thus, all kind of defence

failing in those provinces, the whole of Normandy, Tours, Anjou, and

Poictou, with the cities, castles, and other possessions, except the

Castles of Rochelle, Thouars, and Niorz, fell to the dominion of the

King of the French. When this was told to the English King, he was

enjoying all the pleasures of life with his Queen, in whose company he

believed that he possessed everything he wanted; moreover, he felt

confidence in the immensity of the wealth he had collected, as if by

that he could regain the territory he had lost.

LONDON (CIRC. 1204).

+Source.+--_Richard of Devizes, Chronicles of the Crusades_, § 80.

Bohn's Libraries. G. Bell & Sons.

Every race of men, out of every nation which is under heaven, resort

thither in great numbers; every nation has introduced into that city its

vices and bad manners. No one lives in it without offence; there is not

a single street in it that does not abound in miserable, obscene

wretches; there, in proportion as any man has exceeded in wickedness, so

much is he the better. I am not ignorant of the disposition I am

exhorting; you have, in addition to your youth, an ardent disposition, a

slowness of memory and a soberness of reason between extremes. I feel in

myself no uneasiness about you, unless you should abide with men of

corrupt lives; for from our associations our manners are formed. But let

that be as it may. You will come to London. Behold! I warn you, whatever

of evil or perversity there is in any, whatever in all parts of the

world, you will find in that city alone. Go not to the dances of

panders, nor mix yourself up with the herds of the houses of ill fame;

avoid the talus and the dice, the theatre and the tavern. You will find

more braggadocios there than in all France, while the number of

flatterers is infinite. Stage-players, buffoons, those that have no hair

on their bodies, Garamantes, pickthanks, catamites, effeminate

evildoers, lewd musical girls, druggists, lustful persons,

fortune-tellers, extortioners, nightly strollers, magicians, mimics,

common beggars, tatterdemalions--this whole crew has filled every house.

So if you do not wish to live with the shameful, you will not dwell in

London.

THE TOWNS OF ENGLAND.

I am not speaking against the learned, whether monks or Jews; although,

still, from their very dwelling together with such evil persons, I

should esteem them less perfect there than elsewhere.

Nor does my advice go so far, as that you should betake yourself to no

city; with my counsel you will take up your residence nowhere but in a

town, though it remains to say in what.

Therefore, if you should land near Canterbury, you will have to lose

your way, if even you should but pass through it. It is an assemblage of

the vilest, entirely devoted to their--I know not whom, but who has been

lately canonized, and had been the Archbishop of Canterbury, as

everywhere they die in the open day in the streets for want of bread and

employment.

Rochester and Chichester are mere villages, and they possess nothing for

which they should be called cities, but the Sees of their bishops.

Oxford scarcely, I will not say satisfies, but sustains its clerks.

Exeter supports men and beasts with the same grain. Bath is placed, or

rather buried, in the lowest parts of the valleys, in a very dense

atmosphere and sulphury vapour, as it were at the gates of Hell. Nor yet

will you select your habitation in the Northern cities nor in Worcester,

Chester, Hereford, on account of the desperate Welshmen. York abounds in

Scots, vile and faithless men, or rather rascals. The town of Ely is

always putrefied by the surrounding marshes. In Durham, Norwich, or

Lincoln, there are very few of your disposition among the powerful; you

will never hear anyone speak French. At Bristol there is nobody who is

not, or has not been, a soap-maker, and every Frenchman esteems

soap-makers as he does nightmen.

After the cities, every market, village or town, has but rude and rustic

inhabitants. Moreover, at all times, account the Cornish people for such

as you know our Flemish are accounted in France. For the rest, the

kingdom itself is generally most favoured with the dew of heaven and the

fatness of the earth; and in every place there are some good, but much

fewer in them all than in Winchester alone.

This is in those parts the Jerusalem of the Jews, in it alone they enjoy

perpetual peace; it is the school of those who desire to live well and

prosper. Here they become men, here there is bread and wine enough for

nothing. There are therein monks of such compassion and gentleness,

clergy of such understanding and frankness, citizens of such civility

and good faith, ladies of such beauty and modesty, that little hinders

but I should go there and become a Christian with such Christians. To

that city I direct you, the city of cities, the mother of all, the best

above all.

