“Do not let yourselves be deceived by the influences which
reach you. These influences are energetic, active, spare no
pains or expense to accomplish certain purposes. I know this
people well; I was born and reared with them; they are far more
hostile to the Government to-day than they were in 1860. Every
demonstration in the State since the surrender has been, in one
shape or another, that of hostility to the Union; and every new
concession they make is simply made with the hope of thereby
obtaining that degree of independence which follows, as they
understand and expect it, the resumption of the _status_ as
States again.
“The elections are just over. The Secessionists were united
to a man,--hopeful, active; the Union party disorganized,
discouraged, and dispersed among the Secessionists. President
Johnson and Governor Parsons are responsible for it. The
enemies of the Union have defeated us, horse, foot, and
dragoons, in all parts of the State. The stanch favorites of
our party are defeated everywhere.
…
“In a word, the friends of the Union are completely under; the
successful party are the Secessionists and renegade Unionists,
enemies of the Government. It is to the Union party of the
North that we are to-day indebted for being able to _live
here_.”
The person who is styled Provisional Governor of Alabama thus in a
late message alludes to Rebel trophies, and stirs the ashes of the
Rebellion:--
“Several of these had been deposited in the executive
department, and were not removed when the Capitol was
evacuated. They were not destroyed, however, by those who took
possession of it, but came to my hands as the representative of
the State for the time being, and are now carefully preserved
and ready to be delivered to the governor elected under the
Constitution. We should preserve these sacred souvenirs of
the courage and endurance of those who went forth to battle
under their folds, and who manfully upheld them with their
life-blood.”
With such a person in high office, we could expect little else than the
barbarism which rages there.
* * * * *
From Alabama pass to Mississippi, and there the same hideous scenes
are renewed. Here is the testimony of a citizen of that State, once a
slave-master, in a private letter:--
“In respectful earnestness I must say, that, if, at the end of
all the blood that has been shed and the treasure expended,
the unfortunate negro is to be left in the hands of his
infuriated and disappointed former owners to legislate and fix
his _status_, God help him! for his cup of bitterness will
overflow indeed. Was ever such a policy conceived in the brain
of men before? After a great step and a mighty victory, you
are expected by President Johnson to withdraw your protection
from this people and turn their destiny over to those who for
centuries have ground them into the dust. Truly, by such a
course will your fruits become bitter ashes.
“As a man who has been deprived of a large number of persons he
once claimed as slaves, I protest against such a course. If it
is intended to follow up the abolition of Slavery by a liberal
and enlightened policy, by which I mean bestowing upon them the
full rights of other citizens, then I can give this movement my
heart and hand. But if the negro is to be left in a helpless
condition, far more miserable than that of Slavery, I would
ask, What was the object of taking him from those who claimed
his services? As things seem now approaching the position of
rendering loyalty at the South a disgrace, and those who,
amid many dangers and trials, stood true to the Union and the
Constitution are to be left to suffer the scorn, contempt, and
oppressions of Secessionist traitors,--I say, as this seems
to be the settled policy of the Government to the whites so
situated, I fear there will remain but little hope for them or
the negroes, unless the true men of the country will present a
barrier between them and those who are anxious to punish and
destroy them.”
The pretended Governor of Mississippi, like the pretended Governor
of Alabama, exults in Rebel victories, and fans the Rebel flame.
Both Convention and Legislature abounded in bitter treason. In the
Convention, one of the speakers declared it good policy to accept
the present condition of affairs, until the control of the State is
returned into the hands of the people, and “to submit _for a time_ to
evils which cannot be remedied.” Another speaker, urging the acceptance
of the Union, revealed the plot:--
“_If we act wisely, we shall be joined by what is called the
Copperhead party_, and even by many of the Black Republicans.”
Such is the voice of Mississippi.
Naturally the freedmen are exposed to untold hardships and atrocities.
Here is testimony:--
“A Superintendent of the Bureau reports the poor creatures
coming in with cruel grievances that are unredressed by
these magistrates. General Chetlain tells us, that, while
he was in command, for two months, of the Jackson district,
containing nine counties, there was an average of one black
man killed every day, and that, in moving out forty miles on
an expedition, he found seven negroes wantonly butchered; and
Colonel Thomas, Assistant Commissioner of the Bureau for this
State, tells us that there is now a daily average of two or
three black men killed in Mississippi: the sable patriots in
blue, as they return, are the objects of especial spite.”
