A Handbook to
Agra and the Taj
Sikandra, Fatehpur-Sikri and the Neighbourhood
by
E.B. Havell, ARCA.
1904
Preface
This little book is not intended for a history or archæological
treatise, but to assist those who visit, or have visited, Agra, to
an intelligent understanding of one of the greatest epochs of Indian
Art. In the historical part of it, I have omitted unimportant names and
dates, and only attempted to give such a sketch of the personality of
the greatest of the Great Moguls, and of the times in which they lived,
as is necessary for an appreciation of the wonderful monuments they
left behind them. India is the only part of the British Empire where
art is still a living reality, a portion of the people's spiritual
possessions. We, in our ignorance and affectation of superiority,
make efforts to improve it with Western ideas; but, so far, have
only succeeded in doing it incalculable harm. It would be wiser if
we would first attempt to understand it.
Among many works to which I owe valuable information, I should name
especially Erskine's translation of Babar's "Memoirs;" Muhammad
Latifs "Agra, Historical and Descriptive;" and Edmund Smith's
"Fatehpur-Sikri." My acknowledgments are due to Babu Abanindro
Nath Tagore, Mr. A. Polwhele, Executive Engineer, Agra, and to
Mr. J.H. Marshall, Director-General of the Archæological Survey of
India, for kind assistance rendered. I am particularly indebted to
Messrs. Johnston and Hoffman, of Calcutta, for allowing me to make
use of their valuable collection of photographs for the illustrations.
In quoting from "Bernier's Travels," I have used Constable's
translation, with Messrs. A. Constable & Co.'s kind permission. To
the Editor of the _Nineteenth Century and After_ I owe permission to
make use of my article on "The Taj and its Designers," published in
that Review, June, 1903.
CALCUTTA,
_January_, 1904.
Contents
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
The Great Moguls--I. Babar--Babar's Connection with
Agra--II. Humayun--Interregnum: Shere Shah--III. Akbar--Akbar's
Connection with Agra--IV. Jahangir--Jahangir's Connection with
Agra--V. Shah Jahan--The Monuments of Shah Jahan's Reign at
Agra--VI. Aurangzîb--Agra and the Later Mogul Emperors--Agra in
the Mutiny.
THE FORT
The Mûti Masjid--The Dersane Darwaza--The Dîwan-i-âm--Jahangir's
Cistern--The Tomb of Mr. Colvin--The Inner Mîna Bazar--The Chitore
Gates--The Hindu Temple--The Machhi Bhawan--The Najina Masjid--The
Dîwan-i-Khas--Jahangir's Throne--The Baths--The Samman Burj--The Khas
Mahal--The Underground Chambers--The Anguri Bagh--Shish Mahal--The
"Somnath" Gates--The Jahangiri Mahal--The Sahmgarh.
THE JÂMI MASJID
THE TAJ
The building of the Taj--The Intention of the Taj--Description.
ITMÂD-UD-DAULAH'S TOMB
THE CHÎNÎ-KA-RAUZA
THE RAM BAGH
The Zuhara Bagh.
SIKANDRA
Akbar's Tomb--The Kanch Mahal--Suraj-Bhan-ka Bagh--Mariam Zâmâni's
Tomb.
OTHER BUILDINGS AND TOMBS AT OR NEAR AGRA
The Kali Masjid--Alawal Bilawal--The Hamman--The Roman Catholic
Cemetery.
FATEHPUR SIKRI
The Agra Gate--The Naubat Khana--The Mint--The Daftar Khana--The
Palace--The Kwâbgâh--The Turkish Sultana's House--Hakim's
Baths--Pachisi Board--The Dîwan-i-Khâs--The Ankh-Michauli--The
Yogi's Seat--The Hospital--The Dîwan-i-âm--The Panch Mahal--Miriam's
Kothi--Jodh Baí's Palace--Rajah Birbal's House, or Birbal's Daughter's
House--The Hathi Pol and Adjoining Buildings--The Jâmi Masjid, or
Cathedral Mosque--The Baland Darwaza--The Stone-Cutters' Mosque--The
Houses of Abul Fazl and Faizi.
Bharatpur and Other Places in the Vicinity of
Agra:--Bharatpur--Govardhan--Muttra--Bindrâban.
