CHAPTER XXVII

After the treaty of Presburg the Archduke Charles, in paying off the

Austrian troops, said to them, “Go and rest yourselves until we begin

again.” Even at that early date the European powers were acting upon

the fixed principle that the war against France was not to cease till

she had been forced back into her ancient limits. No matter what

battles might be fought, treaties made, and territories yielded, the

one thing upon which England, Austria, and Russia were agreed, was that

Napoleon must be crushed. He represented the New Order brought forth by

the Revolution. He represented liberalism, civil and religious freedom,

and progress in its modern sense of giving to every man a chance in

life. Such principles were destructive to the repose of Europe, and the

ruling classes in Europe were deeply attached to this repose. England’s

ruling class, supported in lordly preëminence by the patient millions

below them, wanted no levelling tendencies to invade her caste-ridden

isles. Germany, whose nobles and landowners clung to all the privileges

and barbarities of feudalism, abhorred the Code Napoléon, and the

democratic germs of the Napoleonic system. Russia, almost as benighted

as Persia or Turkey, dreaded a trend of events which meant freedom

for the serf and civil rights for the common people. The nobleman in

Russia, the peer of Great Britain, the petty lord in Germany, was at

heart one and the same man. He had been born to wealth, privilege, and

power; he meant to keep what birth had given him, and he meant to pass

it on to his son, “forever in fee simple.” Of course he explained that

God had ordained it so. And what the nobleman asserted, the priest

maintained. If Napoleon foresaw that as Consul war would be made upon

him continually by the opposing systems of Europe, how much less hope

was there for peace now, when he had begun to shatter the ancient

feudalisms?

Let crimination and recrimination exhaust itself, let Thiers write

bulky volumes in Napoleon’s favor, while Lanfrey and Baring-Gould print

heavy pamphlets against him, the truth lies here:--

Napoleon represented principles which were considered ruinous to the

Old Order in Europe, and the beneficiaries of that Old Order were

determined not to surrender without a desperate fight. Just as the Old

Order in France resisted all efforts at reform, so on a wider field

the kings and aristocracies of Europe resisted Napoleon. They could

not believe themselves safe while he was aggressive and triumphant.

Therefore, while Austria might bow to the storm, while the Emperor

Francis might come to Napoleon’s tent, pleading for mercy, and get it,

the true sentiment of Austria was voiced by the Archduke Charles, when

he said to the troops, “Go rest yourselves, my children, till we begin

again.” It was only a question of time and opportunity when they would

begin again.

Prussia had been one of the first nations to arm against revolutionary

France. Lugged in by Austria, she had published the famous proclamation

of Brunswick, had invaded France, and had been beaten back at

Valmy. In due time Prussia had become disgusted with the French

royalists--tired of a contest in which, gaining no glory, she lost

men, money, and prestige. She had made peace with the Republic, and

had become honestly neutral. Harmonious relations had continued to

exist between the two nations until the rupture of the Peace of Amiens.

England had then done her utmost to draw Prussia into the third

Coalition, but had not quite succeeded. In the grand strategy leading

to the climax at Ulm, it had become necessary to march some French

troops through Anspach, a Prussian province. This violation of his

territory gave great offence to the young King Frederick William IV.,

and he threatened war.

Napoleon’s crushing blows on Austria intimidated Prussia and made

her hesitate; but when the French risked themselves in Moravia, and

the outlook for Napoleon began to grow gloomy, Prussia sent him her

minister, Haugwitz, bearing an ultimatum. Napoleon realized his peril,

postponed immediate action, and fought the battle of Austerlitz.

His victory released him from danger, and Haugwitz, forgetting his

ultimatum, poured forth congratulations. Napoleon heard them with

a sardonic amusement he did not conceal, bluntly declaring that

Austerlitz had changed the Prussian tone.

When the Confederation of the Rhine was about to be formed, Napoleon,

by the treaty of Vienna, ceded Hanover to Prussia partly in return for

Anspach and Bayreuth. Hanover being the personal domain of the King of

England, its cession to Prussia was a fair guarantee against Prussian

and English coöperation. That he gave so rich a bribe to Prussia

proves his earnestness in seeking her friendship. Those who criticise

Napoleon’s politics, dwell on his imprudence in not separating England

from the Continent. The critics say that he ought to have known that

he was not strong enough to combat combined Europe. The probabilities

are that Napoleon understood the situation quite as well as those

divines and college professors who now criticise him. How was he to get

Continental Europe on his side save by force of arms? Had he not tried

treaties with Naples and Austria? Had he not exhausted conciliation

with Russia and Prussia? In what way was he to cripple England if not

by shutting her out of the Continent, and how could he do that without

using force? His navy was gone; England had rejected his repeated

overtures for peace; her gold bribed European diplomats and cabinets to

wage war upon him: how was he to deal with armies hurled against him

if he did not fight them? Unite the Continent against England! That

was precisely what he was trying to do, and England knew it. Hence her

bribes, hence successive wars. Ever and ever it was Napoleon’s hope to

win his way to a Continental league against England, forcing her to

peace, and to the terms she had made at Amiens.

The inherent antagonism of the European monarchs to Napoleon was shown

when the Czar visited Berlin in 1805, and at the tomb of Frederick the

Great vowed alliance and friendship to the Prussian king.