There is another authority of peculiar value. It is a letter dated at
Webb’s Ranch, Issaquena County, Mississippi, November 13, 1865.
“I regret to state, that, under the civil power, now deemed
by all the inhabitants of Mississippi (since the order of
President Johnson revoking General Slocum’s decree in relation
to the State militia) to be paramount, the condition of the
freedmen in many portions of the country has become deplorable
and painful in the extreme. _I must give it as my deliberate
opinion, that the freedmen are to-day, in the vicinity of
where I am now writing, worse off in most respects than
when they were held as slaves._ If matters are permitted to
continue as they now seem likely to be, it needs no prophet to
predict a rising on the part of the colored population, and a
terrible scene of bloodshed and desolation; nor can one blame
the negroes, if this proves to be the result. _I have heard,
since my arrival here, of numberless atrocities that have been
perpetrated against the freedmen._ It is sufficient to state
that the old overseers are in power again. The agents of the
Freedmen’s Bureau are almost powerless. Just as soon as the
United States troops are withdrawn, it will be unsafe for the
agents of the Bureau to remain. The object of the Southerners
appears to be to make good their often repeated assertions, to
the effect that the negroes would die, if they were freed. To
make it so, they seem determined to goad them to desperation,
in order to have an excuse to turn upon and annihilate them.
There are, within a few miles of where I sit writing, several
Northern men, who have settled here, designing to work
plantations. _They all assure me that they do not consider
themselves safe in the country_; and two of them, ex-colonels
in the United States army, are afraid to leave their places
without an armed escort. Other Northern lessees do not dare
remain on their places.”
These are grave words, opening in fearful vista the tragical condition
of the freedmen, and the perils of Northern settlers.
And now the pretended Legislature is engaged in fashioning an infamous
Black Code; but I do not dwell on this, as it has been already exposed
by my colleague.
* * * * *
From Mississippi pass to Louisiana, where anarchy is beginning under
the sway of returning Rebels emboldened from Washington. Unionists are
menaced in safety. The story is so familiar that I content myself with
a glimpse. I give the testimony of a responsible person.
“During the canvass, I made a tour through the northern portion
of the State, where I have resided for many years and have a
large acquaintance among the people, and was surprised to find
the spirit of the people more hostile to the Government than at
the breaking out of the war. This is especially the case with
the leaders, who asserted to me in private conversation that
they were more impressed with the truth of Secession than they
ever were; that the war against the United States was a just
one; that they would not support any man for office who did not
participate in that war; and that the only true policy for the
Southern people to adopt is to support the Democratic party in
opposition to the Republican party of the North. They say that
the whole war was an aggression on the part of the Government,
and that they intend to use every means in their power to
destroy the Government.
“A prominent member of the Legislature, now convened in this
city, said to me a short time before the election, that he
was a stronger Secessionist now than he ever was, and that he
hated the United States Government, and intended to do all in
his power to destroy it. This man is a leading member of the
Legislature, which, in the House at least, is composed of more
than eight tenths who entertain the same feeling, and are now
legislating for the loyal citizens of this State.
“There are several respectable men now in this city who are
refugees from their homes in the interior of the State, being
recently expelled on account of their Union sentiments.”
Here is a private letter from an interior town of Louisiana, written by
a lady to a lady in New Orleans and communicated to me:--
“The poor colored people are in a constant state of alarm.
There is a Mrs. ---- in this place, who teaches the colored
children; but the inhabitants, I suppose, not liking their
having the advantages of education, expressed their disapproval
by shooting at the teacher. At one time she was nursing a sick
baby, when a shot passed over her shoulder. No attempts were
made to discover the guilty party. Of course all in office here
are Rebels. The teacher, who is a poor widow, became so much
alarmed for her safety that she petitioned the officers to
allow the troops to remain, which they did for a few days. The
attempts on her life not being renewed, the troops were obliged
to leave, and it was only on her account that they remained as
long as they did.”
Enough of this. Nor is it all. The pretended Legislature is plotting,
like such bodies elsewhere, against the freedman. But I forbear to
dwell on the elaborate machination. And yet how can I fail to denounce,
with all the energy of my soul, these most cruel and most vindictive
attempts to oppress the freedman, to despoil him of rights, and to
nullify the great Act of Emancipation? Talk of Nullification! What
Nullification in our history comparable to this most wicked attempt?
The difference between a revenue law and the great statute of Freedom
is as wide as the space between earth and heaven.