There is but one fault, and that alone in which they customarily indulge

too much. With the exception I should say of the learned and of the

Jews, the Winchester people tell lies like watchmen, but it is in making

up reports. For in no place under heaven so many false rumours are

fabricated so easily as there; otherwise they are true in everything.

JOHN'S GRANT TO THE ABBEY OF CROYLAND (1202-1206).

+Source.+--_Ingulph's Chronicles._ Bohn's Libraries. G. Bell & Sons.

The Charter of our lord the King, John, as to the confirmation of the

boundaries of the abbey, and of which mention is made above, was to the

following effect: "John, by the Grace of God, King of England, lord of

Ireland, duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and Earl of Anjou, to the

archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justiciaries, sheriffs, and

all his bailiffs and faithful subjects, greeting. Know ye, that we have

granted and confirmed unto God and the Church of St. Guthlac at

Croyland, and to the abbot and monks there serving God, all the lands

and tenements, and other the possessions to the said church belonging,

and in especial the site of the said abbey, together with the boundaries

thereof herein named, which extend as follow: a distance of five

leagues, from Croyland to the place where the Asendyk falls into the

waters of the Welland, together with all piscaries to the said

boundaries belonging. Wherefore we do will and strictly command that the

before-named church, and abbot, and monks shall hold and for ever

possess all their lands, tenements, and other their possessions, and all

the gifts which since the death of King Henry, the grandfather of our

father, have been reasonably given to them, fully, peacefully, freely,

quietly, and honourably, to enjoy the same in wood and in plain, in

meadows and in pastures, in waters and in marshes, in preserves and in

fisheries, in mills and in mill-dams, and in all other things and

places, with right of Sach and Soch, and Thol, and Them, and

Infangthefe, and with all other free customs and acquittances, as fully,

freely, and quietly as the said church, and abbot, and monks, held the

same in the time of King Henry, the grandfather of our father, or other

our predecessors Kings of England, and as fully, freely, and quietly as

any churches in our kingdom of England hold the same, in such manner as

is by the Charter of King Henry our father reasonably testified, etc.

Given by the hand of Simon, Archdeacon of Wells."

Not even thus, however, did the venerable abbot Henry gain the wish for

repose, but, like a stone out of the living rock to be placed in a

heavenly house, was he squared, both on the right side and on the left,

by repeated blows and numerous buffetings. For Acharius, also the Abbot

of Burgh St. Peter (not content with his own boundaries, but desirous,

contrary to the prophetic warning "to join house to house, and lay field

to field, till there be no place,") first, by the royal writ, obtained

of the King from beyond sea, impleaded the said abbot Henry, and without

any good reason claimed against him our southern marsh called Alderland,

of which our monastery had held undisturbed possession from its

foundation until the times of our said father, just as the Assyrians did

against the people of God. Upon this, Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury,

who was then chief justiciary of England, sent letters mandatory to the

abbats of Ramsay and Thorney, directing them to make inquisition in his

behalf upon the oaths of eighteen knights, mutually agreed upon, what

right each of them had to the lands, meadows, pastures, and marshes, and

all other things between the river Rene, and the river Welland, and

which ought to be the boundaries between the Abbey of Burgh and the

Abbey of Croyland, and fully to state the said inquisition, under their

seals, and those of the knights to the before-named archbishop and

justices.

A dissension, however, arising between the inquisitors, they returned to

their homes, leaving the matter unsettled.

At length, however, after many conferences, discussions, delays, and

expenses on both sides the dispute between the two abbats having been

enquired into at great length before the justices of our lord the King

at Lexington, was finally settled to the no small detriment of the

church of Croyland.

THE ELECTION OF LANGTON (1207).

+Source.+--_Roger of Wendover_, Vol. II., _Annal 1207_. Bohn's

Libraries. G. Bell & Sons.

