THE SEQUEL.
AS we have already seen, the Gunpowder Plot formed no exception to the
general law observable in conspiracies of its period, proving extremely
advantageous to those against whom it was principally directed. No
single individual was injured by it except those concerned in it, or
accused of being so concerned. On the other hand, it marked an epoch in
public policy, and irrevocably committed the king and the nation to a
line of action towards Catholics, which up to that time they had hoped,
and their enemies had feared, would not be permanently pursued.
"The political consequences of this transaction," says Mr. Jardine,[423]
"are extremely important and interesting. It fixed the timid and
wavering mind of the king in his adherence to the Protestant party, in
opposition to the Roman Catholics; and the universal horror, which was
naturally excited not only in England but throughout Europe by so
barbarous an attempt, was artfully converted into an engine for the
suppression of the Roman Catholic Church: so that the ministers of James
I., having procured the reluctant acquiescence of the king, and the
cordial assent of public opinion, were enabled to continue in full force
the severe laws previously passed against Papists, and to enact others
of no less rigour and injustice."
Such was the effect in fact produced, and the calm deliberation
displayed in dealing with the crisis appears to indicate that no
misgivings were entertained as to the chance of anything but advantage
resulting from it. We have already seen with what strange equanimity the
presence of the powder beneath the Parliament House was treated. Not
less serene was the attitude of the minister chiefly responsible for the
safety of the State in face of the grave dangers still declared to be
threatening, even after the "discovery." Preparations, it was officially
announced, had been made for an extensive rising of the Catholics, and
this had still to be reckoned with. As the king himself informed Sir
John Harington, the design was not formed by a few, the "whole legion of
Catholics" were implicated: the priests had been active in preaching the
holy war, and the Pope himself had employed his authority on behalf of
the cause.[424]
Moreover, the conspirators, except Faukes, escaped from London, and
hurried to the intended scene of action, where, though no man
voluntarily joined them, they were able at first to collect a certain
force of their own retainers and domestics, and began to traverse the
shires in which their influence was greatest, committing acts of plunder
and violence, and calling on all men to join them for God and the
country. For a couple of days the local magistrates did not feel strong
enough to cope with them, and forwarded to the capital reports capable,
it might be supposed, of alarming those who were bewildered by so
totally unexpected an assault, for which the evidence in hand showed
preparations of no ordinary magnitude to have been made. The numbers of
the insurgents, it was said, were constantly increasing; only a feeble
force could be brought against them; they were seizing horses and
ammunition, and all this in "a very Catholic country."
In his famous speech to Parliament, delivered on November 9th, the king
dwelt feelingly on the danger of the land, left exposed to the traitors,
in the absence of the members of the legislature, its natural guardians.
"These rebels," he declared,[425] "that now wander through the country
could never have gotten so fit a time of safety in their passage, or
whatsoever unlawful actions, as now; when the country, by the aforesaid
occasions, is, in a manner, left desolate and waste unto them."[426]
Meanwhile, however, the secretary remained imperturbably tranquil as
before, and so well aware of the true state of the case that he could
afford to make merry over the madcap adventurers. On the same 9th of
November he wrote to the ambassadors: "It is also thought fit that some
martial men should presently repair down to those countries where the
Robin Hoods are assembled, to encourage the good and to terrify the bad.
In which service the Earl of Devonshire is used, a commission going
forth for him as general: although I am easily persuaded that this
Faggot will be burnt to ashes before he shall be twenty miles on his
way."
His prescience was not at fault, for before despatching the letter the
minister was able to announce the utter collapse of the foolish and
unsupported enterprise.
No time was lost in turning the defeated conspiracy to practical
account. On the very 5th of November[427] itself the Commons proceeded,
before all other business, to the first reading of a bill for the better
execution of penal statutes against Recusants. On the following day this
was read a second time. The house next met on the 9th, to hear the
king's speech, and was then prorogued to January 21st following. On that
day, the foremost article on the programme was the first reading of a
bill (whether the same or another) for the better execution of penal
statutes; another was likewise proposed for prevention of the danger of
papistical practices; and a committee was appointed "to consider of some
course for the timely and severe proceeding against Jesuits, Seminaries,
and other popish agents and practisers, and for the prevention and
suppression of their plots and practices."[428] On the 22nd there was a
motion directed against the seminaries beyond the seas, and the bill for
better execution of penal statutes was read a second time. On the 23rd
the bill for a public thanksgiving was read twice, being finally passed
on the 25th. Its preamble runs thus: "Forasmuch as ... no nation of the
earth hath been blessed with greater benefits than this kingdom now
enjoyeth, having the true and free profession of the gospel under our
most gracious sovereign lord King James, the most great, learned, and
religious king that ever reigned therein ... the which many malignant
and devilish papists, Jesuits, and seminary priests, much envying and
fearing, conspired most horribly ..." and so forth.
Thus did the Commons set to work, and the other House, though they
declined to sanction all that was proposed in the way of exceptional
severity towards the actual conspirators, were no wise lacking in zeal
against the Catholic body.
The course of legislation that ensued is thus described by Birch:[429]
"The discovery of the Plot occasioned the Parliament to enjoin the oath
of allegiance to the king, and to enact several laws against Popery, and
especially against the Jesuits and Priests who, as the Earl of Salisbury
observed,[430] sought to bring all things into confusion.... In passing
these laws for the security of the Protestant religion, the Earl of
Salisbury exerted himself with distinguished zeal and vigour, which
gained him great love and honour from the kingdom, as appeared, in some
measure, in the unusual attendance upon him at his installation into the
Order of the Garter, on the 20th of May, 1606,[431] at Windsor."
It is, indeed, abundantly clear that beyond all others this statesman
benefited by the Plot, in consequence of which he obtained, at least for
a time, a high degree of both power and popularity. His installation at
Windsor, above mentioned, was an almost regal triumph. Baker notes[432]
that he was attended on the occasion "beyond ordinary promotion." Howes
writes[433] that he "set forward from his house in the Strand, being
almost as honourably accompanied, and with as great a train of lords,
knights, gentlemen, and officers of the Court, with others besides his
peculiar servants, very richly attired and bravely mounted, as was the
King when he rid in state through London."
Neither were there wanting to the secretary other advantages which, if
less showy, were not less substantial. It will be remembered how, in
his secret correspondence with the King of Scots before the death of
Elizabeth, Cecil had constantly endeavoured to turn the mind of his
future sovereign against the Earl of Northumberland, whom he declared to
be associated with Raleigh and Cobham in a "diabolical triplicity," and
to be "a sworn enemy of King James."[434] These efforts had not been
altogether successful, and though Cobham and Raleigh had been
effectually disposed of in connection with the conspiracy known as the
"Main," Northumberland was still powerful, and was thought by many to be
Cecil's most formidable rival. As one result of the Gunpowder Plot, he
now disappeared for ever from public life.
[Illustration: THE POWDER PLOT. III.]
