Of the group of notables who in the middle of the last century made the
little Massachusetts town of Concord their home, and who thus conferred
on it a literary fame both unique and enduring, Thoreau is the only one
who was Concord born. His neighbor, Emerson, had sought the place in
mature life for rural retirement, and after it became his chosen
retreat, Hawthorne, Alcott, and the others followed; but Thoreau, the
most peculiar genius of them all, was native to the soil.
In 1837, at the age of twenty, he graduated from Harvard, and for three
years taught school in his home town. Then he applied himself to the
business in which his father was engaged,—the manufacture of lead
pencils. He believed he could make a better pencil than any at that
time in use; but when he succeeded and his friends congratulated him
that he had now opened his way to fortune he responded that he would
never make another pencil. “Why should I?” said he. “I would not do
again what I have done once.”
So he turned his attention to miscellaneous studies and to nature. When
he wanted money he earned it by some piece of manual labor agreeable to
him, as building a boat or a fence, planting, or surveying. He never
married, very rarely went to church, did not vote, refused to pay a tax
to the State, ate no flesh, drank no wine, used no tobacco; and for a
long time he was simply an oddity in the estimation of his
fellow-townsmen. But when they at length came to understand him better
they recognized his genuineness and sincerity and his originality, and
they revered and admired him. He was entirely independent of the
conventional, and his courage to live as he saw fit and to defend and
uphold what he believed to be right never failed him. Indeed, so
devoted was he to principle and his own ideals that he seems never to
have allowed himself one indifferent or careless moment.
He was a man of the strongest local attachments, and seldom wandered
beyond his native township. A trip abroad did not tempt him in the
least. It would mean in his estimation just so much time lost for
enjoying his own village, and he says: “At best, Paris could only be a
school in which to learn to live here—a stepping-stone to Concord.”
He had a very pronounced antipathy to the average prosperous city man,
and in speaking of persons of this class remarks: “They do a little
business commonly each day in order to pay their board, and then they
congregate in sitting-rooms, and feebly fabulate and paddle in the
social slush, and go unashamed to their beds and take on a new layer of
sloth.”
The men he loved were those of a more primitive sort, unartificial,
with the daring to cut loose from the trammels of fashion and inherited
custom. Especially he liked the companionship of men who were in close
contact with nature. A half-wild Irishman, or some rude farmer, or
fisherman, or hunter, gave him real delight; and for this reason, Cape
Cod appealed to him strongly. It was then a very isolated portion of
the State, and its dwellers were just the sort of independent,
self-reliant folk to attract him. In his account of his rambles there
the human element has large place, and he lingers fondly over the
characteristics of his chance acquaintances and notes every salient
remark. They, in turn, no doubt found him interesting, too, though the
purposes of the wanderer were a good deal of a mystery to them, and
they were inclined to think he was a pedler.
His book was the result of several journeys, but the only trip of which
he tells us in detail was in October. That month, therefore, was the
one I chose for my own visit to the Cape when I went to secure the
series of pictures that illustrate this edition; for I wished to see
the region as nearly as possible in the same guise that Thoreau
describes it. From Sandwich, where his record of Cape experiences
begins, and where the inner shore first takes a decided turn eastward,
I followed much the same route he had travelled in 1849, clear to
Provincetown, at the very tip of the hook.
Thoreau has a good deal to say of the sandy roads and toilsome walking.
In that respect there has been marked improvement, for latterly a large
proportion of the main highway has been macadamed. Yet one still
encounters plenty of the old yielding sand roads that make travel a
weariness either on foot or in teams. Another feature to which the
nature lover again and again refers is the windmills. The last of these
ceased grinding a score of years ago, though several continue to stand
in fairly perfect condition. There have been changes on the Cape, but
the landscape in the main presents the same appearance it did in
Thoreau’s time. As to the people, if you see them in an unconventional
way, tramping as Thoreau did, their individuality retains much of the
interest that he discovered.
Our author’s report of his trip has a piquancy that is quite alluring.
This might be said of all his books, for no matter what he wrote about,
his comments were certain to be unusual; and it is as much or more for
the revelations of his own tastes, thoughts, and idiosyncrasies that we
read him as for the subject matter with which he deals. He had
published only two books when he died in 1862 at the age of forty-four,
and his “Cape Cod” did not appear until 1865. Nor did the public at
first show any marked interest in his books. During his life,
therefore, the circle of his admirers was very small, but his fame has
steadily increased since, and the stimulus of his lively descriptions
and observations seems certain of enduring appreciation.
Clifton Johnson.
Hadley, Mass.
I
THE SHIPWRECK
Wishing to get a better view than I had yet had of the ocean, which, we
are told, covers more than two-thirds of the globe, but of which a man
who lives a few miles inland may never see any trace, more than of
another world, I made a visit to Cape Cod in October, 1849, another the
succeeding June, and another to Truro in July, 1855; the first and last
time with a single companion, the second time alone. I have spent, in
all, about three weeks on the Cape; walked from Eastham to
Provincetown twice on the Atlantic side, and once on the Bay side
also, excepting four or five miles, and crossed the Cape half a dozen
times on my way; but having come so fresh to the sea, I have got but
little salted. My readers must expect only so much saltness as the land
breeze acquires from blowing over an arm of the sea, or is tasted on
the windows and the bark of trees twenty miles inland, after September
gales. I have been accustomed to make excursions to the ponds within
ten miles of Concord, but latterly I have extended my excursions to the
seashore.
I did not see why I might not make a book on Cape Cod, as well as my
neighbor on “Human Culture.” It is but another name for the same thing,
and hardly a sandier phase of it. As for my title, I suppose that the
word Cape is from the French _cap_; which is from the Latin _caput_, a
head; which is, perhaps, from the verb _capere_, to take,—that being
the part by which we take hold of a thing:—Take Time by the forelock.
It is also the safest part to take a serpent by. And as for Cod, that
was derived directly from that “great store of codfish” which Captain
Bartholomew Gosnold caught there in 1602; which fish appears to have
been so called from the Saxon word _codde_, “a case in which seeds are
lodged,” either from the form of the fish, or the quantity of spawn it
contains; whence also, perhaps, _codling_ (_pomum coctile?_) and
coddle,—to cook green like peas. (V. Dic.)
Cape Cod is the bared and bended arm of Massachusetts: the shoulder is
at Buzzard’s Bay; the elbow, or crazy-bone, at Cape Mallebarre; the
wrist at Truro; and the sandy fist at Provincetown,—behind which the
State stands on her guard, with her back to the Green Mountains, and
her feet planted on the floor of the ocean, like an athlete protecting
her Bay,—boxing with northeast storms, and, ever and anon, heaving up
her Atlantic adversary from the lap of earth,—ready to thrust forward
her other fist, which keeps guard the while upon her breast at Cape
Ann.
On studying the map, I saw that there must be an uninterrupted beach on
the east or outside of the forearm of the Cape, more than thirty miles
from the general line of the coast, which would afford a good sea view,
but that, on account of an opening in the beach, forming the entrance
to Nauset Harbor, in Orleans, I must strike it in Eastham, if I
approached it by land, and probably I could walk thence straight to
Race Point, about twenty-eight miles, and not meet with any
obstruction.
We left Concord, Massachusetts, on Tuesday, October 9th, 1849. On
reaching Boston, we found that the Provincetown steamer, which should
have got in the day before, had not yet arrived, on account of a
violent storm; and, as we noticed in the streets a handbill headed,
“Death! one hundred and forty-five lives lost at Cohasset,” we decided
to go by way of Cohasset. We found many Irish in the cars, going to
identify bodies and to sympathize with the survivors, and also to
attend the funeral which was to take place in the afternoon;—and when
we arrived at Cohasset, it appeared that nearly all the passengers were
bound for the beach, which was about a mile distant, and many other
persons were flocking in from the neighboring country. There were
several hundreds of them streaming off over Cohasset common in that
direction, some on foot and some in wagons,—and among them were some
sportsmen in their hunting-jackets, with their guns, and game-bags, and
dogs. As we passed the graveyard we saw a large hole, like a cellar,
freshly dug there, and, just before reaching the shore, by a pleasantly
winding and rocky road, we met several hay-riggings and farm-wagons
coming away toward the meeting-house, each loaded with three large,
rough deal boxes. We did not need to ask what was in them. The owners
of the wagons were made the undertakers. Many horses in carriages were
fastened to the fences near the shore, and, for a mile or more, up and
down, the beach was covered with people looking out for bodies, and
examining the fragments of the wreck. There was a small island called
Brook Island, with a hut on it, lying just off the shore. This is said
to be the rockiest shore in Massachusetts, from Nantasket to
Scituate,—hard sienitic rocks, which the waves have laid bare, but have
not been able to crumble. It has been the scene of many a shipwreck.
The brig _St. John_, from Galway, Ireland, laden with emigrants, was
wrecked on Sunday morning; it was now Tuesday morning, and the sea was
still breaking violently on the rocks. There were eighteen or twenty of
the same large boxes that I have mentioned, lying on a green hillside,
a few rods from the water, and surrounded by a crowd. The bodies which
had been recovered, twenty-seven or eight in all, had been collected
there. Some were rapidly nailing down the lids, others were carting the
boxes away, and others were lifting the lids, which were yet loose, and
peeping under the cloths, for each body, with such rags as still
adhered to it, was covered loosely with a white sheet. I witnessed no
signs of grief, but there was a sober dispatch of business which was
affecting. One man was seeking to identify a particular body, and one
undertaker or carpenter was calling to another to know in what box a
certain child was put. I saw many marble feet and matted heads as the
cloths were raised, and one livid, swollen, and mangled body of a
drowned girl,—who probably had intended to go out to service in some
American family,—to which some rags still adhered, with a string, half
concealed by the flesh, about its swollen neck; the coiled-up wreck of
a human hulk, gashed by the rocks or fishes, so that the bone and
muscle were exposed, but quite bloodless,—merely red and white,—with
wide-open and staring eyes, yet lustreless, dead-lights; or like the
cabin windows of a stranded vessel, filled with sand. Sometimes there
were two or more children, or a parent and child, in the same box, and
on the lid would perhaps be written with red chalk, “Bridget
such-a-one, and sister’s child.” The surrounding sward was covered with
bits of sails and clothing. I have since heard, from one who lives by
this beach, that a woman who had come over before, but had left her
infant behind for her sister to bring, came and looked into these boxes
and saw in one,—probably the same whose superscription I have
quoted,—her child in her sister’s arms, as if the sister had meant to
be found thus; and within three days after, the mother died from the
effect of that sight.
We turned from this and walked along the rocky shore. In the first cove
were strewn what seemed the fragments of a vessel, in small pieces
mixed with sand and sea-weed, and great quantities of feathers; but it
looked so old and rusty, that I at first took it to be some old wreck
which had lain there many years. I even thought of Captain Kidd, and
that the feathers were those which sea-fowl had cast there; and perhaps
there might be some tradition about it in the neighborhood. I asked a
sailor if that was the _St. John_. He said it was. I asked him where
she struck. He pointed to a rock in front of us, a mile from the shore,
called the Grampus Rock, and added:
“You can see a part of her now sticking up; it looks like a small
boat.”
I saw it. It was thought to be held by the chain-cables and the
anchors. I asked if the bodies which I saw were all that were drowned.
“Not a quarter of them,” said he.
“Where are the rest?”
“Most of them right underneath that piece you see.”