About this time the monks of the church of Canterbury appeared before

our lord the Pope, to plead a disgraceful dispute which had arisen

between themselves; for a certain part of them, by authenticated letters

of the convent, presented Reginald, sub-prior of Canterbury, as they had

often done, to be archbishop-elect, and earnestly required the

confirmation of his election; the other portion of the same monks had,

by letters alike authentic, presented John, bishop of Norwich, showing

by many arguments that the election of the sub-prior was null, not only

because it had been made by night, and without the usual ceremonies, and

without the consent of the King, but also because it had not been made

by the older and wiser part of the convent; and thus setting forth these

reasons, they asked that that election should be confirmed, which was

made before fitting witnesses in open day and by consent, and in the

presence of the King. At length, after long arguments on both sides, our

lord the Pope, seeing that the parties could not agree in fixing on the

same person, and that both elections had been made irregularly, and not

according to the decrees of the holy canons, by the advice of his

cardinals, annulled both elections, laying the apostolic interdict on

the parties, and by definitive judgment ordering, that neither of them

should again aspire to the honours of the archbishopric. When at length

the letters of our lord the Pope came to the notice of the English King,

he was exceedingly enraged, as much at the promotion of Stephen Langton,

as at the annulling of the election of the bishop of Norwich, and

accused the monks of Canterbury of treachery; for he said that they had,

to the prejudice of his rights, elected their sub-prior without his

permission, and afterwards, to palliate their fault by giving

satisfaction to him, they chose the bishop of Norwich; that they had

also received money from the treasury for their expenses in obtaining

the confirmation of the said bishop's election from the apostolic see;

and to complete their iniquity, they had there elected Stephen Langton,

his open enemy, and had obtained his consecration to the archbishopric.

On this account the said King, in the fury of his anger and indignation,

sent Fulk de Cantelu and Henry de Cornhill, two most cruel and inhuman

knights, with armed attendants, to expel the monks of Canterbury, as if

they were guilty of a crime against his injured majesty from England, or

else to consign them to capital punishment. These knights were not slow

to obey the commands of their lord, but set out for Canterbury, and,

entering the monastery with drawn swords, in the King's name fiercely

ordered the prior and monks to depart immediately from the kingdom of

England as traitors to the King's Majesty; and they affirmed with an

oath that, if they (the monks) refused to do this, they would themselves

set fire to the monastery, and the other offices adjoining it, and would

burn all the monks themselves with their buildings. The monks, acting

unadvisedly, departed without violence or laying hands on anyone; all of

them, except thirteen sick men who were lying in the infirmary unable to

walk, forthwith crossed into Flanders, and were honourably received at

the Abbey of St. Bertinus and other monasteries on the Continent.

Afterwards, by the orders of the King, some monks of the order of St.

Augustine were placed in the church of Canterbury in their stead to

perform the duties there; the before-mentioned bulk managing, and even

distributing and confiscating, all the property of the same monks,

whilst their lands and those of the archbishop remained uncultivated.

The aforesaid monks were driven from their monastery into exile on the

fourteenth of July.

THE INTERDICT (1208).

+Source.+--_Roger of Wendover_, Vol. II., _Annal 1208_. Bohn's

Libraries. G. Bell & Sons.

The Bishops of London, Ely, and Winchester, in execution of the

legateship entrusted to them, went to King John, and after duly setting

forth the apostolic commands, entreated of him humbly and with tears,

that he, having God in his sight, would recall the archbishop and the

monks of Canterbury to their Church, and honour and love them with

perfect affection, and they informed him that thus he would avoid the

shame of an interdict, and the Disposer of rewards, would if he did so,

multiply his temporal honours on him, and after his death would bestow

lasting glory on him. When the said bishops wished, out of regard to the

King, to prolong the discourse, the King became nearly mad with rage,

and broke forth in words of blasphemy against the Pope and his

cardinals, swearing by God's teeth, that, if they or any other priests

soever presumptuously dared to lay his dominions under an interdict, he

would immediately send all the prelates of England, clerks as well as

ordained persons, to the Pope, and confiscate all their property; he

added, moreover, that all the clerks of Rome or of the Pope himself who

could be found in England or in his other territories, he would send to

Rome with their eyes plucked out, and their noses slit, that by these

marks they might be known there from other people; in addition to this,

he plainly ordered the bishops to take themselves quickly from his sight

if they wished to keep their bodies free from harm.

THE BATTLE OF BOUVINES (1214).

+Source.+--_Matthew of Westminster_, Vol. II., p. 119. Bohn's

Libraries. G. Bell & Sons.