When we remember the terms in which the secretary had previously
described him, as well as the result about to ensue, it is not a little
startling to remark with what emphasis it was protested, in season and
out, that a ruling principle of the government's action was to do
nothing which might even seem to cast a slur upon the earl's character,
while at the same time the very point is artfully insinuated which was
to be turned against him.[435] Thus in the "King's Book," in explanation
of the curious roundabout courses adopted in connection with the
"discovery," we are told that a far-fetched excuse was devised for the
search determined upon, lest it might "lay an ill-favoured imputation
upon the Earl of Northumberland, one of his Majesty's greatest subjects
and counsellors; this Thomas Percy being his kinsman and most confident
familiar." So again Cecil wrote to the ambassadors: "It hath been
thought meet in policy of State (all circumstances considered) to commit
the Earl of Northumberland to the Archbishop of Canterbury, there to be
honourably used, until things be more quiet. Whereof if you shall hear
any judgment made, as if his Majesty or his council could harbour a
thought of such a savage practice to be lodged in such a nobleman's
breast, you shall do well to suppress it as a malicious discourse and
invention, this being only done to satisfy the world that nothing be
undone which belongs to policy of State, when the whole monarchy was
proscribed to dissolution; and being no more than himself discreetly
approved when he received the sentence of the council for his
restraint."
Yet what was the issue? A series of charges were brought against
Northumberland, all of which broke down except that of having, as
Captain of the Royal Pensioners, admitted Percy amongst them without
exacting the usual oath. He in vain demanded an open trial, and was
brought before the Star Chamber, by which, after he had been assailed by
Coke in the same violent strain previously employed against Raleigh, he
was sentenced to forfeit all offices which he held under the Crown, to
be imprisoned during the king's pleasure, and to pay a fine of L30,000,
equal to at least ten times that sum at the present day.
As if this were not enough, fresh proceedings were taken against him six
years later, when he was again subjected to examination, and again, says
Lingard,[436] foiled the ingenuity or malice of his persecutor.
It seems, therefore, by no means extraordinary that men, as we have
heard from the French ambassador, should have commonly attributed the
earl's ruin to the resolution of his great rival to remove from his own
path every obstacle likely to be dangerous, or that Cecil should himself
bear witness,[437] in 1611, to the "bruites" touching Northumberland
which were afloat, and should be anxious, as "knowing how various a
discourse a subject of this nature doth beget," to "prevent any
erroneous impression by a brief narrative of the true motive and
progress of the business."
As to Northumberland's own sentiments, he, we are told by Osborne,[438]
declared that the blood of Percy would refuse to mix with that of Cecil
if they were poured together in the same basin.
It is, moreover, evident not only that the great statesman, to use
Bishop Goodman's term, actually profited largely by the powder business,
but that from the first he saw in it a means for materially
strengthening his position; an opportunity which he lost no time in
turning to account by making it appear that in such a crisis he was
absolutely necessary to the State. This is shown by the remarkable
manifesto which he promptly issued, a document which appears to have
been almost forgotten, though well deserving attention.
A characteristic feature of the traitorous proceedings of the period was
the inveterate habit of conspirators to drop compromising documents in
the street, or to throw them into yards and windows. In the court of
Salisbury House was found, in November, 1605, a threatening letter, more
than usually extraordinary. It purported to come from five Catholics,
who began by unreservedly condemning the Gunpowder Plot as a work
abhorred by their co-religionists as much as by any Protestants. Since,
however, his lordship, beyond all others, seemed disposed to take
advantage of so foul a scandal, in order to root out all memory of the
Catholic religion, they proceeded to warn him that they had themselves
vowed his death, and in such fashion that their success was certain.
None of the accomplices knew who the others were, but it was settled who
should first make the attempt, and who, in order, afterwards. Moreover,
death had no terrors for any of them, two being stricken with mortal
sickness, which must soon be fatal; while the other three were in such
mental affliction as not to care what became of them.
As a reply to this strange effusion Cecil published a tract,[439]
obviously intended as a companion to the famous "King's Book," in which
with elaborate modesty he owned to the impeachment of being more zealous
than others in the good cause, and protested his resolution, at whatever
peril to himself, to continue his services to his king and country. The
sum and substance of this curious apology is as follows.
Having resolved to recall his thoughts from the earthly theatre to
higher things, which statesmen are supposed overmuch to neglect, he had
felt he could choose no better theme for his meditations than the
"King's Book," wherein so many lively images of God's great favour and
providence are represented, every line discovering where Apelles' hand
hath been; so that all may see there needs now no Elisha to tell the
King of Israel what the Aramites do in their privatest councils.
While in this most serious and silent meditation, divided between
rapture at God's infinite mercy and justice, and thought of his own
happiness to live under a king pleasing to God for his zealous
endeavours to cleanse the vessels of his kingdom from the dregs and lees
of the Romish grape,--and while his heart was not a little cheered to
observe any note of his own name in the royal register, for one that had
been of any little use in this so fortunate discovery,--as the poor day
labourer who taketh contentment when he passeth that glorious
architecture, to the building whereof he can remember to have carried
some few sticks and stones,--while thus blissfully engaged, he is
grieved to find himself singled out from the honourable body of the
council,--why, he knows not, for with it he would be content to be
identified--as the author of the policy which is being adopted; and,
conscious that in his humble person the Body of Authority is assailed,
he thinks it well, for once, to make a reply.
Having recited the threatening letter in full, he presently continues:
"Though I participate not in the follies of that fly who thought herself
to raise the dust because she sat on the chariot-wheel, yet I am so far
from disavowing my honest ambition of my master's favour, as I am
desirous that the world should hold me, not so much his creature, by the
undeserved honours I hold from his grace and power, as my desire to be
the shadow of his mind, and to frame my judgment, knowledge, and
affections according to his. Towards whose Royal Person I shall glory
more to be always found an honest and humble subject, than I should to
command absolutely in any other calling."
Of those who threaten him he says very little, assuming, however, as
self-evident, that they are set on by some priest, who, after the manner
of his tribe, doth "carry the unlearned Catholics, like hawks hooded,
into those dangerous positions."
But, as for himself, let the world understand that he is not the man to
neglect his duty on account of the personal danger it entails. "Far I
hope it shall be from me, who know so well in whose HOLY BOOK my days
are numbered, once to entertain a thought to purchase a span of time, at
so dear a rate, as for the fear of any mortal power, in my poor talent,
_Aut Deo, aut Patriae, aut Patri patriae deesse_."[440]
In spite of the singular ability of this manifesto, the art of the
writer is undoubtedly somewhat too conspicuous to permit us to accept it
as the kind of document which would be produced by one who felt himself
confronted by a serious peril. An interesting and most pertinent
commentary is supplied by a contemporary Jesuit, Giles Schondonck,
Rector of St. Omers College, in a letter to Father Baldwin, the same of
whom we have already heard in connection with the Plot.[441]
Schondonck has, he says, read and re-read Cecil's book, which Baldwin
had lent him. If his opinion be required, he finds in it many flowers of
wit and eloquence, and it is a composition well adapted for its object;
but the original letter which has evoked this brilliant rejoinder is a
manifest fraud, not emanating from any Catholic, but devised by the
enemies of the Church for her injury. The writers plainly contradict
themselves. They begin by denouncing the Powder Plot as impious and
abominable, and they do so most righteously, and they declare its
authors to have been turbulent spirits and not religious, in which also
they are right. But they go on to approve the design of murdering Cecil.
What sense is there in this? If the one design be impious and
detestable, with what colour or conscience can the other be approved?
There is no difference of principle, though in the one case many were to
be murdered, in the other but a single man. No one having in him any
spark of religion could defend either project, much less approve it.
Moreover, much that is set down is simply ridiculous. Men in the last
extremity of sickness, or broken down by sorrow, are not of the stuff
whereof those are made by whom desperate deeds are done.