It appeared to us that there was enough rubbish to make the wreck of a
large vessel in this cove alone, and that it would take many days to
cart it off. It was several feet deep, and here and there was a bonnet
or a jacket on it. In the very midst of the crowd about this wreck,
there were men with carts busily collecting the sea-weed which the
storm had cast up, and conveying it beyond the reach of the tide,
though they were often obliged to separate fragments of clothing from
it, and they might at any moment have found a human body under it.
Drown who might, they did not forget that this weed was a valuable
manure. This shipwreck had not produced a visible vibration in the
fabric of society.
About a mile south we could see, rising above the rocks, the masts of
the British brig which the _St. John_ had endeavored to follow, which
had slipped her cables and, by good luck, run into the mouth of
Cohasset Harbor. A little further along the shore we saw a man’s
clothes on a rock; further, a woman’s scarf, a gown, a straw bonnet,
the brig’s caboose, and one of her masts high and dry, broken into
several pieces. In another rocky cove, several rods from the water, and
behind rocks twenty feet high, lay a part of one side of the vessel,
still hanging together. It was, perhaps, forty feet long, by fourteen
wide. I was even more surprised at the power of the waves, exhibited on
this shattered fragment, than I had been at the sight of the smaller
fragments before. The largest timbers and iron braces were broken
superfluously, and I saw that no material could withstand the power of
the waves; that iron must go to pieces in such a case, and an iron
vessel would be cracked up like an egg-shell on the rocks. Some of
these timbers, however, were so rotten that I could almost thrust my
umbrella through them. They told us that some were saved on this piece,
and also showed where the sea had heaved it into this cove, which was
now dry. When I saw where it had come in, and in what condition, I
wondered that any had been saved on it. A little further on a crowd of
men was collected around the mate of the _St. John_, who was telling
his story. He was a slim-looking youth, who spoke of the captain as the
master, and seemed a little excited. He was saying that when they
jumped into the boat, she filled, and, the vessel lurching, the weight
of the water in the boat caused the painter to break, and so they were
separated. Whereat one man came away, saying:—
“Well, I don’t see but he tells a straight story enough. You see, the
weight of the water in the boat broke the painter. A boat full of water
is very heavy,”—and so on, in a loud and impertinently earnest tone, as
if he had a bet depending on it, but had no humane interest in the
matter.
Another, a large man, stood near by upon a rock, gazing into the sea,
and chewing large quids of tobacco, as if that habit were forever
confirmed with him.
“Come,” says another to his companion, “let’s be off. We’ve seen the
whole of it. It’s no use to stay to the funeral.”
Further, we saw one standing upon a rock, who, we were told, was one
that was saved. He was a sober-looking man, dressed in a jacket and
gray pantaloons, with his hands in the pockets. I asked him a few
questions, which he answered; but he seemed unwilling to talk about it,
and soon walked away. By his side stood one of the life-boatmen, in an
oil-cloth jacket, who told us how they went to the relief of the
British brig, thinking that the boat of the _St. John_, which they
passed on the way, held all her crew,—for the waves prevented their
seeing those who were on the vessel, though they might have saved some
had they known there were any there. A little further was the flag of
the _St. John_ spread on a rock to dry, and held down by stones at the
corners. This frail, but essential and significant portion of the
vessel, which had so long been the sport of the winds, was sure to
reach the shore. There were one or two houses visible from these rocks,
in which were some of the survivors recovering from the shock which
their bodies and minds had sustained. One was not expected to live.
We kept on down the shore as far as a promontory called Whitehead, that
we might see more of the Cohasset Rocks. In a little cove, within half
a mile, there were an old man and his son collecting, with their team,
the sea-weed which that fatal storm had cast up, as serenely employed
as if there had never been a wreck in the world, though they were
within sight of the Grampus Rock, on which the _St. John_ had struck.
The old man had heard that there was a wreck, and knew most of the
particulars, but he said that he had not been up there since it
happened. It was the wrecked weed that concerned him most, rock-weed,
kelp, and sea-weed, as he named them, which he carted to his barn-yard;
and those bodies were to him but other weeds which the tide cast up,
but which were of no use to him. We afterwards came to the life-boat in
its harbor, waiting for another emergency,—and in the afternoon we saw
the funeral procession at a distance, at the head of which walked the
captain with the other survivors.
On the whole, it was not so impressive a scene as I might have
expected. If I had found one body cast upon the beach in some lonely
place, it would have affected me more. I sympathized rather with the
winds and waves, as if to toss and mangle these poor human bodies was
the order of the day. If this was the law of Nature, why waste any time
in awe or pity? If the last day were come, we should not think so much
about the separation of friends or the blighted prospects of
individuals. I saw that corpses might be multiplied, as on the field of
battle, till they no longer affected us in any degree, as exceptions to
the common lot of humanity. Take all the graveyards together, they are
always the majority. It is the individual and private that demands our
sympathy. A man can attend but one funeral in the course of his life,
can behold but one corpse. Yet I saw that the inhabitants of the shore
would be not a little affected by this event. They would watch there
many days and nights for the sea to give up its dead, and their
imaginations and sympathies would supply the place of mourners far
away, who as yet knew not of the wreck. Many days after this, something
white was seen floating on the water by one who was sauntering on the
beach. It was approached in a boat, and found to be the body of a
woman, which had risen in an upright position, whose white cap was
blown back with the wind. I saw that the beauty of the shore itself was
wrecked for many a lonely walker there, until he could perceive, at
last, how its beauty was enhanced by wrecks like this, and it acquired
thus a rarer and sublimer beauty still.
[Illustration: Cohasset, The little cove at Whitehead promontory]
Why care for these dead bodies? They really have no friends but the
worms or fishes. Their owners were coming to the New World, as Columbus
and the Pilgrims did,—they were within a mile of its shores; but,
before they could reach it, they emigrated to a newer world than ever
Columbus dreamed of, yet one of whose existence we believe that there
is far more universal and convincing evidence—though it has not yet
been discovered by science—than Columbus had of this; not merely
mariners’ tales and some paltry drift-wood and sea-weed, but a
continual drift and instinct to all our shores. I saw their empty hulks
that came to land; but they themselves, meanwhile, were cast upon some
shore yet further west, toward which we are all tending, and which we
shall reach at last, it may be through storm and darkness, as they did.
No doubt, we have reason to thank God that they have not been
“shipwrecked into life again.” The mariner who makes the safest port in
Heaven, perchance, seems to his friends on earth to be shipwrecked, for
they deem Boston Harbor the better place; though perhaps invisible to
them, a skillful pilot comes to meet him, and the fairest and balmiest
gales blow off that coast, his good ship makes the land in halcyon
days, and he kisses the shore in rapture there, while his old hulk
tosses in the surf here. It is hard to part with one’s body, but, no
doubt, it is easy enough to do without it when once it is gone. All
their plans and hopes burst like a bubble! Infants by the score dashed
on the rocks by the enraged Atlantic Ocean! No, no! If the _St. John_
did not make her port here, she has been telegraphed there. The
strongest wind cannot stagger a Spirit; it is a Spirit’s breath. A just
man’s purpose cannot be split on any Grampus or material rock, but
itself will split rocks till it succeeds.
The verses addressed to Columbus, dying, may, with slight alterations,
be applied to the passengers of the _St. John:_—
“Soon with them will all be over,
Soon the voyage will be begun
That shall bear them to discover,
Far away, a land unknown.
“Land that each, alone, must visit,
But no tidings bring to men;
For no sailor, once departed,
Ever hath returned again.
“No carved wood, no broken branches,
Ever drift from that far wild;
He who on that ocean launches
Meets no corse of angel child.
“Undismayed, my noble sailors,
Spread, then spread your canvas out;
Spirits! on a sea of ether
Soon shall ye serenely float!
“Where the deep no plummet soundeth,
Fear no hidden breakers there,
And the fanning wing of angels
Shall your bark right onward bear.
“Quit, now, full of heart and comfort,
These rude shores, they are of earth;
Where the rosy clouds are parting,
There the blessed isles loom forth.”
One summer day, since this, I came this way, on foot, along the shore
from Boston. It was so warm that some horses had climbed to the very
top of the ramparts of the old fort at Hull, where there was hardly
room to turn round, for the sake of the breeze. The _Datura
stramonium_, or thorn-apple, was in full bloom along the beach; and, at
sight of this cosmopolite,—this Captain Cook among plants,—carried in
ballast all over the world, I felt as if I were on the highway of
nations. Say, rather, this Viking, king of the Bays, for it is not an
innocent plant; it suggests not merely commerce, but its attend-ant
vices, as if its fibres were the stuff of which pirates spin their
yarns. I heard the voices of men shouting aboard a vessel, half a mile
from the shore, which sounded as if they were in a barn in the country,
they being between the sails. It was a purely rural sound. As I looked
over the water, I saw the isles rapidly wasting away, the sea nibbling
voraciously at the continent, the springing arch of a hill suddenly
interrupted, as at Point Alderton,—what botanists might call
premorse,—showing, by its curve against the sky, how much space it must
have occupied, where now was water only, On the other hand, these
wrecks of isles were being fancifully arranged into new shores, as at
Hog Island, inside of Hull, where everything seemed to be gently
lapsing, into futurity. This isle had got the very form of a
ripple,—and I thought that the inhabitants should bear a ripple for
device on their shields, a wave passing over them, with the _datura_,
which is said to produce mental alienation of long duration without
affecting the bodily health,[1] springing from its edge. The most
interesting thing which I heard of, in this township of Hull, was an
unfailing spring, whose locality was pointed out to me, on the side of
a distant hill, as I was panting along the shore, though I did not
visit it. Perhaps, if I should go through Rome, it would be some spring
on the Capitoline Hill I should remember the longest. It is true, I was
somewhat interested in the well at the old French fort, which was said
to be ninety feet deep, with a cannon at the bottom of it. On Nantasket
beach I counted a dozen chaises from the public-house. From time to
time the riders turned their horses toward the sea, standing in the
water for the coolness,—and I saw the value of beaches to cities for
the sea breeze and the bath.
At Jerusalem village the inhabitants were collecting in haste, before a
thunder-shower now approaching, the Irish moss which they had spread to
dry. The shower passed on one side, and gave me a few drops only, which
did not cool the air. I merely felt a puff upon my cheek, though,
within sight, a vessel was capsized in the bay, and several others
dragged their anchors, and were near going ashore. The sea-bathing at
Cohasset Rocks was perfect. The water was purer and more transparent
than any I had ever seen. There was not a particle of mud or slime
about it. The bottom being sandy, I could see the sea-perch swimming
about. The smooth and fantastically worn rocks, and the perfectly clean
and tress-like rock-weeds falling over you, and attached so firmly to
the rocks that you could pull yourself up by them, greatly enhanced the
luxury of the bath. The stripe of barnacles just above the weeds
reminded me of some vegetable growth,—the buds, and petals, and
seed-vessels of flowers. They lay along the seams of the rock like
buttons on a waistcoat. It was one of the hottest days in the year, yet
I found the water so icy cold that I could swim but a stroke or two,
and thought that, in case of shipwreck, there would be more danger of
being chilled to death than simply drowned. One immersion was enough to
make you forget the dog-days utterly. Though you were sweltering
before, it will take you half an hour now to remember that it was ever
warm. There were the tawny rocks, like lions couchant, defying the
ocean, whose waves incessantly dashed against and scoured them with
vast quantities of gravel. The water held in their little hollows, on
the receding of the tide, was so crystalline that I could not believe
it salt, but wished to drink it; and higher up were basins of fresh
water left by the rain,—all which, being also of different depths and
temperature, were convenient for different kinds of baths. Also, the
larger hollows in the smoothed rocks formed the most convenient of
seats and dressing-rooms. In these respects it was the most perfect
seashore that I had seen.