In 1806 that pledge was solemnly repeated, the Czar and the King having

broken it a good deal in the interval. Whether the last oath would

amount to more than the first, would depend upon circumstances; but

the formal act proved at least how instinctive and vehement was their

antagonism to Napoleon.

After Mr. Pitt’s death, Fox succeeded him in the ministry, and almost

immediately Napoleon again made overtures for peace. There was much

less hope of it now, for the situation had greatly changed. Passions on

both sides the Channel were at white heat, territorial distributions

had been made which it would be difficult to unmake, and Fox, as a

known friend of Napoleon, might find himself unable to make concessions

which Pitt could safely have offered.

Of course, England would demand that Hanover be restored; Malta, she

would certainly keep. In the temper which the newspapers had created in

England, no minister would have dared now to surrender that island. But

still peace was possible. Equivalents for Malta might be arranged. As

to Hanover, Napoleon might take it from Prussia, giving her something

just as good in exchange. The negotiations were set on foot, through

Lord Yarmouth, one of the Englishmen who had been held in France at

the beginning of the war. When Prussia learned that Napoleon was using

Hanover as a bait to England, her smothered ill-will burst into flames.

Violent talk, violent pamphlets, broke out in Prussia, and Davoust

intensified matters by having Palm, the bookseller of Naumberg, shot,

because he had circulated incendiary documents against the French.

The war feeling rose irresistibly. Even had the King been inclined to

oppose it, he could not have done so. His Queen, his army chiefs, his

nobles, his troops, his people--they all clamored for war.

The young officers at Berlin whetted their swords on the steps of the

French embassy, and broke the windows of Prussian ministers who favored

peace.

Napoleon was at Paris when the news came that the Prussian hotheads had

been sharpening their blades in front of his embassy. His hand went to

his sword-hilt: “They will learn that our swords need no whetting--the

insolent braggarts!”

So confident were the Prussians, so impatient were they to hurl

themselves into the struggle, that they would not wait for Russian aid.

Apparently they feared that Prussia might have to divide the glory.

Was not theirs the army of Frederick the Great? Was not their cavalry

the finest in Europe? Had not General Rüchel announced on parade that

the army of his Majesty of Prussia possessed several commanders who

were the equals of Bonaparte? Why await Russia? The delay would put

Napoleon on his guard. At present he was unsuspicious of immediate

attack. Prussian diplomats had lulled him with assurances that their

preparations were a mere pretence. There were a few scattered French

forces in Bavaria; Prussia could hurl her two hundred thousand veterans

upon Saxony, absorb the Saxon forces, and brush the French out of

Germany before Napoleon could help himself. So thought the Prussian war

party, at the head of which was the Queen and Prince Louis, brother of

the King. On horseback, clad in uniform, Queen Louisa appeared at the

head of the army, fanning the war fever into flames. Prince Louis took

high command for active service, and the old Duke of Brunswick (he of

the famous manifesto of 1792 and of Valmy) tottered forth under the

weight of his fourscore years to suggest bold plans which he lacked the

vigor to prosecute. While Prussian cohorts were mustering and marching

upon Saxony, the Prussian ambassador in Paris was still playing a

confidence game on Napoleon. At last Prussia launched an ultimatum

giving the Emperor of the French until October 8 to save himself by

submission. The Prussian army, one hundred and thirty thousand strong,

concentrated near Jena; the French seemed at their mercy, the chief

dispute among the Prussian commanders being whether they should wait

till after the date fixed by the ultimatum to pass the Thuringian

Forest and attack the enemy. When the ultimatum reached Paris, Napoleon

was gone, was on the Rhine, was ready to launch two hundred thousand

men upon the now amazed and bewildered Prussians. The great Emperor had

not for a moment been deceived. All the time that he had been listening

with placid face to the lies of the Prussian diplomat, he had been

massing troops where they were needed. When the courier caught up with

him and delivered the ultimatum, he laughed at it. With masterly speed

he threw himself upon the Prussian flank and rear. Prussia had repeated

the mistake of Austria; her losses were even more ruinous. Prince

Louis, attacking Lannes at Saalfeld (October 10), was routed and killed.

When Napoleon reached Jena with his main army of ninety thousand men,

he supposed that the bulk of the Prussians were before him. Cautious

as ever, he sought the advantage of position, and secured it. A Saxon

parson showed him a secret path to the heights commanding the Prussian

position, and during the night this path was made practicable for

artillery. When day dawned (October 14, 1806), the unequal battle

commenced, the French outnumbering the enemy two to one. Hohenlohe, the

Prussian commander, was almost annihilated, the remnants of his army

fleeing in wild disorder.

At the same time Davoust with twenty-seven thousand French fought

the main Prussian force, about double his own, at Auerstädt. Badly

commanded by the Duke of Brunswick and the King of Prussia, the

Germans fought with desperate valor, but were utterly beaten. Broken

and driven, they fled from the field, making for Weimar, and ran

into the masses of fugitives who were flying from the field of Jena.

Murat’s dreaded cavalry were in hot pursuit, and a scene of the wildest

confusion followed. To the beaten army all hope was lost. There was no

fixed line of retreat, no rallying-point, no master-mind in control.

In hopeless fragments the fugitive host fell apart, and the relentless

pursuit was never slackened until the last one of these bands had been

captured. With incredible ease and rapidity the Prussian monarchy had

been brought to the dust.

Napoleon: A Sketch of His Life, Character, Struggles, and Achievements · 第 27 / 51 章