From another Jesuit we obtain instructive information which at least
serves to show what was the opinion of Catholics as to the way in which
things were being managed. This is conveyed in a letter addressed
December 1st, 1606, to the famous Father Parsons by Father Richard
Blount, Father Garnet's successor as superior of the English
mission.[442] It must be remembered that this was not meant for the
public eye, and in fact was never published. It cannot have been
intended to obtain credence for a particular version of history, and it
was written to him who, of all men, was behind the scenes so far as the
English Jesuits were concerned. Much of it is in cipher which,
fortunately, has been interpreted for us by the recipient.
Blount begins with a piece of intelligence which is startling enough.
Amongst the lords of the council none was a more zealous enemy of Popery
than the chamberlain, the Earl of Suffolk,[443] who was more than once
on the commission for expelling priests and Jesuits, and had in
particular been so energetic in the matter of the Powder Plot that
Salisbury modestly confessed that in regard of the "discovery" he had
himself been "much less forward."[444] Now, however, we are told, only a
twelvemonth later, that this nobleman and his wife are ready for a
sufficient fee to procure "some kind of peace" for the Catholics. The
needful sum may probably be raised through the Spanish Ambassador, but
the issue is doubtful "because Salisbury will resist."--"Yet such is the
want of money with the chamberlain at this time--whose expenses are
infinite--that either Salisbury must supply, or else he must needs break
with him."[445]
After some particulars concerning the jealousy against the Scots, and
the matter of the union (which "sticketh much in the Parliament's
teeth") Blount goes on to relate how Cecil has been attempting to float
a second Powder Plot--the scene being this time the king's court itself.
He has had another letter brought in, to set it going, and had seemingly
calculated on capturing the writer himself and some of his brethren in
connection with it. In this, however, he has been foiled, and the matter
appears to have been dropped. In Blount's own words:[446]
"Now these last days we expected some new stratagem, because Salisbury
pretended a letter to be brought to his lordship found by chance in St.
Clement's Churchyard, written in ciphers, wherein were many persons
named, and a question asked, whether there were any concavity under the
stage in the court. But belike the device failed, and so we hear no
words of it. About this time this house was ransacked, where by chance
Blount came late the night before, finding four more, Talbot, N. Smith,
Wright, Arnold; being all besieged from morning to night. If things had
fallen out as was expected, then that letter would have haply been
spoken of, whereas now it is very secret, and only served to pick a
thanks of King James, with whom Salisbury keepeth his credit by such
tricks, as upon whose vigilancy his majesty's life dependeth."
* * * * *
One other feature of the after history demands consideration. As Fuller
tells us,[447] "a learned author, making mention of this treason,
breaketh forth into the following rapture:
'Excidat illa dies aevo, ne postera credant
Saecula; nos certe taceamus, et obruta multa
Nocte tegi propriae patiamur crimina gentis.'
'Oh, let that day be quite dashed out of time,
And not believ'd by the next generation;
In night of silence we'll conceal the crime,
Thereby to save the credit of the nation.'"
"A wish," he adds, "which in my opinion, hath more of poetry than of
piety therein, and from which I must be forced to dissent." Assuredly
if it were judged that silence and oblivion should be the lot of the
conspiracy, no stranger means were ever adopted to secure the desired
object. A public thanksgiving was appointed to be held every year, on
the anniversary of the "discovery;" a special service for that day was
inserted in the Anglican liturgy, and Gunpowder Plot Sermons kept the
memory of the Treason green in the mind not of one but of many
generations.
Moreover, the country was flooded with literature on the subject, in
prose and rhyme, and the example of Milton is sufficient to show how
favourite a topic it was with youthful poets essaying to try their
wings.[448]
In regard of the history, one line was consistently adopted. The Church
of England in its calendar marked November 5th, as the _Papists'
Conspiracy_, and in the collect appointed for the day the king and
estates of the realm were described as being "by Popish treachery
appointed as sheep to the slaughter, in a most barbarous and savage
manner, beyond the examples of former ages." Similarly, preachers and
writers alike concurred in saying little or nothing about the actual
conspirators, but much about the iniquity of Rome; the official
character of the Plot, and its sanction, even its first suggestion, by
the highest authorities of the Church, being the chief feature of the
tale hammered year after year into the ears of the English people. The
details of history supplied are frequently pure and unmixed fables.[449]
[Illustration: THE POWDER PLOT. IV.]
Nor was the pencil less active than the pen in popularizing the same
belief. Great was the ingenuity spent in devising and producing pictures
which should impress on the minds of the most illiterate a holy horror
of the Church which had doomed the nation to destruction. One of the
most elaborate of these was headed by an inscription which admirably
summarizes the moral of the tale.
THE POWDER TREASON.--Propounded by _Satan_: Approved by _Antichrist_
[_i.e._ the Pope]: Enterprised by _Papists_: Practized by _Traitors_:
Revealed by an _Eagle_ [Monteagle]: Expounded by an _Oracle_ [King
James]: Founded in _Hell_: Confounded in _Heaven_.
Accordingly we find representations of Lucifer, the Pope, the King of
Spain, the General of the Jesuits, and other such worthies, conspiring
in the background while the redoubtable Guy walks arm in arm with a
demon to fire the mine, the latter grasping a papal Bull (unknown to the
Bullarium), expedited to promote the project: or again, Faukes and
Catesby stand secretly conspiring in the middle of the street, while
Father Garnet, in full Jesuit habit (or what is meant for such) exhorts
them to go on: or a priest gives the conspirators "the sacrament of
secrecy;" or representative Romish dignitaries blow threats and curses
against England and her Parliament House,--or the Jesuits are buried in
Hell in recompense of their perfidy.
It cannot, however, escape remark that while the limners have been
conscientiously careful in respect of these details, they have one and
all discarded accuracy in regard of another matter in which we might
naturally have expected it. In no single instance is Guy Faukes
represented as about to blow up the right house. Sometimes it is the
House of Commons that he is going to destroy, more frequently the
Painted Chamber, often a nondescript building corresponding to nothing
in particular,--but in no single instance is it the House of Lords.
[Illustration: THE POWDER PLOT. V.]
The most extraordinary instance of so strange a vagary is afforded by a
plate produced immediately after the occurrence it commemorates, in the
year 1605 itself.[450] In this, Faukes with his inseparable lantern, but
without the usual spurs, is seen advancing to the door of the "cellar,"
which stands conspicuous above ground. Aloft is seen the crescent moon,
represented in exactly the right phase for the date of the
discovery.[451] The accuracy exhibited as to this singular detail makes
it more than ever extraordinary that the building to which he directs
his steps is unquestionably St. Stephen's Chapel--The House of Commons.
One point of the history, in itself apparently insignificant, was at the
time invested with such extravagant importance, as to suggest a question
in its regard, namely the day itself whereon the marvellous deliverance
took place. A curious combination of circumstances alone assigned it to
the notorious Fifth of November. Parliament, as we have seen, was
originally appointed to meet on the 3rd of October, but was suddenly
adjourned for about a month, and so little reason did there seem to be
for the prorogation[452] as to fill the conspirators with alarm lest
some suspicion of their design had prompted it; wherefore they sent
Thomas Winter to attend the prorogation ceremony, and observe the
demeanour of those who took part in it. Afterwards, though the discovery
might have easily been made any time during the preceding week, nothing
practical was done till the fateful day itself had actually begun, when,
as the acute Lingard has not failed to observe, a remarkable change at
once came over the conduct of the authorities, who discarding the
aimless and dilatory manner of proceeding which had hitherto
characterized them, went straight to the point with a promptitude and
directness leaving nothing to be desired.