I saw in Cohasset, separated from the sea only by a narrow beach, a
handsome but shallow lake of some four hundred acres, which, I was
told, the sea had tossed over the beach in a great storm in the spring,
and, after the alewives had passed into it, it had stopped up its
outlet, and now the alewives were dying: by thousands, and the
inhabitants were apprehending a pestilence as the water evaporated. It
had live rocky islets in it.
This Rock shore is called Pleasant Cove, on some maps; on the map of
Cohasset, that name appears to be confined to the particular cove where
I saw the wreck of the St. John. The ocean did not look, now, as if
any were ever shipwrecked in it; it was not grand and sublime, but
beautiful as a lake. Not a vestige of a wreck was visible, nor could I
believe that the bones of many a shipwrecked man were buried in that
pure sand. But to go on with our first excursion.
[1] The Jamestown weed (or thorn-apple). “This, being an early plant,
was gathered very young for a boiled salad, by some of the soldiers
sent thither [_i.e._ to Virginia] to quell the rebellion of Bacon; and
some of them ate plentifully of it, the effect of which was a very
pleasant comedy, for they turned natural fools upon it for several
days: one would blow up a feather in the air; another would dart
straws at it with much fury; and another, stark naked, was sitting up
in a corner like a monkey, grinning and making mows at them; a fourth
would fondly kiss and paw his companions, and sneer in their faces,
with a countenance more antic than any in a Dutch droll. In this
frantic condition they were confined, lest they should, in their
folly, destroy themselves,—though it was observed that all their
actions were full of innocence and good nature. Indeed, they were not
very cleanly. A thousand such simple tricks they played, and after
eleven days returned to themselves again, not remembering anything
that had passed.”—Beverly’s _History of Virginia_, p. 120.
II
STAGE COACH VIEWS
After spending the night in Bridgewater, and picking up a few
arrow-heads there in the morning, we took the cars for Sandwich, where
we arrived before noon. This was the terminus of the “Cape Cod
Railroad,” though it is but the beginning of the Cape. As it rained
hard, with driving mists, and there was no sign of its holding up, we
here took that almost obsolete conveyance, the stage, for “as far as it
went that day,” as we told the driver. We had forgotten how far a
stage could go in a day, but we were told that the Cape roads were very
“heavy,” though they added that, being of sand, the rain would improve
them. This coach was an exceedingly narrow one, but as there was a
slight spherical excess over two on a seat, the driver waited till nine
passengers had got in, without taking the measure of any of them, and
then shut the door after two or three ineffectual slams, as if the
fault were all in the hinges or the latch,—while we timed our
inspirations and expirations so as to assist him.
We were now fairly on the Cape, which extends from Sandwich eastward
thirty-five miles, and thence north and northwest thirty more, in all
sixty-five, and has an average breadth of about five miles. In the
interior it rises to the height of two hundred, and sometimes perhaps
three hundred feet above the level of the sea. According to Hitchcock,
the geologist of the State, it is composed almost entirely of sand,
even to the depth of three hundred feet in some places, though there is
probably a concealed core of rock a little beneath the surface, and it
is of diluvian origin, excepting a small portion at the extremity and
elsewhere along the shores, which is alluvial. For the first half of
the Cape large blocks of stone are found, here and there, mixed with
the sand, but for the last thirty miles boulders, or even gravel, are
rarely met with. Hitchcock conjectures that the ocean has, in course of
time, eaten out Boston Harbor and other bays in the mainland, and that
the minute fragments have been deposited by the currents at a distance
from the shore, and formed this sand-bank. Above the sand, if the
surface is subjected to agricultural tests, there is found to be a thin
layer of soil gradually diminishing from Barnstable to Truro, where it
ceases; but there are many holes and rents in this weather-beaten
garment not likely to be stitched in time, which reveal the naked flesh
of the Cape, and its extremity is completely bare.
I at once got out my book, the eighth volume of the Collections of the
Massachusetts Historical Society, printed in 1802, which contains some
short notices of the Cape towns, and began to read up to where I was,
for in the cars I could not read as fast as I travelled. To those who
came from the side of Plymouth, it said: “After riding through a body
of woods, twelve miles in extent, interspersed with but few houses, the
settlement of Sandwich appears, with a more agreeable effect, to the
eye of the traveller.” Another writer speaks of this as a _beautiful_
village. But I think that our villages will bear to be contrasted only
with one another, not with Nature. I have no great respect for the
writer’s taste, who talks easily about beautiful villages, embellished,
perchance, with a “fulling-mill,” “a handsome academy,” or
meeting-house, and “a number of shops for the different mechanic arts”;
where the green and white houses of the gentry, drawn up in rows, front
on a street of which it would be difficult to tell whether it is most
like a desert or a long stable-yard. Such spots can be beautiful only
to the weary traveller, or the returning native,—or, perchance, the
repentant misanthrope; not to him who, with unprejudiced senses, has
just come out of the woods, and approaches one of them, by a bare road,
through a succession of straggling homesteads where he cannot tell
which is the alms-house. However, as for Sandwich, I cannot speak
particularly. Ours was but half a Sandwich at most, and that must have
fallen on the buttered side some time. I only saw that it was a closely
built town for a small one, with glass-works to improve its sand, and
narrow streets in which we turned round and round till we could not
tell which way we were going, and the rain came in, first on this side,
and then on that, and I saw that they in the houses were more
comfortable than we in the coach. My book also said of this town, “The
inhabitants, in general, are substantial livers.”—that is. I suppose,
they do not live like philosophers: but, as the stage did not stop long
enough for us to dine, we had no opportunity to test the truth of this
statement. It may have referred, however, to the quantity “of oil they
would yield.” It further said, “The inhabitants of Sandwich generally
manifest a fond and steady adherence to the manners, employments, and
modes of living which characterized their fathers”; which made me think
that they were, after all, very much like all the rest of the
world;—and it added that this was “a resemblance, which, at this day,
will constitute no impeachment of either their virtue or taste”: which
remark proves to me that the writer was one with the rest of them. No
people ever lived by cursing their fathers, however great a curse their
fathers might have been to them. But it must be confessed that ours was
old authority, and probably they have changed all that now.
[Illustration: An old windmill]
Our route was along the Bay side, through Barnstable, Yarmouth, Dennis,
and Brewster, to Orleans, with a range of low hills on our right,
running down the Cape. The weather was not favorable for wayside views,
but we made the most of such glimpses of land and water as we could get
through the rain. The country was, for the most part, bare, or with
only a little scrubby wood left on the hills. We noticed in
Yarmouth—and, if I do not mistake, in Dennis—large tracts where
pitch-pines were planted four or five years before. They were in rows,
as they appeared when we were abreast of them, and, excepting that
there were extensive vacant spaces, seemed to be doing remarkably well.
This, we were told, was the only use to which such tracts could be
profitably put. Every higher eminence had a pole set up on it, with an
old storm-coat or sail tied to it, for a signal, that those on the
south side of the Cape, for instance, might know when the Boston
packets had arrived on the north. It appeared as if this use must
absorb the greater part of the old clothes of the Cape, leaving but few
rags for the pedlers. The wind-mills on the hills,—large
weather-stained octagonal structures,—and the salt-works scattered all
along the shore, with their long rows of vats resting on piles driven
into the marsh, their low, turtle-like roofs, and their slighter
wind-mills, were novel and interesting objects to an inlander. The sand
by the road-side was partially covered with bunches of a moss-like
plant, _Hudsonia tomentosa_, which a woman in the stage told us was
called “poverty-grass,” because it grew where nothing else would.
I was struck by the pleasant equality which reigned among the stage
company, and their broad and invulnerable good-humor. They were what is
called free and easy, and met one another to advantage, as men who had
at length learned how to live. They appeared to know each other when
they were strangers, they were so simple and downright. They were well
met, in an unusual sense, that is, they met as well as they could meet,
and did not seem to be troubled with any impediment. They were not
afraid nor ashamed of one another, but were contented to make just such
a company as the ingredients allowed. It was evident that the same
foolish respect was not here claimed for mere wealth and station that
is in many parts of New England; yet some of them were the “first
people,” as they are called, of the various towns through which we
passed. Retired sea-captains, in easy circumstances, who talked of
farming as sea-captains are wont; an erect, respectable, and
trustworthy-looking man, in his wrapper, some of the salt of the earth,
who had formerly been the salt of the sea; or a more courtly gentleman,
who, perchance, had been a representative to the General Court in his
day; or a broad, red-faced Cape Cod man, who had seen too many storms
to be easily irritated; or a fisherman’s wife, who had been waiting a
week for a coaster to leave Boston, and had at length come by the cars.
A strict regard for truth obliges us to say that the few women whom we
saw that day looked exceedingly pinched up. They had prominent chins
and noses, having lost all their teeth, and a sharp _W_ would represent
their profile. They were not so well preserved as their husbands; or
perchance they were well preserved as dried specimens. (Their husbands,
however, were pickled.) But we respect them not the less for all that;
our own dental system is far from perfect.
Still we kept on in the rain, or, if we stopped, it was commonly at a
post-office, and we thought that writing letters, and sorting them
against our arrival, must be the principal employment of the
inhabitants of the Cape this rainy day. The post-office appeared a
singularly domestic institution here. Ever and anon the stage stopped
before some low shop or dwelling, and a wheelwright or shoemaker
appeared in his shirt sleeves and leather apron, with spectacles newly
donned, holding up Uncle Sam’s bag, as if it were a slice of home-made
cake, for the travellers, while he retailed some piece of gossip to the
driver, really as indifferent to the presence of the former as if they
were so much baggage. In one instance we understood that a woman was
the postmistress, and they said that she made the best one on the road;
but we suspected that the letters must be subjected to a very close
scrutiny there. While we were stopping for this purpose at Dennis, we
ventured to put our heads out of the windows, to see where we were
going, and saw rising before us, through the mist, singular barren
hills, all stricken with poverty-grass, looming up as if they were in
the horizon, though they were close to us, and we seemed to have got to
the end of the land on that side, notwithstanding that the horses were
still headed that way. Indeed, that part of Dennis which we saw was an
exceedingly barren and desolate country, of a character which I can
find no name for; such a surface, perhaps, as the bottom of the sea
made dry land day before yesterday. It was covered with poverty-grass,
and there was hardly a tree in sight, but here and there a little
weather-stained, one-storied house, with a red roof,—for often the roof
was painted, though the rest of the house was not,—standing bleak and
cheerless, yet with a broad foundation to the land, where the comfort
must have been all inside. Yet we read in the Gazetteer—for we carried
that too with us—that, in 1837, one hundred and fifty masters of
vessels, belonging to this town, sailed from the various ports of the
Union. There must be many more houses in the south part of the town,
else we cannot imagine where they all lodge when they are at home, if
ever they are there; but the truth is, their houses are floating ones,
and their home is on the ocean. There were almost no trees at all in
this part of Dennis, nor could I learn that they talked of setting out
any. It is true, there was a meeting-house, set round with Lombardy
poplars, in a hollow square, the rows fully as straight as the studs of
a building, and the corners as square; but, if I do not mistake, every
one of them was dead. I could not help thinking that they needed a
revival here. Our book said that, in 1795, there was erected in Dennis
“an elegant meeting-house, with a steeple.” Perhaps this was the one;
though whether it had a steeple, or had died down so far from sympathy
with the poplars, I do not remember. Another meeting-house in this town
was described as a “neat building”; but of the meeting-house in
Chatham, a neighboring town, for there was then but one, nothing is
said, except that it “is in good repair,”—both which remarks, I trust,
may be understood as applying to the churches spiritual as well as
material. However, “elegant meeting-houses,” from that Trinity one on
Broadway, to this at Nobscusset, in my estimation, belong to the same
category with “beautiful villages.” I was never in season to see one.