The Count of Flanders and William, Earl of Salisbury, by making a

prodigal distribution of the King's treasures, collected a numerous army

of hired mercenaries, having formed a design of suddenly attacking

Philip, King of France on a Sunday, as he was not accustomed to bear

arms on that day. They had also great hope from, and great reliance in,

the wisdom and assistance of the Emperor Otho, who was, as it were,

watching for a struggle with a drawn sword.

Accordingly the battle of Bouvines in Flanders was fought, and great

bravery was shown on both sides. The King of France had three fine

horses stabbed under him, nevertheless by the assistance of God he that

day gained an important triumph over his enemies. Many nobles both of

the Empire and of the kingdom of England were taken prisoners, but the

Emperor escaped with a few of his men who were at hand. To the greater

confusion of King John, he was repulsed from the castle which is called

Monk's Rock, in consequence of the arrival of Louis, a son of the King

of France; so that hearing the news of the taking of his nobles at

Bouvines, he felt both God and man were offended with, and hostile to

him. Accordingly he fled disgracefully and ignominiously from the siege

before mentioned, and if he had not given eleven thousand marks of

silver for a truce for 3 years and then retreated into England with all

speed, he would no doubt have been taken, to his great disgrace.

EVENTS LEADING TO THE MAGNA CHARTA (1214).

+Source.+--_Roger of Wendover_, Vol. II., _Annal 1214_. Bohn's

Libraries. G. Bell & Sons.

On the 25th of August in the same year, Stephen, Archbishop of

Canterbury, with the bishops, abbots, priors, deacons, and barons of the

kingdom assembled at St. Paul's in the City of London, and there the

archbishop granted permission to the Conventual Churches, as well as to

the secular priests, to chant the services of the church in a low voice,

in the hearing of their parishioners. At this conference, as report

asserts, the said archbishop called some of the nobles aside to him, and

conversed privately with them to the following effect: "Did you hear,"

said he, "how, when I absolved the King at Winchester, I made him swear

that he would do away with unjust laws, and would recall good laws, such

as those of King Edward, and cause them to be observed by all in the

kingdom; a Charter of Henry Ist of England has just now been found, by

which you may, if you wish it, recall your long-lost rights and your

former condition."

* * * * *

On the Monday next after the octaves of Easter, the said barons

assembled in the town of Brackley, and when the King learned this, he

sent the archbishop of Canterbury, and William Marshal earl of Pembroke,

with some other prudent men, to them to enquire what the laws and

liberties were which they demanded. The barons then delivered to the

messengers a paper, containing in great measure the laws and ancient

customs of the kingdom, and declared that, unless the King immediately

granted them and confirmed them under his own seal, they would, by

taking possession of his fortresses, force him to give them sufficient

satisfaction as to their before-named demands. The archbishop with his

fellow messengers then carried the paper to the King, and read to him

the heads of the paper one by one throughout.

The King when he heard the purport of these heads, derisively said, with

the greatest indignation, "Why, amongst these unjust demands, did not

the barons ask for my kingdom also? Their demands are vain and

visionary, and are unsupported by any plea of reason whatever." And at

length he angrily declared with an oath, that he would never grant them

such liberties as would render him their slave. The principal of these

laws and liberties, which the nobles required to be confirmed to them,

are partly described above in the Charter of King Henry, and partly

extracted from the old laws of King Edward as the following history will

show in due time.

KING JOHN AND THE ABBOT OF CANTERBURY.

[Traditional ballad of the 13th century. Probably of Coptic folk-lore

and transferred to John. Thus it illustrates the reputation of John and

not an actual incident.]

An ancient story I'll tell you anon

Of a notable prince that was called King John;

And he ruled England with main and with might,

For he did great wrong and maintain'd little right.

And I'll tell you a story, a story so merry

Concerning the Abbot of Canterbury;

How for his house-keeping, and high renown,

They rode post for him to London town.

An hundred men the King did hearsay,

The Abbot kept in his house every day;

And fifty gold chains, without any doubt,

In velvet coats waited the Abbot about.

"How now, father Abbot, I hear it of thee,

Thou keepest a far better house than me,

And for thy house-keeping, and high renown,

I fear thou work'st treason against my crown."