Whatever were their motive in all this, the action of the government
undoubtedly brought it about that the great blow should be struck on a
day which not a little enhanced the evidence for the providential
character of the whole affair. Tuesday was King James' lucky day, more
especially when it happened to be the 5th of the month, for on Tuesday,
August the 5th, 1600, he had escaped the mysterious treason of the
Gowries.
This coincidence evidently created a profound impression. "Curious folks
observe," wrote Chamberlain to Carleton,[453] "that this deliverance
happened on the fifth of November, answerable to the fifth of August,
both Tuesdays; and this plot to be executed by Johnson [the assumed name
of Faukes], and that at Johnstown [_i.e._, Perth]." On the 27th of
November, Lake suggested to the Archbishop of Canterbury,[454] that as
a perpetual memorial of this so providential circumstance, the
anniversary sermon should always be delivered upon a Tuesday. Two days
later, the Archbishop wrote to his suffragans,[455] reminding them how
on a Tuesday his majesty had escaped the Gowries, and now, on another
Tuesday, a peril still more terrible, which must have ruined the whole
nation, had not the Holy Ghost illumined the king's heart with a divine
spirit. In remembrance of which singular instance of God's governance,
there was to be an annual celebration.[456]
Most important of all, King James himself much appreciated the
significance of this token of divine protection, and not only impressed
this upon his Parliament, but proroguing it forthwith till after
Christmas, selected the same propitious day of the week for its next
meeting, as a safeguard against possible danger. "Since it has pleased
God," said his majesty,[457] "to grant me two such notable deliveries
upon one day of the week, which was Tuesday, and likewise one day of the
month, which was the fifth, thereby to teach me that as it was the same
devil that still persecuted me, so it was one and the same God that
still mightily delivered me, I thought it therefore not amiss, that the
twenty-first day which fell to be upon Tuesday, should be the day of
meeting of this next session of parliament, hoping and assuring myself,
that the same God, who hath now granted me and you all so notable and
gracious a delivery, shall prosper all our affairs at that next session,
and bring them to an happy conclusion."
* * * * *
Whatever may be thought of this particular element of its history, it is
perfectly clear that the fashion in which the Plot was habitually set
before the English people, and which contributed more than anything else
to work the effect actually produced, was characterized from the first
by an utter disregard of truth on the part of those whose purposes it so
opportunely served, and with such lasting results.
A SUMMARY.
The evidence available to us appears to establish principally two
points,--that the true history of the Gunpowder Plot is now known to no
man, and that the history commonly received is certainly untrue.
It is quite impossible to believe that the government were not aware of
the Plot long before they announced its discovery.
It is difficult to believe that the proceedings of the conspirators were
actually such as they are related to have been.
It is unquestionable that the government consistently falsified the
story and the evidence as presented to the world, and that the points
upon which they most insisted prove upon examination to be the most
doubtful.
There are grave reasons for the conclusion that the whole transaction
was dexterously contrived for the purpose which in fact it opportunely
served, by those who alone reaped benefit from it, and who showed
themselves so unscrupulous in the manner of reaping.
FOOTNOTES:
[423] _Criminal Trials_, ii. I.
[424] _Nugae Antiquae_, i. 374.
[425] _Harleian Miscellany_, iv. 249.
[426] This terrible state of things was alleged as a principal reason
for the prorogation of the Parliament for two months and a half. As a
matter of fact, the rebels had been overthrown and captured the day
before that on which the king's speech was delivered, and news of that
event was received that same evening.
[427] _Commons' Journals._
[428] In the preamble of the Act so passed we read: "Forasmuch as it is
found by daily experience, that many his Majesty's subjects that adhere
in their hearts to the popish religion, by the infection drawn from
thence, and by the wicked and devilish counsel of Jesuits, seminaries,
and other like persons dangerous to the church and state, are so
perverted in the point of their loyalties and due allegiance unto the
King's majesty, and the Crown of England, as they are ready to entertain
and execute any treasonable conspiracies and practices, as evidently
appears by that more than barbarous and horrible attempt to have blown
up with gunpowder the King, Queen ..." etc., etc.
[429] _Negotiations_, p. 256.
[430] "Our parliament is prorogued till the 18th of next November. Many
things have been considerable in it, but especially the zeal of both
Houses for the preservation of God's true religion, by establishing many
good laws against Popery and those firebrands, Jesuits, and Priests,
that seek to bring all things into confusion. His Majesty resolveth once
more by proclamation to banish them all; and afterwards, if they shall
not obey, then the laws shall go upon them without any more
forbearance."--Cecil to Winwood, June 7th, 1606 (Winwood, _Memorials_,
ii. 219).
[431] In the _Dictionary of National Biography_, and Doyle's _Official
Baronage_, this installation is erroneously assigned to 1605.
[432] _Chronicle_, p. 408.
[433] Continuation of Stowe's _Annals_, p. 883.
[434] Letter iii.
[435] At Northumberland's trial Lord Salisbury thus expressed
himself: "I have taken paines in my nowne heart to clear my lord's
offences, which now have leade me from the contemplation of his
virtues; for I knowe him vertuous, wyse, valiaunte, and of use and
ornamente to the state.... The cause of this combustion was the
papistes seekinge to restore their religion. Non libens dico, sed res
ipsa loquitur."--Hawarde, _Les Reportes_, etc.
[436] _History_, vii. 84, note. On this subject Mr. Sawyer, the editor
of Winwood (1715), has the following remark: "We meet with some account
of his [Northumberland's] offence, though couched in such tender terms,
that 'tis a little difficult to conceive it deserved so heavy a
punishment as a fine of L30,000 and perpetual imprisonment."
(_Memorials_, iii. 287, note.)
[437] To Winwood, _Memorials_, iii. 287.
[438] _Traditional Memoirs_, p. 214.
[439] _An Answere to certaine Scandalous Papers, scattered abroad under
colour of a Catholicke Admonition._ "Qui facit vivere, docet orare."
Imprinted at London by Robert Barker, Printer to the King's most
Eccellent Majestie. Anno 1606.
This was published in January, 1605-6, on the 28th of which month Sir W.
Browne, writing from Flushing, mentions that "my lord of Salisbury hath
lately published a little booke as a kynd of answer to som secrett
threatning libelling letters cast into his chamber." (Stowe MSS., 168,
74, f. 308.)
[440] On this subject Cornwallis wrote to Salisbury (Winwood, ii. 193):
"Many reports are here spread of the Combination against your Lordship,
and that five English Romanists would resolve your death. It seems that
since they cannot be allowed _Sacrificium incruentum_, they will now
altogether put in use their sacrifices of blood. But I hope and suppose
that their hearts and their hands want much of the vigour that rests in
their wills and their pens. Your Lordship doth take especial courage in
this, that they single you out as the chief and principal watch Tower of
your Country and Commonwealth, and turn the strength of their malice to
you whom they hold the discoverer of all their unnatural and destructive
inventions against their prince and country," etc.
[441] P.R.O. _Dom. James I._ xviii. 97, February 27th, N.S., 1606. The
original, which is in Latin, has been utterly misunderstood by the
Calendarer of State Papers.