Handsome is that handsome does. What they did for shade here, in warm
weather, we did not know, though we read that “fogs are more frequent
in Chatham than in any other part of the country; and they serve in
summer, instead of trees, to shelter the houses against the heat of the
sun. To those who delight in extensive vision,”—is it to be inferred
that the inhabitants of Chatham do not?—“they are unpleasant, but they
are not found to be unhealthful.” Probably, also, the unobstructed
sea-breeze answers the purpose of a fan. The historian of Chatham says
further, that “in many families there is no difference between the
breakfast and supper; cheese, cakes, and pies being as common at the
one as at the other.” But that leaves us still uncertain whether they
were really common at either.
[Illustration: A street in Sandwich]
The road, which was quite hilly, here ran near the Bay-shore, having
the Bay on one side, and “the rough hill of Scargo,” said to be the
highest land on the Cape, on the other. Of the wide prospect of the Bay
afforded by the summit of this hill, our guide says: “The view has not
much of the beautiful in it, but it communicates a strong emotion of
the sublime.” That is the kind of communication which we love to have
made to us. We passed through the village of Suet, in Dennis, on Suet
and Quivet Necks, of which it is said, “when compared with
Nobscusset,”—we had a misty recollection of having passed through, or
near to, the latter,—“it may be denominated a pleasant village; but, in
comparison with the village of Sandwich, there is little or no beauty
in it.” However, we liked Dennis well, better than any town we had seen
on the Cape, it was so novel, and, in that stormy day, so sublimely
dreary.
Captain John Sears, of Suet, was the first person in this country who
obtained pure marine salt by solar evaporation alone; though it had
long been made in a similar way on the coast of France, and elsewhere.
This was in the year 1776, at which time, on account of the war, salt
was scarce and dear. The Historical Collections contain an interesting
account of his experiments, which we read when we first saw the roofs
of the salt-works. Barnstable county is the most favorable locality for
these works on our northern coast,—there is so little fresh water here
emptying into ocean. Quite recently there were about two millions of
dollars invested in this business here. But now the Cape is unable to
compete with the importers of salt and the manufacturers of it at the
West, and, accordingly, her salt-works are fast going to decay. From
making salt, they turn to fishing more than ever. The Gazetteer will
uniformly tell you, under the head of each town, how many go a-fishing,
and the value of the fish and oil taken, how much salt is made and
used, how many are engaged in the coasting trade, how many in
manufacturing palm-leaf hats, leather, boots, shoes, and tinware, and
then it has done, and leaves you to imagine the more truly domestic
manufactures which are nearly the same all the world over.
Late in the afternoon, we rode through Brewster, so named after Elder
Brewster, for fear he would be forgotten else. Who has not heard of
Elder Brewster? Who knows who he was? This appeared to be the
modern-built town of the Cape, the favorite residence of retired
sea-captains. It is said that “there are more masters and mates of
vessels which sail on foreign voyages belonging to this place than to
any other town in the country.” There were many of the modern American
houses here, such as they turn out at Cambridgeport, standing on the
sand; you could almost swear that they had been floated down Charles
River, and drifted across the Bay. I call them American, because they
are paid for by Americans, and “put up” by American carpenters; but
they are little removed from lumber; only Eastern stuff disguised with
white paint, the least interesting kind of drift-wood to me. Perhaps we
have reason to be proud of our naval architecture, and need not go to
the Greeks, or the Goths, or the Italians, for the models of our
vessels. Sea-captains do not employ a Cambridgeport carpenter to build
their floating houses, and for their houses on shore, if they must copy
any, it would be more agreeable to the imagination to see one of their
vessels turned bottom upward, in the Numidian fashion. We read that,
“at certain seasons, the reflection of the sun upon the windows of the
houses in Wellfleet and Truro (across the inner side of the elbow of
the Cape) is discernible with the naked eye, at a distance of eighteen
miles and upward, on the county road.” This we were pleased to imagine,
as we had not seen the sun for twenty-four hours.
[Illustration: The old Higgins tavern at Orleans]
The same author (the Rev. John Simpkins) said of the inhabitants, a
good while ago: “No persons appear to have a greater relish for the
social circle and domestic pleasures. They are not in the habit of
frequenting taverns, unless on public occasions. I know not of a proper
idler or tavern-haunter in the place.” This is more than can be said of
my townsmen.
At length we stopped for the night at Higgins’s tavern, in Orleans,
feeling very much as if we were on a sand-bar in the ocean, and not
knowing whether we should see land or water ahead when the mist cleared
away. We here overtook two Italian boys, who had waded thus far down
the Cape through the sand, with their organs on their backs, and were
going on to Provincetown. What a hard lot, we thought, if the
Provincetown people should shut their doors against them! Whose yard
would they go to next? Yet we concluded that they had chosen wisely to
come here, where other music than that of the surf must be rare. Thus
the great civilizer sends out its emissaries, sooner or later, to every
sandy cape and light-house of the New World which the census-taker
visits, and summons the savage there to surrender.
III
THE PLAINS OF NAUSET
The next morning, Thursday, October 11th, it rained, as hard as ever;
but we were determined to proceed on foot, nevertheless. We first made
some inquiries with regard to the practicability of walking up the
shore on the Atlantic side to Provincetown, whether we should meet with
any creeks or marshes to trouble us. Higgins said that there was no
obstruction, and that it was not much farther than by the road, but he
thought that we should find it very “heavy” walking in the sand; it was
bad enough in the road, a horse would sink in up to the fetlocks there.
But there was one man at the tavern who had walked it, and he said that
we could go very well, though it was sometimes inconvenient and even
dangerous walking under the bank, when there was a great tide, with an
easterly wind, which caused the sand to cave. For the first four or
five miles we followed the road, which here turns to the north on the
elbow, —the narrowest part of the Cape,—that we might clear an inlet
from the ocean, a part of Nauset Harbor, in Orleans, on our right. We
found the travelling good enough for walkers on the sides of the roads,
though it was “heavy” for horses in the middle. We walked with our
umbrellas behind us, since it blowed hard as well as rained, with
driving mists, as the day before, and the wind helped us over the sand
at a rapid rate. Everything indicated that we had reached a strange
shore. The road was a mere lane, winding over bare swells of bleak and
barren-looking land. The houses were few and far between, besides being
small and rusty, though they appeared to be kept in good repair, and
their dooryards, which were the unfenced Cape, were tidy; or, rather,
they looked as if the ground around them was blown clean by the wind.
Perhaps the scarcity of wood here, and the consequent absence of the
wood-pile and other wooden traps, had something to do with this
appearance. They seemed, like mariners ashore, to have sat right down
to enjoy the firmness of the land, without studying their postures or
habiliments. To them it was merely _terra firma_ and _cognita_, not yet
_fertilis_ and _jucunda_. Every landscape which is dreary enough has a
certain beauty to my eyes, and in this instance its permanent qualities
were enhanced by the weather. Everything told of the sea, even when we
did not see its waste or hear its roar. For birds there were gulls, and
for carts in the fields, boats turned bottom upward against the houses,
and sometimes the rib of a whale was woven into the fence by the
road-side. The trees were, if possible, rarer than the houses,
excepting apple-trees, of which there were a few small orchards in the
hollows. These were either narrow and high, with flat tops, having lost
their side branches, like huge plum-bushes growing in exposed
situations, or else dwarfed and branching immediately at the ground,
like quince-bushes. They suggested that, under like circumstances, all
trees would at last acquire like habits of growth. I afterward saw on
the Cape many full-grown apple-trees not higher than a man’s head; one
whole orchard, indeed, where all the fruit could have been gathered by
a man standing on the ground; but you could hardly creep beneath the
trees. Some, which the owners told me were twenty years old, were only
three and a half feet high, spreading at six inches from the ground
five feet each way, and being withal surrounded with boxes of tar to
catch the cankerworms, they looked like plants in flower-pots, and as
if they might be taken into the house in the winter. In another place,
I saw some not much larger than currant-bushes; yet the owner told me
that they had borne a barrel and a half of apples that fall. If they
had been placed close together, I could have cleared them all at a
jump. I measured some near the Highland Light in Truro, which had been
taken from the shrubby woods thereabouts when young, and grafted. One,
which had been set ten years, was on an average eighteen inches high,
and spread nine feet with a flat top. It had borne one bushel of apples
two years before. Another, probably twenty years old from the seed, was
five feet high, and spread eighteen feet, branching, as usual, at the
ground, so that you could not creep under it. This bore a barrel of
apples two years before. The owner of these trees invariably used the
personal pronoun in speaking of them; as, “I got _him_ out of the
woods, but _he_ doesn’t bear.” The largest that I saw in that
neighborhood was nine feet high to the topmost leaf, and spread
thirty-three feet, branching at the ground five ways.
[Illustration: A Nauset lane]
In one yard I observed a single, very healthy-looking tree, while all
the rest were dead or dying. The occupant said that his father had
manured all but that one with blackfish.
This habit of growth should, no doubt, be encouraged; and they should
not be trimmed up, as some travelling practitioners have advised. In
1802 there was not a single fruit-tree in Chatham, the next town to
Orleans, on the south; and the old account of Orleans says:
“Fruit-trees cannot be made to grow within a mile of the ocean. Even
those which are placed at a greater distance are injured by the east
winds; and, after violent storms in the spring, a saltish taste is
perceptible on their bark.” We noticed that they were often covered
with a yellow lichen-like rust, the _Parmelia parietina_.
The most foreign and picturesque structures on the Cape, to an
inlander, not excepting the salt-works, are the
wind-mills,—gray-looking octagonal towers, with long timbers slanting
to the ground in the rear, and there resting on a cart-wheel, by which
their fans are turned round to face the wind. These appeared also to
serve in some measure for props against its force. A great circular rut
was worn around the building by the wheel. The neighbors who assemble
to turn the mill to the wind are likely to know which way it blows,
without a weathercock. They looked loose and slightly locomotive, like
huge wounded birds, trailing a wing or a leg, and re-minded one of
pictures of the Netherlands. Being on elevated ground, and high in
themselves, they serve as landmarks,—for there are no tall trees, or
other objects commonly, which can be seen at a distance in the horizon;
though the outline of the land itself is so firm and distinct that an
insignificant cone, or even precipice of sand, is visible at a great
distance from over the sea. Sailors making the land commonly steer
either by the wind-mills or the meeting-houses. In the country, we are
obliged to steer by the meeting-houses alone. Yet the meeting-house is
a kind of wind-mill, which runs one day in seven, turned either by the
winds of doctrine or public opinion, or more rarely by the winds of
Heaven, where another sort of grist is ground, of which, if it be not
all bran or musty, if it be not _plaster_, we trust to make bread of
life.