Where such things are done, there can be small security for those
faithful Unionists who fondly hoped for protection under the national
flag. Already they talk of abandoning the State and finding in exile
the safety denied at home. The flag they had longed for is now
prostituted to the purposes of Rebels, and they are thrust out from the
shadow of its folds. Hard fate, almost without parallel in history!
For myself, I know nothing more touching than the story of Unionists,
loving their country and loving freedom, tyrannized by returning Rebels.
* * * * *
In Texas there seemed more hope than anywhere, because a sincerely
loyal person had been placed in power there.[32] But a private letter
from a loyal Texan cries out:--
“What we of the South fear is, that President Johnson’s course
will, by its _precipitancy_, enable the old set to reorganize
themselves into place and power. For Heaven’s sake, preserve
us, if you can, from this calamity.”
Surely you will preserve them.
But there is special evidence, not to be forgotten. The same authority
adduced with regard to the general condition of the Rebel States writes
from Galveston, in Texas:--
“If any man from the North comes down here expecting to hold
and maintain ‘Radical’ or ‘Abolition’ sentiments, _let him
expect to be shot down from behind, the first time he leaves
his house, and know that his murderer, if ever brought to
justice, will be acquitted by the jury_. If the _military_ are
withdrawn, his house even will be no protection, and he may
expect to be hung from his own chamber window. I tell you,
Mr. ----, these men are only taking breath and recuperating.
Not that there is the _slightest_ danger of any _immediate_
outbreak. No,--the Southern people are too smart for _that_.
They will _never_ again measure strength with the North, unless
their success be assured beforehand. In case of foreign war, or
a domestic convulsion at the North, they will rise; but they
will never try it alone and without assistance. Meantime they
propose to ‘take it out in _hating_.’ Already our officers are
the subject of a social ostracism. I repeat, that any man of
Radical views who comes down here to plant cotton will be in
constant danger, night and day, unless he holds his tongue. The
ministers of the Gospel, of all denominations, the instructors
of the youth of the country, the women, and the young men,
all hate the North with a degree of intensity that cannot be
exaggerated.”
Small temptation here to the Northern capitalist! Small welcome to the
Northern emigrant! The first condition of prosperity is security; but
this is absolutely wanting throughout the unhappy region.
* * * * *
There is also Tennessee, where authentic testimony shows a painful
condition of things. I content myself with official documents. It seems
that a committee was appointed to consider what could be done to arrest
crimes and disorders in this State. Addressing Governor Brownlow, they
remark:--
“In the discharge of this duty, we would respectfully and
earnestly call the attention of your Excellency to the many
dreadful crimes that are becoming so common, not only in and
immediately around the capital of the State, but _over the
whole country_.
“Quiet and peaceful citizens are met on our most public
highways and robbed of their money and property, often cruelly
beaten and abused, and in many cases murdered outright. This
state of things is not only greatly injurious to the business
of the country, but shocking to all sincere advocates of law
and order, and to humanity itself.
“We, therefore, with the earnest desire to see security
restored to life and property, and the majesty of law
reasserted, appeal to your Excellency, who are the chief
representative of power in the State, to exercise your power,
and give the weight of your great influence to correct these
sore evils, of which _the whole country_ so justly complain.”
The Governor communicated this paper to the Legislature by the
following message.
“STATE OF TENNESSEE.
“EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,
NASHVILLE, November 22, 1865.
“_Gentlemen of the Legislature_: The reputation being
acquired by Nashville, the capital of your State and the
great commercial emporium of Middle Tennessee, is humiliating
to every friend of law and order. Murders, robberies, and
burglaries are the order of the day. No man is safe, day or
night, within a circuit around Nashville whose radius is eight
or ten miles. The most of these outrages grow out of the
abundant use of intoxicating spirits, connected with those
gambling hells to be found in full blast on every street in the
city. The same may be said, to a considerable extent, of all
the larger cities and towns in the State. Life and property
must be protected, or the country will go to ruin. I therefore
call upon you, most respectfully, but earnestly, by prompt and
decisive legislation, to remedy this growing and alarming evil.
Should you fail to apply the necessary remedy, my next appeal
will be made to Major-General Thomas to close up all these dens
of wickedness, so prolific of fights, murders, and robberies of
every description. The Sabbath is violated, the sanctuary of
the Lord is ruthlessly invaded, and ladies and gentlemen are
insulted at every corner and on every highway. Again I appeal
to you, Gentlemen, to relieve the suffering people from this
outrageous condition of affairs.
“W. G. BROWNLOW.”[33]