[442] Stonyhurst MSS., _Anglia_, iii. 72.
[443] Thomas Howard, cr. 1603.
[444] To the ambassadors.
[445] Father Blount's account is undoubtedly in keeping with what we
know of the Earl, and especially of his Countess, who was a sister of
Sir Thomas Knyvet, the captor of Guy Faukes. Suffolk, in 1614, became
Lord High Treasurer, but four years afterwards grave irregularities were
discovered in his office; he was accused of embezzlement and extortion,
in which work his wife was proved to have been even more active than
himself. They were sentenced to restore all money wrongfully extorted,
to a fine of L30,000, and to imprisonment during pleasure.
[446] In this letter all proper names are in cipher, as well as various
other words.
[447] _Church History_, x. 40.
[448] We have four Latin epigrams of Milton's, _In proditionem
Bombardicam_, which, though pointless, are bitterly anti-Catholic. A
longer poem, of 226 lines, _In quintum Novembris_, is still more
virulent.
It is somewhat remarkable that the universal Shakespeare should make no
allusion to the Plot, beyond the doubtful reference to equivocation in
_Macbeth_ (ii. 3). He was at the time of its occurrence in the full flow
of his dramatic activity.
[449] See Appendix L, _Myths and Legends of the Powder Plot_.
[450] Brit. Mus. Print Room, Crace Collection, portf. xv. 28. This is
reproduced, as our frontispiece.
[451] There was a new moon at 11.30 p.m. on October 31st.
[452] The reasons assigned in the proclamation for this prorogation are
plainly insufficient: viz., "That the holding of it [the Parliament] so
soone is not convenient, as well for that the ordinary course of our
subjects resorting to the citie for their usuall affaires at the Terme
is not for the most part till Allhallowtide or thereabouts." Why, then,
had the meeting been fixed for so unsuitable a date?
[453] November 7th, 1605. (_Dom. James I._)
[454] Tanner MSS. lxxv. 44.
[455] _Ibid._
[456] On his arrival in England, as Osborne tells us (_Memoirs_, p.
276), King James "brought a new holiday into the Church of England,
wherein God had publick thanks given him for his majestie's deliverance
out of the hands of Earle Goury;" but the introduction was not a
success, Englishmen and Scots alike ridiculing it. Gunpowder Plot Day
was more fortunate.
[457] _Harleian Miscellany_, iv. 251.
APPENDIX A.
NOTES ON THE ILLUSTRATIONS.
_Frontispiece. The Powder Plot. I._
FROM the Crace Collection, British Museum, _Portf._ xv. 20. Thus
described in the catalogue of the collection:
"A small etching of the House of Lords. Guy Fawkes in the foreground.
W.E. exc. 1605."
This plate is of exceptional interest as having been executed within
five months of the discovery of the Plot, _i.e._, previously to March
25th, 1606, the first day of the year, Old Style.
Guy Faukes is represented as approaching the House of Commons (St.
Stephen's Chapel), not the House of Lords, as the catalogue says.
_Title-Page._
Obverse, or reverse, of a medal struck, by order of the Dutch senate, to
commemorate the double event of the discovery of the Gunpowder Plot and
the expulsion of the Jesuits from Holland. Drawn from a copy of the
medal in pewter, by Paul Woodroffe. The design here exhibited is thus
described in Hawkins and Frank's _Medallic Illustrations_:
"The name of Jehovah, in Hebrew, radiate, within a crown of thorns."
"Legend, chronogrammatic,
Non DorMItastI AntIstes IaCobI"
[which gives the date 1605]
On its other face the medal bears a snake gliding amid roses and lilies
[symbolizing Jesuit intrigues in England and France], with the legend
_Detectus qui latuit. S.C._ [Senatus Consulto]."
This is reproduced on the cover.
_Group of Conspirators_ (p. 3).
From a print published at Amsterdam.
Eight conspirators are represented, five being omitted, viz., Grant,
Keyes, Digby, Rokewood, and Tresham.
Bates, as a servant, wears no hat.
_The Houses of Parliament in the time of James I._ (pp. 56-7).
Restored from the best authorities, and drawn for the author by H.W.
Brewer.
_Ground Plan of House of Lords and adjacent Buildings_ (p. 59).
Extracted from the "Foundation plan of the Ancient Palace of
Westminster; measured, drawn and engraved by J. T. Smith" (_Antiquities
of Westminster_, p. 125)
_The House of Lords in 1807_ (p. 61).
From J.T. Smith's _Antiquities of Westminster_.
This sketch, made from the east, or river, side, was taken during the
demolition of the buildings erected against the sides of the Parliament
House. These were put up previously to the time when Hollar made his
drawing of the interior (temp. Charles II.), which shows the walls hung
with tapestry, the windows having been blocked up.
According to a writer in the _Gentleman's Magazine_ (No. 70, July,
1800), who signs himself "Architect," in a print of the time of James I.
the tapestry is not seen, and the House "appears to have preserved much
of its original work." The only print answering to this description
which I have been able to find exhibits the windows, but is of no value
for historical purposes, as it is a reproduction of one of the time of
Queen Elizabeth, the figure of the sovereign alone being changed. This
engraving is said to be "taken from a painted print in the Cottonian
Library," of which I can find no trace. [B. Mus., K. 24. 19. b.]
To the left of our illustration is seen the gable of the Prince's
Chamber. The door to the right of this opened into the cellar, and by
it, according to tradition, Faukes was to have made his exit.
In front of this is seen part of the garden attached to Percy's lodging.
_Interior of "Guy Faukes' Cellar"_ (p. 71).
Two views of the interior of the "cellar," drawn by H. W. Brewer, from
elevations in J.T. Smith's _Antiquities of Westminster_, p. 39.
The remains of a buttery-hatch, at the southern end, testify to the
ancient use of the chamber as the palace kitchen; of which the Earl of
Northampton made mention at Father Garnet's trial.
The very ancient doorway in the eastern wall, seen on the left of the
picture, was of Saxon workmanship, and, like the foundations beneath,
probably dated from the time of Edward the Confessor, who first erected
this portion of the palace, most of which had been rebuilt about the
time of Henry III. By this doorway, according to some accounts, Faukes
intended to escape after firing the train, though others assign this
distinction to one near the other end.
These two illustrations were originally prepared for the _Daily Graphic_
of November 5th, 1894, and it is by the courtesy of the proprietors of
that journal that they are here reproduced.
_Vault under the East End of the Painted Chamber_ (p. 73).
From Brayley and Britton's _Palace of Westminster_, p. 247.
This has been constantly depicted and described as "Guy Faukes' Cellar."
_Arches from Guy Faukes' Cellar_ (p. 75).
Drawn for the author by H. W. Brewer.
Sir John Soane, who in 1823 took down the old House of Lords, removed
the arches from the "cellar" beneath it, to his own house in Lincoln's
Inn Fields, now the Soane Museum, where they are still to be seen in a
small court adjoining the building. They do not, however, appear to have
been set up precisely in their original form, being dwarfed by the
omission of some stones, presumably that they might occupy less space.
In our illustration they are represented exactly as they now stand,
with the modern building behind them. Some incongruous relics of other
stonework which have been introduced amongst them have, however, been
omitted.
The architecture of these arches, and of the adjacent Prince's Chamber,
assigns them to the best period of thirteenth century Gothic.