There were, here and there, heaps of shells in the fields, where clams
had been opened for bait; for Orleans is famous for its shell-fish,
especially clams, or, as our author says, “to speak more properly,
worms.” The shores are more fertile than the dry land. The inhabitants
measure their crops, not only by bushels of corn, but by barrels of
clams. A thousand barrels of clam-bait are counted as equal in value to
six or eight thousand bushels of Indian corn, and once they were
procured without more labor or expense, and the supply was thought to
be inexhaustible. “For,” runs the history, “after a portion of the
shore has been dug over, and almost all the clams taken up, at the end
of two years, it is said, they are as plenty there as ever. It is even
affirmed by many persons, that it is as necessary to stir the clam
ground frequently as it is to hoe a field of potatoes; because, if this
labor is omitted, the clams will be crowded too closely together, and
will be prevented from increasing in size.” But we were told that the
small clam, _Mya arenaria_, was not so plenty here as formerly.
Probably the clam ground has been stirred too frequently, after all.
Nevertheless, one man, who complained that they fed pigs with them and
so made them scarce, told me that he dug and opened one hundred and
twenty-six dollars’ worth in one winter, in Truro.
[Illustration: Nauset Bay]
We crossed a brook, not more than fourteen rods long, between Orleans
and Eastham, called Jeremiah’s Gutter. The Atlantic is said sometimes
to meet the Bay here, and isolate the northern part of the Cape. The
streams of the Cape are necessarily formed on a minute scale, since
there is no room for them to run, without tumbling immediately into the
sea; and beside, we found it difficult to run ourselves in that sand,
when there was no want of room. Hence, the least channel where water
runs, or may run, is important, and is dignified with a name. We read
that there is no running water in Chatham, which is the next town. The
barren aspect of the land would hardly be believed if described. It was
such soil, or rather land, as, to judge from appearances, no farmer in
the interior would think of cultivating, or even fencing. Generally,
the ploughed fields of the Cape look white and yellow, like a mixture
of salt and Indian meal. This is called soil. All an inlander’s notions
of soil and fertility will be confounded by a visit to these parts, and
he will not be able, for some time afterward, to distinguish soil from
sand. The historian of Chatham says of a part of that town, which has
been gained from the sea: “There is a doubtful appearance of a soil
beginning to be formed. It is styled _doubtful_, because it would not
be observed by every eye, and perhaps not acknowledged by many.” We
thought that this would not be a bad description of the greater part of
the Cape. There is a “beach” on the west side of Eastham, which we
crossed the next summer, half a mile wide, and stretching across the
township, containing seventeen hundred acres, on which there is not now
a particle of vegetable mould, though it formerly produced wheat. All
sands are here called “beaches,” whether they are waves of water or of
air that dash against them, since they commonly have their origin on
the shore. “The sand in some places,” says the historian of Eastham,
“lodging against the beach-grass, has been raised into hills fifty feet
high, where twenty-five years ago no hills existed. In others it has
filled up small valleys, and swamps. Where a strong-rooted bush stood,
the appearance is singular: a mass of earth and sand adheres to it,
resembling a small tower. In several places, rocks, which were formerly
covered with soil, are disclosed, and being lashed by the sand, driven
against them by the wind, look as if they were recently dug from a
quarry.”
We were surprised to hear of the great crops of corn which are still
raised in Eastham, notwithstanding the real and apparent barrenness.
Our landlord in Orleans had told us that he raised three or four
hundred bushels of corn annually, and also of the great number of pigs
which he fattened. In Champlain’s “Voyages,” there is a plate
representing the Indian cornfields hereabouts, with their wigwams in
the midst, as they appeared in 1605, and it was here that the Pilgrims,
to quote their own words, “bought eight or ten hogsheads of corn and
beans” of the Nauset Indians, in 1622, to keep themselves from
starving.[1]
“In 1667 the town [of Eastham] voted that every housekeeper should kill
twelve blackbirds or three crows, which did great damage to the corn;
and this vote was repeated for many years.” In 1695 an additional order
was passed, namely, that “every unmarried man in the township shall
kill six blackbirds, or three crows, while he remains single; as a
penalty for not doing it, shall not be married until he obey this
order.” The blackbirds, however, still molest the corn. I saw them at
it the next summer, and there were many scarecrows, if not
scare-blackbirds, in the fields, which I often mistook for men.
[Illustration: A scarecrow]
From which I concluded that either many men were not married, or many
blackbirds were. Yet they put but three or four kernels in a hill, and
let fewer plants remain than we do. In the account of Eastham, in the
“Historical Collections,” printed in 1802, it is said, that “more corn
is produced than the inhabitants consume, and about a thousand bushels
are annually sent to market. The soil being free from stones, a plough
passes through it speedily; and after the corn has come up, a small
Cape horse, somewhat larger than a goat, will, with the assistance of
two boys, easily hoe three or four acres in a day; several farmers are
accustomed to produce five hundred bushels of grain annually, and not
long since one raised eight hundred bushels on sixty acres.” Similar
accounts are given to-day; indeed, the recent accounts are in some
instances suspectable repetitions of the old, and I have no doubt that
their statements are as often founded on the exception as the rule, and
that by far the greater number of acres are as barren as they appear to
be. It is sufficiently remarkable that any crops can be raised here,
and it may be owing, as others have suggested, to the amount of
moisture in the atmosphere, the warmth of the sand, and the rareness of
frosts. A miller, who was sharpening his stones, told me that, forty
years ago, he had been to a husking here, where five hundred bushels
were husked in one evening, and the corn was piled six feet high or
more, in the midst, but now, fifteen or eighteen bushels to an acre
were an average yield. I never saw fields of such puny and unpromising
looking corn as in this town. Probably the inhabitants are contented
with small crops from a great surface easily cultivated. It is not
always the most fertile land that is the most profitable, and this sand
may repay cultivation, as well as the fertile bottoms of the West. It
is said, moreover, that the vegetables raised in the sand, without
manure, are remarkably sweet, the pumpkins especially, though when
their seed is planted in the interior they soon degenerate. I can
testify that the vegetables here, when they succeed at all, look
remarkably green and healthy, though perhaps it is partly by contrast
with the sand. Yet the inhabitants of the Cape towns, generally, do not
raise their own meal or pork. Their gardens are commonly little
patches, that have been redeemed from the edges of the marshes and
swamps.
All the morning we had heard the sea roar on the eastern shore, which
was several miles distant; for it still felt the effects of the storm
in which the _St. John_ was wrecked,—though a school-boy, whom we
overtook, hardly knew what we meant, his ears were so used to it. He
would have more plainly heard the same sound in a shell. It was a very
inspiriting sound to walk by, filling the whole air, that of the sea
dashing against the land, heard several miles inland. Instead of having
a dog to growl before your door, to have an Atlantic Ocean to growl for
a whole Cape! On the whole, we were glad of the storm, which would show
us the ocean in its angriest mood. Charles Darwin was assured that the
roar of the surf on the coast of Chiloe, after a heavy gale, could be
heard at night a distance of “21 sea miles across a hilly and wooded
country.” We conversed with the boy we have mentioned, who might have
been eight years old, making him walk the while under the lee of our
umbrella; for we thought it as important to know what was life on the
Cape to a boy as to a man. We learned from him where the best grapes
were to be found in that neighborhood. He was carrying his dinner in a
pail; and, without any impertinent questions being put by us, it did at
length appear of what it consisted. The homeliest facts are always the
most acceptable to an inquiring mind. At length, before we got to
Eastham meeting-house, we left the road and struck across the country
for the eastern shore at Nauset Lights,—three lights close together,
two or three miles distant from us. They were so many that they might
be distinguished from others; but this seemed a shiftless and costly
way of accomplishing that object. We found ourselves at once on an
apparently boundless plain, without a tree or a fence, or, with one or
two exceptions, a house in sight. Instead of fences, the earth was
sometimes thrown up into a slight ridge. My companion compared it to
the rolling prairies of Illinois. In the storm of wind and rain which
raged when we traversed it, it no doubt appeared more vast and desolate
than it really is. As there were no hills, but only here and there a
dry hollow in the midst of the waste, and the distant horizon was
concealed by mist, we did not know whether it was high or low. A
solitary traveller whom we saw perambulating in the distance loomed
like a giant. He appeared to walk slouchingly, as if held up from above
by straps under his shoulders, as much as supported by the plain below.
Men and boys would have appeared alike at a little distance, there
being no object by which to measure them. Indeed, to an inlander, the
Cape landscape is a constant mirage. This kind of country extended a
mile or two each way. These were the “Plains of Nauset,” once covered
with wood, where in winter the winds howl and the snow blows right
merrily in the face of the traveller. I was glad to have got out of the
towns, where I am wont to feel unspeakably mean and disgraced,—to have
left behind me for a season the bar-rooms of Massachusetts, where the
full-grown are not weaned from savage and filthy habits,—still sucking
a cigar. My spirits rose in proportion to the outward dreariness. The
towns need to be ventilated. The gods would be pleased to see some pure
flames from their altars. They are not to be appeased with cigar-smoke.
As we thus skirted the back-side of the towns, for we did not enter any
village, till we got to Provincetown, we read their histories under our
umbrellas, rarely meeting anybody. The old accounts are the richest in
topography, which was what we wanted most; and, indeed, in most things
else, for I find that the readable parts of the modern accounts of
these towns consist, in a great measure, of quotations, acknowledged
and unacknowledged, from the older ones, without any additional
information of equal interest;—town histories, which at length run into
a history of the Church of that place, that being the only story they
have to tell, and conclude by quoting the Latin epitaphs of the old
pastors, having been written in the good old days of Latin and of
Greek. They will go back to the ordination of every minister and tell
you faithfully who made the introductory prayer, and who delivered the
sermon; who made the ordaining prayer, and who gave the charge; who
extended the right hand of fellowship, and who pronounced the
benediction; also how many ecclesiastical councils convened from time
to time to inquire into the orthodoxy of some minister, and the names
of all who composed them. As it will take us an hour to get over this
plain, and there is no variety in the prospect, peculiar as it is, I
will read a little in the history of Eastham the while.
When the committee from Plymouth had purchased the territory of Eastham
of the Indians, “it was demanded, who laid claim to Billingsgate?”
which was understood to be all that part of the Cape north of what they
had purchased. “The answer was, there was not any who owned it. ‘Then,’
said the committee, ‘that land is ours.’ The Indians answered, that it
was.” This was a remarkable assertion and admission. The Pilgrims
appear to have regarded themselves as Not Any’s representatives.
Perhaps this was the first instance of that quiet way of “speaking for”
a place not yet occupied, or at least not improved as much as it may
be, which their descendants have practised, and are still practising so
extensively. Not Any seems to have been the sole proprietor of all
America before the Yankees. But history says that, when the Pilgrims
had held the lands of Billingsgate many years, at length “appeared an
Indian, who styled himself Lieutenant Anthony,” who laid claim to them,
and of him they bought them. Who knows but a Lieutenant Anthony may be
knocking at the door of the White House some day? At any rate, I know
that if you hold a thing unjustly, there will surely be the devil to
pay at last.
Thomas Prince, who was several times the governor of the Plymouth
colony, was the leader of the settlement of Eastham. There was recently
standing, on what was once his farm, in this town, a pear-tree which is
said to have been brought from England, and planted there by him, about
two hundred years ago. It was blown down a few months before we were
there. A late account says that it was recently in a vigorous state;
the fruit small, but excellent; and it yielded on an average fifteen
bushels. Some appropriate lines have been addressed to it, by a Mr.
