“In the Constitution, as it now stands, there is not a sentence
nor syllable conveying any shadow of right or authority by
which any State may make color or race a disqualification for
the exercise of the right of suffrage, and the undersigned
will regard as a real calamity the introduction of any words
expressly or by implication giving any State or States such
power; and we respectfully submit, that, if the Amendment now
pending shall be adopted, it will enable any State to deprive
any class of citizens of the elective franchise.”
Such is the testimony of these very intelligent representatives of
colored fellow-citizens. They speak with peculiar authority, from the
interest they necessarily have in the question. They speak for the
freedmen.
* * * * *
Mr. President, I do not wish to argue the main question again. I have
said enough,--the Senator has reminded you several times how much. I
am sorry to have trespassed so often and so long. I will not trespass
now. Of course, there is a radical difference between the Senator and
myself. We see opposite things, when we look at this proposition;
and permit me to say, we see opposite things, when we look at the
Constitution itself. I cannot see as he sees. I do not believe, that,
under the Constitution, even as it exists, the disfranchisement of a
considerable portion of fellow-citizens is consistent with a republican
government. Still further, I do not believe that “color” can be a
“qualification” for an elector. He does. And here is a point of
divergence which carries us far apart. He consents willingly to this
fatal text. I cannot.
I have listened to all that has been said. But the proposition is to me
as obnoxious as ever. I cannot see it otherwise. Feeling that caste
and disfranchisement on account of color are utterly irreligious,
unrepublican, and scandalous, you must pardon me, if I strive to
prevent their introduction into the Constitution of my country,
especially at a moment when we are under such obligations of gratitude
to these outcasts, and when injustice to them is so full of peril to
the Republic. I have spoken strongly; you will pardon it to the ardor
of my nature and to the strength of my convictions. I have fought a
long battle with Slavery, and I confess solicitude, when I see anything
looking like concession to this wrong. It is not enough to show me that
a measure is expedient; you must show me also that it is right. Ah,
Sir, can anything be expedient which is not right? From the beginning
of our history, the country has been afflicted with compromise. It is
by compromise that human rights have been abandoned. I insist that
this shall cease. After all its trials, the country needs repose,--it
deserves repose; but repose can be found only in everlasting
principles. It cannot be found by inserting in your Constitution the
disfranchisement of a race.
This proposition can be fully appreciated in its “bad eminence” only
when it is considered as the offering of Congress at this time for
the protection of fellow-citizens to whom we are under obligations of
gratitude. This is our panacea, our balm of Gilead. This is what we
are to do. And the Senate is warned not to give the protection found
in the elective franchise, either by Constitutional Amendment or by
Act of Congress,--that such a Constitutional Amendment would not be
adopted by the people, and therefore we ought not to present it,--and
that Congress has not the power to establish equality in political
rights. Sir, I do not despair of the Republic,--I will not, I cannot.
But, if ever I were disposed to despair, it would be when listening to
such arguments and excuses. The people are in advance, and will sustain
us, if we are courageous. They will adopt any Constitutional Amendment
that ought to be adopted. They will adopt anything that is true, just,
and noble, for the protection of benefactors, and to carry out the
principles of our Government; they will sustain any legislation having
such object. This is what they expect. It is what the freedmen expect.
It is what the Unionists of the South expect. Not willingly will they
be surrendered to the tender mercies of Rebels. They ask Congress to
protect them; and they see that this can be only by giving the ballot
to the freedmen. I have in my hand a letter from one Southern Unionist
addressed to another, and received only yesterday, dated February 25th,
and written in the very heart of Alabama, which thus speaks of this
very question:--
“All men of common sense must now see that there can now be
no loyal civil governments in these States, if the negroes
are not permitted to neutralize with their votes the votes of
Rebels. On this account I do hope the joint resolution recently
introduced in the Senate by Mr. Sumner will prevail. Whatever
may have been our former notions in regard to the negro, it is
now very evident that practically they are better citizens than
the majority of whites, in some portion of the Rebel States.
The Declaration of Independence is the true and just basis upon
which these State governments must be founded.”
Such is the voice of a Unionist of Alabama. He looks to Congress. God
forbid that Congress should abdicate its beneficent powers! They are
all needed for the safety and welfare of the Republic. I cannot, I dare
not, help in any such abdication.
The history of the debate and its result appear in the Appendix
to the Speech of February 5th and 6th.[271]