INDEX
List of Illustrations
The Taj Mahal
Plate I. A State Document with Shah Jahan's "Royal Hand and Seal"
Plate II. Shah Jahan, From an Old Indian Miniature
Plate III. The Inner Delhi Gate, or Hathi Pol, Agra Fort
Plate IV. Marble Balcony, Overlooking the Inner Mîna Bazar, Agra Fort
Plate V. The Samman Burj, Agra Fort
Plate VI. Inner Courtyard of the Jahangiri Mahal, Agra Fort
Plate VII. Marble Screen Enclosing the Tombs of Mumtaz Mahal and
Shah Jahan
Plate VIII. Itmâd-ud-daulah's Tomb, Agra
Plate IX. Interior of the Upper Pavilion, Itmâd-ud-daulah's Tomb
Plate X. Marble Sarcophagus on the Upper Story of Akbar's Tomb,
Sikandra
Plate XI. Interior of The Dîwan-i-Khâs, Fatehpur Sikri
Plate XII. Rajah Birbal's Daughter's House, Fatehpur Sikri
Plate XIII. The Baland Darwaza, Fatehpur Sikri
Plans
Agra Fort. Plan of the Palaces
Fatehpur Sikri. Plan Showing the Position of the Buildings
Fatehpur Sikri. Plan Showing the Walls and Gates
Fatehpur Sikri. Plan of Jodh Bai's Palace
AGRA
Historical Introduction
Agra has two histories: one of the ancient city on the east, or left,
bank of the river Jumna, going back so far as to be lost in the legends
of Krishna and of the heroes of the Mâhabhârata; the other of the
modern city, founded by Akbar in A.D. 1558, on the right bank of the
river, and among Muhammadans still retaining its name of Akbarabad,
which is intimately associated with the romance of the Great Moguls,
and known throughout the world as the city of the Taj.
Of ancient Agra little now remains except a few traces of the
foundations. It was a place of importance under various Hindu
dynasties previous to the Muhammadan invasions of India, but its
chequered fortunes down to the beginning of the sixteenth century
are the usual tale of siege and capture by Hindu or Mussulman, and
possess little historical interest.
In A.D. 1505 Sultan Sikandar Lodi, the last but one of the
Afghan dynasty at Delhi, rebuilt Agra and made it the seat of
government. Sikandra, the burial-place of Akbar, is named after him,
and there he built a garden-house which subsequently became the tomb
of Mariam Zâmâni, one of Akbar's wives. The son of Sultan Sikandar,
Ibrahim Lodi, was defeated and slain by Babar at Panipat, near Delhi,
in 1526, and from that time Agra became one of the principal cities
of the Mogul Empire which Babar founded.
The Great Moguls.--I. Babar.
Though very few memorials of Babar's short but brilliant reign still
exist at Agra, the life of this remarkable man is so important a
part of the Mogul dynasty that it must not be passed over by the
intelligent tourist or student of Mogul art. It was Babar's sunny
disposition, and the love of nature characteristic of his race, that
brought back into Indian art the note of joyousness which it had not
known since the days of Buddhism. Babar is one of the most striking
figures in Eastern history. He was descended from Tamerlane, or Timur,
on his father's side, and, on his mother's, from Chinghiz Khan. In
the year 1494, at the age of twelve, he became king of Farghana, a
small kingdom of Central Asia, now known as Kokand. His sovereignty,
however, was of a very precarious tenure, for he was surrounded on
all sides by a horde of rapacious, intriguing relatives, scrambling
for the fragments of Timur's empire. With hardly a trustworthy
ally except a remarkably clever and courageous old grandmother, he
struggled for three years to retain his birthright. Then, acting on a
sudden inspiration, he made a dash for Samarkand, the ancient capital
of Timur, and won it. In his delightful memoirs Babar describes how,
with boyish glee, he paced the ramparts himself, wandered from palace
to palace, and revelled in the fruit-gardens of what was then one of
the finest cities of Asia. But in less than a hundred days, most of
his shifty Mongol troops, disappointed in not finding as much booty
as they expected, deserted and joined a party of his enemies, who
straightway attacked Andijan, the capital of Farghana, where Babar
had left his mother and grandmother. Before he could come to their
rescue Andijan had fallen, and at the same time Samarkand, which he
had left, was occupied by another of his numerous rivals. This double
misfortune caused still more of his followers to leave him, and he
found himself without a kingdom, except the little town of Khojend,
and with only two hundred men. For almost the only time in his life
he gave way utterly to despair. "I became a prey to melancholy and
vexation; I was reduced to a sore distressed state and wept much."