Heman Doane, from which I will quote, partly because they are the only
specimen of Cape Cod verse which I remember to have seen, and partly
because they are not bad.
“Two hundred years have, on the wings of Time,
Passed with their joys and woes, since thou, Old Tree!
Put forth thy first leaves in this foreign clime.
Transplanted from the soil beyond the sea.”
* * * * *
[These stars represent the more clerical lines, and also those which
have deceased.]
“That exiled band long since have passed away,
And still, Old Tree I thou standest in the place
Where Prince’s hand did plant thee in his day,—
An undesigned memorial of his race
And time; of those our honored fathers,
when They came from Plymouth o’er and settled here;
Doane, Higgins, Snow, and other worthy men.
Whose names their sons remember to revere.
* * * * *
“Old Time has thinned thy boughs. Old Pilgrim Tree!
And bowed thee with the weight of many years;
Yet ’mid the frosts of age, thy bloom we see,
And yearly still thy mellow fruit appears.”
There are some other lines which I might quote, if they were not tied
to unworthy companions by the rhyme. When one ox will lie down, the
yoke bears hard on him that stands up.
One of the first settlers of Eastham was Deacon John Doane, who died in
1707, aged one hundred and ten. Tradition says that he was rocked in a
cradle several of his last years. That, certainly, was not an Achillean
life. His mother must have let him slip when she dipped him into the
liquor which was to make him invulnerable, and he went in, heels and
all. Some of the stone-bounds to his farm which he set up are standing
to-day, with his initials cut in them.
The ecclesiastical history of this town interested us somewhat. It
appears that “they very early built a small meeting-house, twenty feet
square, with a thatched roof through which they might fire their
muskets,”—of course, at the Devil. “In 1662, the town agreed that a
part of every whale cast on shore be appropriated for the support of
the ministry.” No doubt there seemed to be some propriety in thus
leaving the support of the ministers to Providence, whose servants they
are, and who alone rules the storms; for, when few whales were cast up,
they might suspect that their worship was not acceptable. The ministers
must have sat upon the cliffs in every storm, and watched the shore
with anxiety. And, for my part, if I were a minister I would rather
trust to the bowels of the billows, on the back-side of Cape Cod, to
cast up a whale for me, than to the generosity of many a country parish
that I know. You cannot say of a country minister’s salary, commonly,
that it is “very like a whale.” Nevertheless, the minister who depended
on whales cast up must have had a trying time of it. I would rather
have gone to the Falkland Isles with a harpoon, and done with it. Think
of a whale having the breath of life beaten out of him by a storm, and
dragging in over the bars and guzzles, for the support of the ministry!
What a consolation it must have been to him! I have heard of a
minister, who had been a fisherman, being settled in Bridgewater for as
long a time as he could tell a cod from a haddock. Generous as it
seems, this condition would empty most country pulpits forthwith, for
it is long since the fishers of men were fishermen. Also, a duty was
put on mackerel here to support a free-school; in other words, the
mackerel-school was taxed in order that the children’s school might be
free. “In 1665 the Court passed a law to inflict corporal punishment on
all persons, who resided in the towns of this government, who denied
the Scriptures.” Think of a man being whipped on a spring morning till
he was constrained to confess that the Scriptures were true! “It was
also voted by the town that all persons who should stand out of the
meeting-house during the time of divine service should be set in the
stocks.” It behooved such a town to see that sitting in the
meeting-house was nothing akin to sitting in the stocks, lest the
penalty of obedience to the law might be greater than that of
disobedience. This was the Eastham famous of late years for its
camp-meetings, held in a grove near by, to which thousands flock from
all parts of the Bay. We conjectured that the reason for the perhaps
unusual, if not unhealthful, development of the religious sentiment
here was the fact that a large portion of the population are women
whose husbands and sons are either abroad on the sea, or else drowned,
and there is nobody but they and the ministers left behind. The old
account says that “hysteric fits are very common in Orleans, Eastham,
and the towns below, particularly on Sunday, in the times of divine
service. When one woman is affected, five or six others generally
sympathize with her; and the congregation is thrown into the utmost
confusion. Several old men suppose, unphilosophically and uncharitably,
perhaps, that the will is partly concerned, and that ridicule and
threats would have a tendency to prevent the evil.” How this is now we
did not learn. We saw one singularly masculine woman, however, in a
house on this very plain, who did not look as if she was ever troubled
with hysterics, or sympathized with those that were; or, perchance,
life itself was to her a hysteric fit,—a Nauset woman, of a hardness
and coarseness such as no man ever possesses or suggests. It was enough
to see the vertebrae and sinews of her neck, and her set jaws of iron,
which would have bitten a board-nail in two in their ordinary
action,—braced against the world, talking like a man-of-war’s-man in
petticoats, or as if shouting to you through a breaker; who looked as
if it made her head ache to live; hard enough for any enormity. I
looked upon her as one who had committed infanticide; who never had a
brother, unless it were some wee thing that died in infancy,—for what
need of him?—and whose father must have died before she was born. This
woman told us that the camp-meetings were not held the previous summer
for fear of introducing the cholera, and that they would have been held
earlier this summer, but the rye was so backward that straw would not
have been ready for them; for they lie in straw. There are sometimes
one hundred and fifty ministers (!) and five thousand hearers
assembled. The ground, which is called Millennium Grove, is owned by a
company in Boston, and is the most suitable, or rather unsuitable, for
this purpose of any that I saw on the Cape. It is fenced, and the
frames of the tents are at all times to be seen interspersed among the
oaks. They have an oven and a pump, and keep all their kitchen utensils
and tent coverings and furniture in a permanent building on the spot.
They select a time for their meetings when the moon is full. A man is
appointed to clear out the pump a week beforehand, while the ministers
are clearing their throats; but, probably, the latter do not always
deliver as pure a stream as the former. I saw the heaps of clam-shells
left under the tables, where they had feasted in previous summers, and
supposed, of course, that that was the work of the unconverted, or the
backsliders and scoffers. It looked as if a camp-meeting must be a
singular combination of a prayer-meeting and a picnic.
[Illustration: Millennium Grove camp-meeting grounds]
The first minister settled here was the Rev. Samuel Treat, in 1672, a
gentleman who is said to be “entitled to a distinguished rank among the
evangelists of New England.” He converted many Indians, as well as
white men, in his day, and translated the Confession of Faith into the
Nauset language. These were the Indians concerning whom their first
teacher, Richard Bourne, wrote to Gookin, in 1674, that he had been to
see one who was sick, “and there came from him very savory and heavenly
expressions,” but, with regard to the mass of them, he says, “the truth
is, that many of them are very loose in their course, to my
heartbreaking sorrow.” Mr. Treat is described as a Calvinist of the
strictest kind, not one of those who, by giving up or explaining away,
become like a porcupine disarmed of its quills, but a consistent
Calvinist, who can dart his quills to a distance and courageously
defend himself. There exists a volume of his sermons in manuscript,
“which,” says a commentator, “appear to have been designed for
publication.” I quote the following sentences at second hand, from a
Discourse on Luke xvi. 23, addressed to sinners:—
“Thou must erelong go to the bottomless pit. Hell hath enlarged
herself, and is ready to receive thee. There is room enough for thy
entertainment....
“Consider, thou art going to a place prepared by God on purpose to
exalt his justice in,—a place made for no other employment but
torments. Hell is God’s house of correction; and, remember, God doth
all things like himself. When God would show his justice, and what is
the weight of his wrath, he makes a hell where it shall, indeed, appear
to purpose.... Woe to thy soul when thou shalt be set up as a butt for
the arrows of the Almighty....
“Consider, God himself shall be the principal agent in thy misery,—his
breath is the bellows which blows up the flame of hell forever;—and if
he punish thee, if he meet thee in his fury, he will not meet thee as a
man; he will give thee an omnipotent blow.”
“Some think sinning ends with this life; but it is a mistake. The
creature is held under an everlasting law; the damned increase in sin
in hell. Possibly, the mention of this may please thee. But, remember,
there shall be no pleasant sins there; no eating, drinking, singing,
dancing, wanton dalliance, and drinking stolen waters, but damned sins,
bitter, hellish sins; sins exasperated by torments, cursing God, spite,
rage, and blasphemy.—The guilt of all thy sins shall be laid upon thy
soul, and be made so many heaps of fuel....
“Sinner, I beseech thee, realize the truth of these things. Do not go
about to dream that this is derogatory to God’s mercy, and nothing but
a vain fable to scare children out of their wits withal. God can be
merciful, though he make thee miserable. He shall have monuments enough
of that precious attribute, shining like stars in the place of glory,
and singing eternal hallelujahs to the praise of Him that redeemed
them, though, to exalt the power of his justice, he damn sinners heaps
upon heaps.”
“But,” continues the same writer, “with the advantage of proclaiming
the doctrine of terror, which is naturally productive of a sublime and
impressive style of eloquence (‘Triumphat ventoso gloriæ curru orator,
qui pectus angit, irritat, et implet terroribus.’ Vid. Burnet, De Stat.
Mort., p. 309), he could not attain the character of a popular
preacher. His voice was so loud that it could be heard at a great
distance from the meeting-house, even amidst the shrieks of hysterical
women, and the winds that howled over the plains of Nauset; but there
was no more music in it than in the discordant sounds with which it was
mingled.”
“The effect of such preaching,” it is said, “was that his hearers were
several times, in the course of his ministry, awakened and alarmed; and
on one occasion a comparatively innocent young man was frightened
nearly out of his wits, and Mr. Treat had to exert himself to make hell
seem somewhat cooler to him”; yet we are assured that “Treat’s manners
were cheerful, his conversation pleasant, and sometimes facetious, but
always decent. He was fond of a stroke of humor, and a practical joke,
and manifested his relish for them by long and loud fits of laughter.”
This was the man of whom a well-known anecdote is told, which doubtless
many of my readers have heard, but which, nevertheless, I will venture
to quote:—
“After his marriage with the daughter of Mr. Willard (pastor of the
South Church in Boston), he was sometimes invited by that gentleman to
preach in his pulpit. Mr. Willard possessed a graceful delivery, a
masculine and harmonious voice; and, though he did not gain much
reputation by his ‘Body of Divinity,’ which is frequently sneered at,
particularly by those who have read it, yet in his sermons are strength
of thought and energy of language. The natural consequence was that he
was generally admired. Mr. Treat having preached one of his best
discourses to the congregation of his father-in-law, in his usual
unhappy manner, excited universal disgust; and several nice judges
waited on Mr. Willard, and begged that Mr. Treat, who was a worthy,
pious man, it was true, but a wretched preacher, might never be invited
into his pulpit again. To this request Mr. Willard made no reply; but
he desired his son-in-law to lend him the discourse; which being left
with him, he delivered it without alteration to his people a few weeks
after. They ran to Mr. Willard and requested a copy for the press. ‘See
the difference,’ they cried, ‘between yourself and your son-in-law; you
have preached a sermon on the same text as Mr. Treat’s, but whilst his
was contemptible, yours is excellent.’ As is observed in a note, ‘Mr.
Willard, after producing the sermon in the handwriting of Mr. Treat,
might have addressed these sage critics in the words of Phaedrus,
“‘En hic declarat, quales sitis judices.’”[2]
Mr. Treat died of a stroke of the palsy, just after the memorable storm
known as the Great Snow, which left the ground around his house
entirely bare, but heaped up the snow in the road to an uncommon
height. Through this an arched way was dug, by which the Indians bore
his bod to the grave.