"My liege," quo' the Abbot, "I would it were known,

I never spend nothing but what is my own;

And I trust, your grace will do me no dere,

For spending of my own true-gotten gere."

"Yes, yes, father Abbot, thy fault it is high,

And now for the same thou needest must die;

For except thou canst answer me questions three,

Thy head shall be smitten from thy body.

"And first," quo' the King, "When I'm in this stead,

With my crown of gold so fair on my head;

Among all my liege-men so noble of birth

Thou must tell me to one penny what I am worth.

"Secondly, tell me, without any doubt,

How soon I may ride the whole world about;

And at the third question thou must no shrink,

But tell me here truly, what I do think."

"O, these are hard questions for my shallow wit,

Nor I cannot answer your grace as yet;

But if you will give me but three weeks' space,

I'll do my endeavour to answer your grace."

"Now three weeks' space to thee I will give,

And that is the longest time thou hast to live;

For if thou dost not answer my questions three,

Thy lands and thy livings are forfeit to me."

Away rode the Abbot all sad at that word,

And he rode to Cambridge and Oxenford;

But never a doctor there was so wise,

That could with his learning an answer devize.

Then home rode the Abbot of comfort so cold,

And he met his shepherd a going to fold:

"How now, my lord Abbot, you are welcome home;

What news do you bring us from good King John?"

"Sad news, sad news, shepherd, I must give;

That I have but three days more to live:

For if I do not answer him questions three,

My head will be smitten from my body.

"The first is to tell him there in that stead

With his crown of gold so fair on his head,

Among all his liege-men so noble of birth,

To within one penny of what he is worth.

"The second, to tell him, without any doubt,

How soon he may ride this whole world about:

And at the third question I must not shrink,

But tell him there truly what he does think."

"Now cheer up, sir Abbot, did you never hear yet,

That a fool he may learn a wise man to wit?

Lend one horse, and serving men, and your apparel,

And I'll ride to London to answer your quarrel.

"Nay, frown not, if it hath been told unto me,

I am like your lordship as ever may be;

And if you will but lend me your gown,

There is none shall know us at fair London town."

"Now horses, and serving men thou shalt have,

With sumptuous array most gallant and brave;

With crozier, and mitre, and rochet, and cope,

Fit to appear 'fore our father the Pope."

"Now welcome Sir Abbot," the King he did say,

"'Tis well thou'rt come back to keep thy day;

For an if thou canst answer my questions three,

Thy life and thy living both savéd shall be.

"And first, when thou seest here in this stead,

With my crown of gold so fair on my head,

Among all my liege-men so noble of birth,

Tell me to one penny what I am worth."

"For thirty pence our Saviour was sold

Among the false Jews, as I have been told;

And twenty-nine is the worth of thee,

For I think thou art one penny worser than he."

The King he laughed and swore by St. Bittel

"I did not think I had been worth so little!

--Now secondly tell me, without any doubt,

How soon I may ride this whole world about."

"You must rise with the sun, and ride with the same,

Until the next morning he riseth again;

And then your grace need not make any doubt,

But in twenty-four hours you'll ride it about."

The King he laughed and swore by St. John,

"I did not think it could be gone so soon!

--Now from the third question thou must not shrink,

But tell me here truly what I do think."

"Yea, that I shall do, and make your grace merry:

You think I'm the Abbot of Canterbury;

But I'm his poor shepherd, as plain you may see,

That am come to beg pardon for him and for me."

The King he laughed and swore by the mass,

"I'll make thee lord abbot this day in his place!"

"Now, nay, my liege, be not in such speed,

For alack, I can neither write, nor read."

"Four nobles a week, then, I will give thee,

For this merry jest thou hast shown unto me;

And tell the old Abbot when thou comest home,

Thou has brought him a pardon from good King John."

THE LAST DAYS OF KING JOHN (1216).

+Source.+--_Matthew of Westminster_, Vol. II., pp. 127, 128.