_Cell at S.E. corner of Painted Chamber_ (p. 83).
Often styled "Guy Faukes' Cell."
From Brayley and Britton, _op. cit._, p. 360.
There appears to be no reason for associating this with Faukes.
_The Powder Plot. II._ (p. 90).
"Invented by Samuel Ward, Preacher, of Ipswich. Imprinted at Amsterdam,
1621." [British Museum, _Political and Personal Satires_, i. 41.]
This is the portion to the right of a composition representing on the
left the Spanish Armada, and in the centre a council table at which are
gathered the Devil, the Pope, the King of Spain, the General of the
Jesuits, and others. An eye above is fixed on the cellar. Faukes in this
case is going to blow up the Painted Chamber.
_Interior of the old House of Lords (Scene on occasion of the King's
Speech, 1755)_ (p. 97).
This plate represents the House in the reign of George II. In the
century and a half since the time of the Powder Plot it is probable that
the windows in the side walls had been blocked up, and the tapestry
hung. The latter represented the defeat of the Armada.
[From Maitland's _London_ (1756), ii. 1340.]
_Lord Monteagle and the Letter_ (p. 115).
From _Mischeefes Mystery_.
King James enthroned, with crown and sceptre, upon a dais, at the foot
of which stands the Earl of Salisbury. An eagle bears a letter in its
beak, to receive which the king and his minister extend their left
hands.
The English poem, by John Vicars, embellished with this woodcut, was
published in 1617, being a much expanded version of one in Latin
hexameters, entitled _Pietas Pontificia_, by Francis Herring, which
appeared in 1606.
_Arrest of Guy Faukes_ (p. 125).
From _Mischeefes Mystery_.
Guy Faukes booted and spurred, and with his lantern, prepares to open a
door at the extremity of the Painted Chamber. Sir Thomas Knyvet with his
retinue approaches unseen. The stars and the beams from the lantern show
that it is the middle of the night.
_Discovery of the Gunpowder Plot_ (p. 136).
From a print in the Guildhall Library.
Catesby, Faukes, and Garnet (the latter in what is apparently meant for
the Jesuit habit) stand in the middle of the street conspiring
secretly. Through the open door of the "cellar" the powder barrels are
seen.
This illustration (without the coins) stands at the head of Book XVIII.
of M. Rapin de Thoyras' _History of England_, translated by N. Tindal.
"_Guy Faukes' Lantern_" (p. 139).
Drawn by H.W. Brewer.
This object, the authenticity of which is not unquestionable, is
exhibited in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. It bears the inscription,
"Laterna illa ipsa qua usus est, et cum qua deprehensus Guido Faux in
crypta subterranea ubi domo Parliamenti difflandae operam dabat. Ex dono
Robti Heywood nuper Academiae Procuratoris, Ap. 4^o, 1641."
It will be remembered that the honour of having arrested Faukes has been
claimed for one of the name of Heywood.
The history of the famous lantern has not escaped the variations which
we are accustomed to meet with on other points. Faukes is generally said
to have been found with it in his hands, and it has consequently become
an inseparable adjunct in pictures of him. On the other hand, we are
told, "In a corner, behind the door, was a dark lantern containing a
light" (Brayley and Britton, _Palace of Westminster_, p. 377).
_Thomas Percy_ (p. 149).
From Grainger.
Around the portrait are four small engravings representing:
1. The arrest of Guy Faukes, who is here called "Thomas Ichrup."
2. The presentation of Thomas Ichrup to the King of Jerusalem (_i.e._,
the British Solomon).
3. The assault and bombardment of the "citadel" to which Percy has fled.
4. Percy killed by an arrow.
_Thomas Winter's Confession_ (p. 168).
A portion of the copy of Winter's confession, in the handwriting of
Levinus Munck, Lord Salisbury's private secretary, and dated November
23rd. In the margin is a note in the handwriting of King James,
objecting to a certain "uncleare phrase," which has been altered in
accordance with the royal wish. In the printed version it appears in the
amended form.
_Signatures exemplifying the Effects of Torture_ (p. 173).
Three signatures of Faukes (November 9th, 1605), and three of Father
Edward Oldcorne (March 6th, 1605-6), at different stages of the same
examination.
_Guy Faukes' Confession of November 9th, 1605_ (p. 199).
A portion of this confession, in which Faukes speaks of the oath taken
by the conspirators and of their reception of the sacrament at the hands
of Father John Gerard, adding, however, that "Gerard was not acquainted
with their purpose." The last clause has been marked for omission by Sir
Edward Coke who has written in the margin _hucusq._ ("thus far").
The letter B in the margin is also inserted by Coke, who habitually
indicated by such letters which portions of the depositions were to be
read in court and which omitted, all being always suppressed which told
in any way in favour of the accused.
The document is written by a clerk, and signed by Faukes at the foot of
each page.
_The Powder Plot. III._ (p. 215).
This is taken from a large plate [British Museum, _Political and
Personal Satires_, i. 67], of which only the lower portion is here
reproduced. At the top is the inscription:
THE POWDER TREASON, Propounded by Sathan, Approved by Anti-Christ,
Enterprised by Papists, Practized by Traitors, Reveled by an Eagle,
Expounded by an Oracle.--Founded in Hell, Confounded in Heaven.
Beneath are many emblematical devices.
In the portion here exhibited, King James is seen on his throne with
Lords and Commons before him. Under the floor is a diminutive figure of
Faukes with an ample store of barrels. At the bottom, in the left hand
corner, some of the conspirators receive the sacrament from Father
Gerard: on the right they are executed. On a lunette are the thirteen
conspirators, with the arch-traitor Garnet in the centre, the band being
described as "The Pope's Saltpeeter Saints." Within the lunette are the
Jesuits in Hell.
_The Powder Plot. IV._ (p. 227).
This is the portion on the left of a composite picture [British Museum,
_Political and Personal Satires_, 63], on the right being represented
the catastrophe known as the "Blackfriars Downfall." On Sunday, October
26th, 1623, many Catholics having assembled in an upper room of the
French ambassador's house, in Blackfriars, to hear a sermon from the
Jesuit, Father Drury, the floor collapsed, and many, including the
preacher, were killed. As October 26th, O.S., corresponded to November
5th, N.S., it was ingeniously discovered that the accident was meant to
signalize Gunpowder Plot day, though this fell on November 5th, O.S., or
November 15th, N.S.
In our illustration the Parliament House is represented by a nondescript
edifice, the wall of which is partially removed, showing King James and
some of the Peers. An oven-like vault beneath represents the "cellar,"
well stored with barrels, which Faukes is preparing to light with a
torch fanned by a crowned fiend with a pair of bellows. A company of
halberdiers approaches under the guidance of an angel. In the background
is a royal funeral procession.
A Latin inscription is attached which runs thus:
"Anno 1623, Quinto Novembris, eo scripto die quo Angliae
Parliamentum, a^o 1605, proditione et insidiis Jesuitarum, pulvere
nitreo inflammari et in aethera spargi debuit, Jesuitarum conventus
Londini, ... ad missam et conciones audiendas congregatus, fatali
providentia, aedium ruina praecipitatus et dissipatus est, oppressis
centum et plus totidem vulneratis.
Loiolides sanctos efflare volebat ad astra;
Astra repercutiunt fulmine Loiolidem.