The reader will imagine us, all the while, steadily traversing that
extensive plain in a direction a little north of east toward Nauset
Beach, and reading under our umbrellas as we sailed, while it blowed
hard with mingled mist and rain, as if we were approaching a fit
anniversary of Mr. Treat’s funeral. We fancied that it was such a moor
as that on which somebody perished in the snow, as is related in the
“Lights and Shadows of Scottish Life.”
The next minister settled here was the “Rev. Samuel Osborn, who was
born in Ireland, and educated at the University of Dublin.” He is said
to have been “A man of wisdom and virtue,” and taught his people the
use of peat, and the art of drying and preparing it, which as they had
scarcely any other fuel, was a great blessing to them. He also
introduced improvements in agriculture. But, notwithstanding his many
services, as he embraced the religion of Arminius, some of his flock
became dissatisfied. At length, an ecclesiastical council, consisting
of ten ministers, with their churches, sat upon him, and they,
naturally enough, spoiled his usefulness. The council convened at the
desire of two divine philosophers,—Joseph Doane and Nathaniel Freeman.
In their report they say, “It appears to the council that the Rev. Mr.
Osborn hath, in his preaching to this people, said, that what Christ
did and suffered doth nothing abate or diminish our obligation to obey
the law of God, and that Christ’s suffering and obedience were for
himself; both parts of which, we think, contain dangerous error.”
“Also: ‘It hath been said, and doth appear to this council, that the
Rev. Mr. Osborn, both in public and in private, asserted that there are
no promises in the Bible but what are conditional, which we think,
also, to be an error, and do say that there are promises which are
absolute and without any condition,—such as the promise of a new heart,
and that he will write his law in our hearts.’”
“Also, they say, ‘it hath been alleged, and doth appear to us, that Mr.
Osborn hath declared, that _obedience_ is a considerable _cause_ of a
person’s justification, which, we think, contains very dangerous
error.’”
And many the like distinctions they made, such as some of my readers,
probably, are more familiar with than I am. So, far in the East, among
the Yezidis, or Worshippers of the Devil, so-called, the Chaldaeans,
and others, according to the testimony of travellers, you may still
hear these remarkable disputations on doctrinal points going on. Osborn
was, accordingly, dismissed, and he removed to Boston, where he kept
school for many years. But he was fully justified, methinks, by his
works in the peat-meadow; one proof of which is, that he lived to be
between ninety and one hundred years old.
The next minister was the Rev. Benjamin Webb, of whom, though a
neighboring clergy-man pronounced him “the best man and the best
minister whom he ever knew,” yet the historian says that,
“As he spent his days in the uniform discharge of his duty (it reminds
one of a country muster) and there were no shades to give relief to his
character, not much can be said of him. (Pity the Devil did not plant a
few shade-trees along his avenues.) His heart was as pure as the
new-fallen snow, which completely covers every dark spot in a field;
his mind was as serene as the sky in a mild evening in June, when the
moon shines without a cloud. Name any virtue, and that virtue he
practised; name any vice, and that vice he shunned. But if peculiar
qualities marked his character, they were his humility, his gentleness,
and his love of God. The people had long been taught by a son of
thunder (Mr. Treat): in him they were instructed by a son of
consolation, who sweetly allured them to virtue by soft persuasion, and
by exhibiting the mercy of the Supreme Being; for his thoughts were so
much in heaven that they seldom descended to the dismal regions below;
and though of the same religious sentiments as Mr. Treat, yet his
attention was turned to those glad tidings of great joy which a Saviour
came to publish.”
We were interested to hear that such a man had trodden the plains of
Nauset.
Turning over further in our book, our eyes fell on the name of the Rev.
Jonathan Bascom, of Orleans; “Senex emunctæ naris, doctus, et auctor
elegantium verborum, facetus, et dulcis festique sermonis.” And, again,
on that of the Rev. Nathan Stone, of Dennis: “Vir humilis, mitis,
blandus, advenarum hospes; (there was need of him there;) suis commodis
in terrâ non studens, reconditis thesauris in cœlo.” An easy virtue
that, there, for methinks no inhabitant of Dennis could be very
studious about his earthly commodity, but must regard the bulk of his
treasures as in heaven. But probably the most just and pertinent
character of all is that which appears to be given to the Rev. Ephraim
Briggs, of Chatham, in the language of the later Romans, “_Seip,
sepoese, sepoemese, wechekum_,”—which not being interpreted, we know
not what it means, though we have no doubt it occurs somewhere in the
Scriptures, probably in the Apostle Eliot’s Epistle to the Nipmucks.
Let no one think that I do not love the old ministers. They were,
probably, the best men of their generation, and they deserve that their
biographies should fill the pages of the town histories. If I could but
hear the “glad tidings” of which they tell, and which, perchance, they
heard, I might write in a worthier strain than this.
There was no better way to make the reader realize how wide and
peculiar that plain was, and how long it took to traverse it, than by
inserting these extracts in the midst of my narrative.
[1] They touched after this at a place called Mattachiest, where they
got more corn; but their shallop being cast away in a storm, the
Governor was obliged to return to Plymouth on foot, fifty miles
through the woods. According to Mourt’s Relation, “he came safely
home, though weary and _surbated_,” that is, foot-sore. (Ital.
_sobattere_, Lat. _sub_ or _solea battere_, to bruise the soles of the
feet; v. Dic. Not “from _acerbatus_, embittered or aggrieved,” as one
commentator on this passage supposes.) This word is of very rare
occurrence, being applied only to governors and persons of like
description, who are in that predicament; though such generally have
considerable mileage allowed them, and might save their soles if they
cared.
[2] Lib. v. Fab. 5.
IV
THE BEACH
At length we reached the seemingly retreating boundary of the plain,
and entered what had appeared at a distance an upland marsh, but proved
to be dry sand covered with Beach-grass, the Bearberry, Bayberry,
Shrub-oaks, and Beach-plum, slightly ascending as we approached the
shore; then, crossing over a belt of sand on which nothing grew, though
the roar of the sea sounded scarcely louder than before, and we were
prepared to go half a mile farther, we suddenly stood on the edge of a
bluff overlooking the Atlantic. Far below us was the beach, from half a
dozen to a dozen rods in width, with a long line of breakers rushing to
the strand. The sea was exceedingly dark and stormy, the sky completely
overcast, the clouds still dropping rain, and the wind seemed to blow
not so much as the exciting cause, as from sympathy with the already
agitated ocean. The waves broke on the bars at some distance from the
shore, and curving green or yellow as if over so many unseen dams, ten
or twelve feet high, like a thousand waterfalls, rolled in foam to the
sand. There was nothing but that savage ocean between us and Europe.
Having got down the bank, and as close to the water as we could, where
the sand was the hardest, leaving the Nauset Lights behind us, we began
to walk leisurely up the beach, in a northwest direction, towards
Provincetown, which was about twenty-five miles distant, still sailing
under our umbrellas with a strong aft wind, admiring in silence, as we
walked, the great force of the ocean stream,—
ποταμοῖο μέγα σθένος Ὠκεανοῖο.
The white breakers were rushing to the shore; the foam ran up the sand,
and then ran back as far as we could see (and we imagined how much
farther along the Atlantic coast, before and behind us), as regularly,
to compare great things with small, as the master of a choir beats time
with his white wand; and ever and anon a higher wave caused us hastily
to deviate from our path, and we looked back on our tracks filled with
water and foam. The breakers looked like droves of a thousand wild
horses of Neptune, rushing to the shore, with their white manes
streaming far behind; and when at length the sun shone for a moment,
their manes were rainbow-tinted. Also, the long kelp-weed was tossed up
from time to time, like the tails of sea-cows sporting in the brine.
[Illustration: A Cape Cod citizen]
There was not a sail in sight, and we saw none that day,—for they had
all sought harbors in the late storm, and had not been able to get out
again; and the only human beings whom we saw on the beach for several
days were one or two wreckers looking for drift-wood, and fragments of
wrecked vessels. After an easterly storm in the spring, this beach is
sometimes strewn with eastern wood from one end to the other, which, as
it belongs to him who saves it, and the Cape is nearly destitute of
wood, is a Godsend to the inhabitants. We soon met one of these
wreckers,—a regular Cape Cod man, with whom we parleyed, with a
bleached and weather-beaten face, within whose wrinkles I distinguished
no particular feature. It was like an old sail endowed with life,—a
hanging cliff of weather-beaten flesh,—like one of the clay boulders
which occurred in that sand-bank. He had on a hat which had seen salt
water, and a coat of many pieces and colors, though it was mainly the
color of the beach, as if it had been sanded. His variegated back—for
his coat had many patches, even between the shoulders—was a rich study
to us, when we had passed him and looked round. It might have been
dishonorable for him to have so many scars behind, it is true, if he
had not had many more and more serious ones in front. He looked as if
he sometimes saw a doughnut, but never descended to comfort; too grave
to laugh, too tough to cry; as indifferent as a clam,—like a sea-clam
with hat on and legs, that was out walking the strand. He may have been
one of the Pilgrims,—Peregrine White, at least,—who has kept on the
back-side of the Cape, and let the centuries go by. He was looking for
wrecks, old logs, water-logged and covered with barnacles, or bits of
boards and joists, even chips, which he drew out of the reach of the
tide, and stacked up to dry. When the log was too large to carry far,
he cut it up where the last wave had left it, or rolling it a few feet
appropriated it by sticking two sticks into the ground crosswise above
it. Some rotten trunk, which in Maine cumbers the ground, and is,
perchance, thrown into the water on purpose, is here thus carefully
picked up, split and dried, and husbanded. Before winter the wrecker
painfully carries these things up the bank on his shoulders by a long
diagonal slanting path made with a hoe in the sand, if there is no
hollow at hand. You may see his hooked pike-staff always lying on the
bank ready for use. He is the true monarch of the beach, whose “right
there is none to dispute,” and he is as much identified with it as a
beach-bird.
Crantz, in his account of Greenland, quotes Dalagen’s relation of the
ways and usages of the Greenlanders, and says, “Whoever finds
driftwood, or the spoils of a shipwreck on the strand, enjoys it as his
own, though, he does not live there. But he must haul it ashore and lay
a stone upon it, as a token that some one has taken possession of it,
and this stone is the deed of security, for no other Greenlander will
offer to meddle with it afterwards.” Such is the instinctive law of
nations. We have also this account of drift-wood in Crantz: “As he (the
Founder of Nature) has denied this frigid rocky region the growth of
trees, he has bid the streams of the Ocean to convey to its shores a
great deal of wood, which accordingly comes floating thither, part
without ice, but the most part along with it, and lodges itself between
the islands. Were it not for this, we Europeans should have no wood to
burn there, and the poor Greenlanders (who, it is true, do not use
wood, but train, for burning) would, however, have no wood to roof
their houses, to erect their tents, as also to build their boats, and
to shaft their arrows (yet there grew some small but crooked alders,
&c.), by which they must procure their maintenance, clothing and train
for warmth, light, and cooking. Among this wood are great trees torn up
by the roots, which by driving up and down for many years and rubbing
on the ice, are quite bare of branches and bark, and corroded with
great wood-worms. A small part of this drift-wood are willows, alder
and birch trees, which come out of the bays in the south of (_i.e._
Greenland); also large trunks of aspen-trees, which must come from a
greater distance; but the greatest part is pine and fir. We find also a
good deal of a sort of wood finely veined, with few branches; this I
fancy is larch-wood, which likes to decorate the sides of lofty, stony
mountains. There is also a solid, reddish wood, of a more agreeable
fragrance than the common fir, with visible cross-veins; which I take
to be the same species as the beautiful silver-firs, or _zirbel_, that
have the smell of cedar, and grow on the high Grison hills, and the
Switzers wainscot their rooms with them.” The wrecker directed us to a
slight depression, called Snow’s Hollow, by which we ascended the
bank,—for elsewhere, if not difficult, it was inconvenient to climb it
on account of the sliding sand, which filled our shoes.