G. Bell & Sons.

Prince Louis and all his followers embarked on board the ships, and came

with a fair wind to the isle of Thanet, and anchored in the place which

is called Stanhore, on the 21st of May. King John was at that time with

his army at Dover, but as he was surrounded by a band of foreign

mercenaries, who loved Louis more than John, King of England, he did not

dare to encounter Louis in a hostile manner, lest his troups might

perchance desert King John himself in his necessity, and transfer

themselves to Louis. From which considerations he preferred retreating

at the time to engaging in a doubtful battle. Therefore, he retreated,

and withdrew to Canterbury, and left and entrusted the Castle of Dover

to the custody and good faith of Hubert de Burgh. And soon afterwards,

Gualo, the legate, landed in England, for the protection of King John

and the kingdom against Louis and his partisans. But King John fled as

far as Winchester, and Louis, when he found that no one offered to

resist him, disembarked from his ships, and landing at Sandwich, subdued

immediately the whole of that district, with the exception of the town

of Dover, and hastening towards London, he made himself master of the

Castle of Rochester, and on the 2nd of June he arrived in London, where

first of all he offered up prayers at St. Paul's, and was afterwards

publicly received by the clergy and laity with great joy, and received

the fealty and homage of all the barons. And shortly afterwards, namely

on the 14th of June, the city of Winchester was surrendered to him; and

on the day after the feast of Saint John, he took the castle of the

city, and the bishop's castle also; and on the 9th of July he received

the submission of the Castles of Odiham, Farnham, Guildford and Reigate.

The Castle of Windsor was besieged by the earls and barons of both

France and England, but they were forced to retreat from before it,

without succeeding in their object. But the Castle of Cambridge was

taken by the barons, with twenty esquires which were found in it.

The same year Gualo, the legate, exacted visitation fees throughout all

England, from all the cathedral churches and houses of religious

brotherhoods, fixing each visitation fee at fifty shillings. He also

seized all the benefices of the clergy and men of religious orders, who

adhered to Louis and the barons, and converted them to the use of his

own clergy. In the meantime, King John, inflamed with the madness of

passion, oppressed and grievously afflicted the provinces of Suffolk and

Norfolk. Then, continuing his march towards the north, he irrecoverably

lost his carriages, and much of his baggage at Wellester, where they

were swallowed up by a quicksand. And when he heard the news he grieved

inconsolably, and redoubling deep sighs, he passed the night at

Swineshead Abbey, belonging to the Carthusian order, where according to

his custom, he gorged himself with peaches soaked in new wine and cider,

and being greatly absorbed in grief for his recent loss, he became

attacked with a severe illness.

But the next day, concealing his illness lest the enemy should triumph

over him, he, though with difficulty, mounted his horse; and soon

afterwards, having had a litter drawn by horses made for him, he

dismounted from his palfrey and entered it, and in this way he came to

the Castle of Leadford, where he spent the night, and found his disease

increase greatly. But the next day he was carried forwards and arrived

at the Castle of Newark where he took to his bed, and his sickness

assumed a fatal appearance; and summoning the Abbot of Crofestune, who

was skilful in the art of medicine, to his side, he confessed himself to

him, and received the eucharist from him. And he appointed Henry, his

eldest son, the heir of his kingdom, bequeathing his body to the Church

of Worcester, under the protection of Saint Wolstan. After this, with

the greatest bitterness of spirit, he cursed all his barons, instead of

bidding them farewell; and in this manner, poor, deprived of all his

treasures, and not retaining the smallest portion of land in peace, so

that he was truly called Lackland, he most miserably departed from this

life on the night following the next after the day of Saint Luke the

Evangelist. And because this John made himself detestable to many

persons, not only on account of the death of his nephew, Arthur, but

also on account of his tyrannical conduct, and of the tribute with which

he bound the kingdom of England under perpetual slavery, and of the war

which his misdeeds provoked, he scarcely deserved to be mourned by the

lamentations of any one.

The following are the territories which John lost by his cruelties and

oppressions, which he did not resist from doing to everyone. First of

all the duchy of Normandy, the County of Blois, the County of Maine,

Anjou, Poitou, the Limosin, Auvergne and Angoulême. And all these

districts at one time belonged to King John. Besides this he subjected

England and Ireland to the payment of tribute, and never recovered any

of his losses, to the day of his death.

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End of Project Gutenberg's The Angevins and the Charter, by S. M. Toyne