Loiolides, sine te penetrabit astra fidelis:
Tu fato ad Stygias praecipitaris aquas."
_The Powder Plot. V._ (p. 229).
This is an edition of Samuel Ward's print described above, improved and
embellished by a "Transmariner" in 1689. [British Museum, _Political and
Personal Satires_, i. 43.]
The tent in which the council table stands is ornamented at the four
corners with figures of a wolf, a parrot, an owl, and a dragon: a
cockatrice is on the table; on the top lie a gun, a sword, and a brace
of pistols. A demon, bearing behind him a Papal Bull, accompanies
Faukes, beneath whose lantern, as a play on his name, is written _Fax_.
At the door of the cellar are scorpions and a serpent. On the top of the
barrels within are seen the "yron barres," placed there to make the
breach the greater.
APPENDIX B. (p. 33).
_Sir Everard Digby's letter to Salisbury._
IT seems to have been always assumed that this celebrated letter, which
is undated, was written after the failure of the Gunpowder Plot, and the
consequent arrest of Sir Everard, and doubtless to some extent internal
evidence supports this view, as the writer speaks of himself as
deserving punishment, and of "our offence." It is, moreover, clear that
the letter, which is undated, cannot have been written before May 4th,
1605, the date of Cecil's earldom. On the other hand, the whole tone of
the document appears utterly inconsistent with the supposition that it
was written by one branded with the stigma of such a crime as the
Powder Plot. Some of the expressions used, especially in the opening
sentence, appear, likewise, incompatible with such a supposition, and
the letter bears the usual form of address for those sent in ordinary
course of post, "To the Right Hon. the Earl of Salisburie give these";
it has moreover been sealed with a crest or coat-of-arms; all of which
is quite unlike a document prepared by a prisoner for those who had him
under lock and key. It is noteworthy, too, that at the trial, according
to the testimony of the official account itself, on the very subject of
the treatment of Catholics, Salisbury acknowledged "that Sir E. Digby
was his ally."
It seems probable, therefore, that the letter was written before Digby
had been entangled by Catesby in the conspiracy (_i.e._, between May and
September, 1605). If so, what was the "offence" of which he speaks? The
answer to this question would throw an interesting light on this
perplexed history. The following is Sir Everard's letter:
"Right Honourable, I have better reflected on your late speeches than at
the present I could do, both for the small stay which I made, and for my
indisposition that day, not being very well, and though perhaps your
Lordship may judge me peremptory in meddling, and idle in propounding,
yet the desire I have to establish the King in safety will not suffer me
to be silent.
"One part of your Lordship's speech (as I remember) was that the King
could not get so much from the Pope (even then when his Majesty had done
nothing against Catholics) as a promise that he would not excommunicate
him, so long as that mild course was continued, wherefore it gave
occasion to suspect, that if Catholics were suffered to increase, the
Pope might afterwards proceed to excommunication, if the King would not
change his religion. But to take away that doubt, I do assure myself
that his Holiness may be drawn to manifest so contrary a disposition of
excommunicating the King, that he will proceed with the same course
against all such as shall go about to disturb the King's quiet and happy
reign; and the willingness of Catholics, especially of priests and
Jesuits, is such as I dare undertake to procure any priest in England
(though it were the Superior of the Jesuits) to go himself to Rome to
negotiate this business, and that both he and all other religious men
(till the Pope's pleasure be known) shall take any spiritual course to
stop the effect that may proceed from any discontented or despairing
Catholic.
"And I doubt not but his return would bring both assurance that such
course should not be taken with the King, and that it should be
performed against any that should seek to disturb him for religion. If
this were done, there could then be no cause to fear any Catholic, and
this may be done only with those proceedings (which as I understood your
lordship) should be used. If your Lordship apprehend it to be worth the
doing, I shall be glad to be the instrument, for no hope to put off from
myself any punishment, but only that I wish safety to the King and ease
to Catholics. If your Lordship and the State think it fit to deal
severely with Catholics, within brief there will be massacres,
rebellions, and desperate attempts against the King and State. For it is
a general received reason amongst Catholics, that there is not that
expecting and suffering course now to be run that was in the Queen's
time, who was the last of her line, and last in expectance to run
violent courses against Catholics; for then it was hoped that the King
that now is would have been at least free from persecuting, as his
promise was before his coming into this realm, and as divers his
promises have been since his coming, saying that he would take no soul
money nor blood. Also, as it appeared, was the whole body of the
Council's pleasure, when they sent for divers of the better sort of
Catholics (as Sir Thos. Tressam and others) and told them it was the
King's pleasure to forgive the payment of Catholics, so long as they
should carry themselves dutifully and well. All these promises every man
sees broken, and to thrust them further in despair, most Catholics take
note of a vehement book written by Mr. Attorney, whose drift (as I have
heard) is to prove that the only being a Catholic is to be a traitor,
which book coming forth, after the breach of so many promises, and
before the ending of such a violent parliament, can work no less effect
in men's minds than a belief that every Catholic will be brought within
that compass before the King and State have done with them. And I know,
as the priest himself told me, that if he had not hindered there had
somewhat been attempted, before our offence, to give ease to Catholics.
But being so safely prevented, and so necessary to avoid, I doubt not
but your Lordship and the rest of the Lords will think of a more mild
and undoubted safe course, in which I will undertake the performance of
what I have promised and as much as can be expected, and when I have
done, I shall be as willing to die as I am ready to offer my service,
and expect not nor desire favour for it, either before the doing it, nor
in the doing it, nor after it is done, but refer myself to the resolved
course for me. So, leaving to trouble your Lordship any further, I
humbly take my leave. Your Lordship's poor bedesman, EV. DIGBY."
_Addressed_ "To the Right Honourable the Earl of Salisburie give these."
_Sealed._ [P.R.O. _Dom. James I._ xvii. 10.]
APPENDIX C. (p. 34).
_The Question of Succession._
FATHER PARSONS' well-known book on this subject, written under the
pseudonym of Doleman, was denounced by Sir Edward Coke as containing
innumerable treasons and falsehoods. In fact, as may be seen in the work
itself, it is an exhaustive and careful statement of the descent of each
of the possible claimants, and of other considerations which must enter
into the settlement. Sir Francis Inglefield wrote that it was necessary
to take some step of this kind, to set men thinking on so important a
question which would soon have to be decided, for that the anti-Catholic
party had made it treason to discuss it during the queen's life, with
intent to foist a successor of their own selection on the nation, when
the moment should arrive, trusting to the ignorance universally
prevalent as to the rights of the matter; but that such lack of
information could not help the people to a sound decision. [Stonyhurst
MSS., _Anglia_, iii. 32.]
The Spanish sympathies of Parsons and his party were afterwards made
much of as evidence of their traitorous disposition. On this subject it
must be noted (1) the Infanta of Spain was amongst those whose claim was
urged on genealogical grounds; (2) the project was to marry her to an
English nobleman. As Parsons tells us, when she married and was endowed
with another estate, English Catholics ceased to think of her. [_Ibid._
ii. 444.] (3) Father Garnet notes that, "since the old king of Spain
died [1598], there hath been no pretence ... for the Infanta, or the
King [of Spain], or any of that family, but for any that should maintain
Catholic religion, and principally for His Majesty" [James I.]. [_Ibid._
iii. n. 41.]