This sand-bank—the backbone of the Cape—rose directly from the beach to
the height of a hundred feet or more above the ocean. It was with
singular emotions that we first stood upon it and discovered what a
place we had chosen to walk on. On our right, beneath us, was the beach
of smooth and gently sloping sand, a dozen rods in width; next, the
endless series of white breakers; further still, the light green water
over the bar, which runs the whole length of the forearm of the Cape,
and beyond this stretched the unwearied and illimitable ocean. On our
left, extending back from the very edge of the bank, was a perfect
desert of shining sand, from thirty to eighty rods in width, skirted in
the distance by small sand-hills fifteen or twenty feet high; between
which, however, in some places, the sand penetrated as much farther.
Next commenced the region of vegetation—a succession of small hills and
valleys covered with shrubbery, now glowing with the brightest
imaginable autumnal tints; and beyond this were seen, here and there,
the waters of the bay. Here, in Wellfleet, this pure sand plateau,
known to sailors as the Table Lands of Eastham, on account of its
appearance, as seen from the ocean, and because it once made a part of
that town,—full fifty rods in width, and in many places much more, and
sometimes full one hundred and fifty feet above the ocean,—stretched
away northward from the southern boundary of the town, without a
particle of vegetation,—as level almost as a table,—for two and a half
or three miles, or as far as the eye could reach; slightly rising
towards the ocean, then stooping to the beach, by as steep a slope as
sand could lie on, and as regular as a military engineer could desire.
It was like the escarped rampart of a stupendous fortress, whose glacis
was the beach, and whose champaign the ocean.—From its surface we
overlooked the greater part of the Cape. In short, we were traversing a
desert, with the view of an autumnal landscape of extraordinary
brilliancy, a sort of Promised Land, on the one hand, and the ocean on
the other. Yet, though the prospect was so extensive, and the country
for the most part destitute of trees, a house was rarely visible,—we
never saw one from the beach,—and the solitude was that of the ocean
and the desert combined. A thousand men could not have seriously
interrupted it, but would have been lost in the vastness of the scenery
as their footsteps in the sand.
The whole coast is so free from rocks, that we saw but one or two for
more than twenty miles. The sand was soft like the beach, and trying to
the eyes when the sun shone. A few piles of drift-wood, which some
wreckers had painfully brought up the bank and stacked up there to dry,
being the only objects in the desert, looked indefinitely large and
distant, even like wigwams, though, when we stood near them, they
proved to be insignificant little “jags” of wood.
For sixteen miles, commencing at the Nauset Lights, the bank held its
height, though farther north it was not so level as here, but
interrupted by slight hollows, and the patches of Beach-grass and
Bayberry frequently crept into the sand to its edge. There are some
pages entitled “A description of the Eastern Coast of the County of
Barnstable,” printed in 1802, pointing out the spots on which the
Trustees of the Humane Society have erected huts called Charity or
Humane Houses, “and other places where shipwrecked seamen may look for
shelter.” Two thousand copies of this were dispersed, that every vessel
which frequented this coast might be provided with one. I have read
this Shipwrecked Seaman’s Manual with a melancholy kind of
interest,—for the sound of the surf, or, you might say, the moaning of
the sea, is heard all through it, as if its author were the sole
survivor of a shipwreck himself. Of this part of the coast he says:
“This highland approaches the ocean with steep and lofty banks, which
it is extremely difficult to climb, especially in a storm. In violent
tempests, during very high tides, the sea breaks against the foot of
them, rendering it then unsafe to walk on the strand which lies between
them and the ocean. Should the seaman succeed in his attempt to ascend
them, he must forbear to penetrate into the country, as houses are
generally so remote that they would escape his research during the
night; he must pass on to the valleys by which the banks are
intersected. These valleys, which the inhabitants call Hollows, run at
right angles with the shore, and in the middle or lowest part of them a
road leads from the dwelling-houses to the sea.” By the _word_ road
must not always be understood a visible cart-track.
There were these two roads for us,—an upper and a lower one,—the bank
and the beach; both stretching twenty-eight miles northwest, from
Nauset Harbor to Race Point, without a single opening into the beach,
and with hardly a serious interruption of the desert. If you were to
ford the narrow and shallow inlet at Nauset Harbor, where there is not
more than eight feet of water on the bar at full sea, you might walk
ten or twelve miles farther, which would make a beach forty miles
long,—and the bank and beach, on the east side of Nantucket, are but a
continuation of these. I was comparatively satisfied. There I had got
the Cape under me, as much as if I were riding it bare-backed. It was
not as on the map, or seen from the stagecoach; but there I found it
all out of doors, huge and real, Cape Cod! as it cannot be represented
on a map, color it as you will; the thing itself, than which there is
nothing more like it, no truer picture or account; which you cannot go
farther and see. I cannot remember what I thought before that it was.
They commonly celebrate those beaches only which have a hotel on them,
not those which have a Humane house alone. But I wished to see that
seashore where man’s works are wrecks; to put up at the true Atlantic
House, where the ocean is land-lord as well as sea-lord, and comes
ashore without a wharf for the landing; where the crumbling land is the
only invalid, or at best is but dry land, and that is all you can say
of it.
We walked on quite at our leisure, now on the beach, now on the
bank,—sitting from time to time on some damp log, maple or yellow
birch, which had long followed the seas, but had now at last settled on
land; or under the lee of a sandhill, on the bank, that we might gaze
steadily on the ocean. The bank was so steep that, where there was no
danger of its caving, we sat on its edge, as on a bench. It was
difficult for us landsmen to look out over the ocean without imagining
land in the horizon; yet the clouds appeared to hang low over it, and
rest on the water as they never do on the land, perhaps on account of
the great distance to which we saw. The sand was not without advantage,
for, though it was “heavy” walking in it, it was soft to the feet; and,
notwithstanding that it had been raining nearly two days, when it held
up for half an hour, the sides of the sand-hills, which were porous and
sliding, afforded a dry seat. All the aspects of this desert are
beautiful, whether you behold it in fair weather or foul, or when the
sun is just breaking out after a storm, and shining on its moist
surface in the distance, it is so white, and pure, and level, and each
slight inequality and track is so distinctly revealed; and when your
eyes slide off this, they fall on the ocean. In summer the mackerel
gulls—which here have their nests among the neighboring
sand-hills—pursue the traveller anxiously, now and then diving close to
his head with a squeak, and he may see them, like swallows, chase some
crow which has been feeding on the beach, almost across the Cape.
Though for some time I have not spoken of the roaring of the breakers,
and the ceaseless flux and reflux of the waves, yet they did not for a
moment cease to dash and roar, with such a tumult that if you had been
there, you could scarcely have heard my voice the while; and they are
dashing and roaring this very moment, though it may be with less din
and violence, for there the sea never rests. We were wholly absorbed by
this spectacle and tumult, and like Chryses, though in a different mood
from him, we walked silent along the shore of the resounding sea,
Βῆ δ’ ἀκέων παρὰ θῖνα πολυφλοίσβοιο θαλάσσης.[1]
I put in a little Greek now and then, partly because it sounds so much
like the ocean,—though I doubt if Homer’s _Mediterranean_ Sea ever
sounded so loud as this.
The attention of those who frequent the camp-meetings at Eastham is
said to be divided between the preaching of the Methodists and the
preaching of the billows on the back-side of the Cape, for they all
stream over here in the course of their stay. I trust that in this case
the loudest voice carries it. With what effect may we suppose the ocean
to say, “My hearers!” to the multitude on the bank! On that side some
John N. Maffit; on this, the Reverend Poluphloisboios Thalassa.
There was but little weed cast up here, and that kelp chiefly, there
being scarcely a rock for rockweed to adhere to. Who has not had a
vision from some vessel’s deck, when he had still his land-legs on, of
this great brown apron, drifting half upright, and quite submerged
through the green water, clasping a stone or a deep-sea mussel in its
unearthly fingers? I have seen it carrying a stone half as large as my
head. We sometimes watched a mass of this cable-like weed, as it was
tossed up on the crest of a breaker, waiting with interest to see it
come in, as if there were some treasure buoyed up by it; but we were
always surprised and disappointed at the insignificance of the mass
which had attracted us. As we looked out over the water, the smallest
objects floating on it appeared indefinitely large, we were so
impressed by the vastness of the ocean, and each one bore so large a
proportion to the whole ocean, which we saw. We were so often
disappointed in the size of such things as came ashore, the ridiculous
bits of wood or weed, with which the ocean labored, that we began to
doubt whether the Atlantic itself would bear a still closer inspection,
and wold not turn out to be a but small pond, if it should come ashore
to us. This kelp, oar-weed, tangle, devils-apron, sole-leather, or
ribbon-weed,—as various species are called,—appeared to us a singularly
marine and fabulous product, a lit invention for Neptune to adorn his
car with, or a freak of Proteus. All that is told of the sea has a
fabulous sound to an inhabitant of the land, and all its products have
a certain fabulous quality, as if they belonged to another planet, from
sea-weed to a sailor’s yarn, or a fish-story. In this element the
animal and vegetable kingdoms meet and are strangely mingled. One
species of kelp, according to Bory St. Vincent, has a stem fifteen
hundred feet long, and hence is the longest vegetable known, and a
brig’s crew spent two days to no purpose collecting the trunks of
another kind cast ashore on the Falkland Islands, mistaking it for
drift-wood. (See Harvey on _Algæ_) This species looked almost edible;
at least, I thought that if I were starving I would try it. One sailor
told me that the cows ate it. It cut like cheese: for I took the
earliest opportunity to sit down and deliberately whittle up a fathom
or two of it, that I might become more intimately acquainted with it,
see how it cut, and if it were hollow all the way through. The blade
looked like a broad belt, whose edges had been quilled, or as if
stretched by hammering, and it was also twisted spirally. The extremity
was generally worn and ragged from the lashing of the waves. A piece of
the stem which I carried home shrunk to one quarter of its size a week
afterward, and was completely covered with crystals of salt like frost.
The reader will excuse my greenness,—though it is not sea-greenness,
like his, perchance,—for I live by a river-shore, where this weed does
not wash up. When we consider in what meadows it grew. and how it was
raked, and in what kind of hay weather got in or out, we may well be
curious about it. One who is weatherwise has given the following
account of the matter.
“When descends on the Atlantic
The gigantic
Storm-wind of the equinox,
Landward in his wrath he scourges
The toiling surges,
Laden with sea-weed from the rocks.
“From Bermuda’s reefs, from edges
Of sunken ledges,
On some far-off bright Azore;
From Bahama and the dashing,
Silver-flashing
Surges of San Salvador;
“From the trembling surf that buries
The Orkneyan Skerries.
Answering the hoarse Hebrides;
And from wrecks and ships and drifting
Spars, uplifting
On the desolate rainy seas;
“Ever drifting, drifting, drifting
On the shifting
Currents of the restless main.”