A remark of Parsons' on this point, which at the time was considered
almost blasphemous, will seem now almost a truism, viz., that the title
of particular succession in kingdoms is founded only upon the positive
laws of several countries, since neither kingdoms nor monarchies are of
the essence of human society, and therefore every nation has a right to
establish its own kings in what manner it likes, and upon what
conditions. Wherefore, as each of the other great parties in England
(whom he designates as Protestants and Puritans) will look chiefly to
its own political interests, and exact from the monarch of its choice
pledges to secure them, it behoves Catholics, being so large a part of
the nation, to take their proper share in the settlement, and therefore
to study betimes the arguments on which the claims of the competitors
are severally based.
APPENDIX D. (p. 36).
_The Spanish Treason._
THE history of the alleged treasonable negotiations with Spain,
conducted by various persons whose names were afterwards connected with
the Gunpowder Plot, appears open to the gravest doubt and suspicion. It
would be out of place to discuss the question here, but two articles on
the subject, by the present writer, will be found in the _Month_ for May
and June, 1896.
APPENDIX E. (p. 60).
_Site of Percy's lodging_ [_see_ View, p. 56, and Plan, p. 59.]
THAT the lodging hired by Percy stood near the south-east corner of the
old House of Lords (_i.e._ nearer to the river than that building, and
adjacent to, if not adjoining, the Prince's Chamber) is shown by the
following arguments.
1. John Shepherd, servant to Whynniard, gave evidence as to having on a
certain occasion seen from the river "a boat lye cloase to the pale of
Sir Thomas Parreys garden, and men going to and from the water through
the back door that leadeth into Mr. Percy his lodging." [_Gunpowder Plot
Book_, 40, part 2.]
2. Faukes, in his examination of November 5th, 1605, speaks of "the
windowe in his chamber neere the parliament house towards the water
side."
3. It is said that when digging their mine the conspirators were
troubled by the influx of water from the river, which would be
impossible if they were working at the opposite side of the Parliament
House.
[It has always been understood that Percy's house stood at the south end
of the House of Lords, but Smith (_Antiquities of Westminster_, p. 39)
places it to the south-west instead of the south-east, saying that it
stood on the site of what was afterwards the Ordnance Office.]
APPENDIX F. (p. 64).
_Enrolment of Conspirators._
The evidence on this point is most contradictory.
1. The Indictment, on the trial of the conspirators, mentions the
following dates.
_May 20th, 1604._ [Besides Garnet, Greenway, Gerard, "and other
Jesuits,"] there met together T. Winter, Faukes, Keyes, Bates, Catesby,
Percy, the two Wrights, and Tresham, by whom the Plot was approved and
undertaken.
_March 31st, 1605_, R. Winter, Grant, and Rokewood were enlisted.
[No mention is made of Digby, who was separately arraigned, nor in his
arraignment is any date specified.]
2. According to Faukes' confession of November 17th, 1605, Percy,
Catesby, T. Winter, J. Wright, and himself were the first associates.
Soon afterwards C. Wright was added. After Christmas, Keyes was
initiated and received the oath. At a later period, Digby, Rokewood,
Tresham, Grant, and R. Winter were brought in. Bates is not mentioned.
[In this document the names of Keyes and R. Winter have been
interchanged, in Cecil's writing, and thus it was printed: the latter
being made to appear as an earlier confederate.]
3. According to T. Winter's declaration of November 23rd, 1605, Catesby,
J. Wright, and himself were the first associates, Percy and Faukes being
presently added. Keyes was enlisted before Michaelmas, C. Wright after
Christmas, Digby at a later period, and Tresham "last of all." No others
are mentioned.
4. Keyes--November 30th, 1605--says that he was inducted a little before
Midsummer, 1604.
5. R. Winter and Grant (January 17th, 1605-6) fix January, 1604-5, for
their introduction to the conspiracy, and Bates (December 4th, 1605)
gives the preceding December for his. Neither date agrees with that of
the indictment in support of which these confessions were cited.
6. There is, of course, no evidence of any kind to show that Father
Garnet and the "other Jesuits" ever had any conference with the
conspirators, nor was such a charge urged on his trial.
7. Sir Everard Digby's case is exceptionally puzzling. All the evidence
represents him as having been initiated late in September, or early in
October, 1605. Among the Hatfield MSS., however, there is a letter
addressed to Sir Everard, by one G. D., and dated June 11th, 1605,
which treats ostensibly of a hunt for "the otter that infesteth your
brooks," to be undertaken when the hay has been cut, but has been
endorsed by Cecil himself, "Letter written to Sir Everard Digby--_Powder
Treason_;" the minister thus attributing to him a knowledge of the Plot,
more than three months before it was ever alleged that he heard of it.
APPENDIX G. (p. 94).
_Henry Wright the Informer._
1. _Letter to Sir T. Challoner, April, 1604._ [_Gunpowder Plot Book_, n.
236.]
Good Sir Thomas, I am as eager for setting of the lodgings as you can
be, and in truth whereas we desired but twenty, the discoverer had set
and (if we accept it) can set above three score, but I told him that the
State would take it for good service if he set twenty of the most
principal Jesuits and seminary priests, and therewithal I gave him
thirteen or fourteen names picked out of his own notes, among the which
five of them were sworn to the secresy. He saith absolutely that by
God's grace he will do it ere long, but he stayeth some few days
purposely for the coming to town of Tesmond [Greenway] and Kempe, two
principals; their lodgings are prepared, and they will be here, as he
saith for certain, within these two days. For the treason, Davies
neither hath nor will unfold himself for the discovery of it till he
hath his pardon for it under seal, as I told you, which is now in great
forwardness, and ready to be sealed so that you shall know all.... Your
worship's most devoted,
HEN. WRIGHT.
[A pardon to Joseph Davies for all treasons and other offences appears
on the Pardon Roll, April 25th, 1605, thus supplying the approximate
date of the above letter.]
2. _Application to the King._ [_Gunpowder Plot Book_, n. 237.]
"If it may please your Majesty, can you remember that the Lord Chief
Justice Popham and Sir Thomas Challoner, Kt., had a hand in the
discovery of the practices of the Jesuits in the powder, and did from
time reveal the same to your Majesty, for two years' space almost before
the said treason burst forth by an obscure letter to the Lord
Mounteagle, which your Majesty, like an angel of God, interpreted,
touching the blow, then intended to have been given by powder. The man
that informed Sir Thomas Challoner and the Lord Popham of the said
Jesuitical practices, their meetings and traitorous designs in that
matter, whereof from time to time they informed your Majesty, was one
Wright, who hath your Majesty's hand for his so doing, and never
received any reward for his pains and charges laid out concerning the
same. This Wright, if occasion serve, can do more service."
[_Addressed_, "Mr. Secretary Conway."
_Headed_, "Touching Wright and his services performed in the damnable
plot of the Powder treason."]
APPENDIX H. (p. 119).
_Lord Monteagle to King James_, (British Museum MSS. Add. 19402, f.
146.)
"MOST gracious Soveraine.--Your maiestyes tender and fatherly love over
me, In admonishinge me heartofore, to seake resolution In matter of
religion, geves me both occasion, and Incouragement, as humbly to thanke
your maiestye for this care of my soules good, so to crave leave of
gevinge into your maiestyes hand this accompt, that your wisdome, seinge
the course and end of my proceadinges, might rest assured that by the
healp of god, I will [live and] dye, In that religion which I have nowe
resolved to profes.