Before long, however, Babar, rejoined by his mother and grandmother,
whom the captors of Andijan had spared, taking advantage of another
turn in the wheel of fortune, recovered his kingdom of Farghana,
but lost the greater part of it again through another desertion of
his "Mongol rascals." A second time, with only a handful of men, he
surprised and captured Samarkand (A.D. 1500). In the following year
he rashly sallied out against Shaibani, the most formidable of his
adversaries, was defeated, and, after vainly trying to hold the city
against the victors, was forced to fly under cover of the night. This
time he did not weep, but consoled himself next morning by riding a
headlong race with two of his companions. Reaching a village, where
they found "nice fat flesh, bread of fine flour well baked, sweet
melons, and excellent grapes in great abundance," Babar declared that
in all his life he never enjoyed himself so much or felt so keenly
the pleasures of peace and plenty.
He now took refuge among the hills near Uratipa, finding amusement
in observing the life of the villagers, and especially in conversing
with the mother of the headman, an old lady of a hundred and eleven,
whose descendants, to the number of ninety-six, lived in the country
round about. One of her relatives had served in the army with which
Timur had invaded India, and she entertained the future Emperor of
Hindustan by telling him stories of his ancestor's adventures.
After several fruitless raids with the few troopers who remained
faithful to him, he allied himself with his two uncles, Mahmud and
Ahmad Khan, in an attack against Tambal, one of the powerful nobles
who had revolted against him and set up Jahangir, his brother, on
the throne of Farghana. At a critical moment his uncles left Babar to
the mercy of his enemy, and he was again forced to fly for his life,
hotly pursued by Tambal's horsemen. He was overtaken by two of them,
who, not daring to pit themselves against Babar's prodigious strength
and courage, tried to inveigle him into a trap. Babar gives a moving
description of this great crisis in his life. Thoroughly exhausted,
and seeing no prospect of escape, he resigned himself to die:--
"There was a stream in the garden, and there I made my ablutions
and recited a prayer of two bowings. Then surrendering myself
to meditation, I was about to ask God for His compassion, when
sleep closed my eyes. I saw (in my dream) Khwája Yakub, the son of
Khwája Yahya, and grandson of his Eminence the Khwája 'Obaid-Allah
(a famous saint of Samarkand), with a numerous escort, mounted on
dappled grey horses, come before me and say, '_Do not be anxious,
the Khwája has sent me to tell you that he will support you and seat
you on the throne of sovereignty; whenever a difficulty occurs to you,
remember to beg his help, and he will at once respond to your appeal,
and victory and triumph shall straightway lean to your side_.' I
awoke with easy heart, at the very moment when Yusuf the constable
and his companions (Tambal's soldiers) were plotting some trick to
seize and throttle me. Hearing them discussing it, I said to them,
'All you say is very well, but I shall be curious to see which of you
dares to approach me,' As I spoke the tramp of a number of horses
was heard outside the garden wall. Yusuf the constable exclaimed,
'If we had taken you and brought you to Tambal, our affairs would have
prospered much thereby; as it is, he has sent a large troop to seize
you; and the noise you hear is the tramp of horses on your track,'
At this assertion my face fell, and I knew not what to devise.
"At this very moment the horsemen, who had not at first found the gate
of the garden, made a breach in its crumbling wall, through which they
entered. I saw they were Kutluk Muhammad Barlas and Babai Pargári, two
of my most devoted followers, with ten or twenty other persons. When
they came near to my person they threw themselves off their horses,
and, bending the knee at a respectful distance, fell at my feet,
and overwhelmed me with marks of their affection.
"Amazed at this apparition, I felt that God had just restored me to
life. I called to them at once, 'Seize Yusuf the constable, and the
wretched traitors who are with him, and bring them to me bound hand
and foot,' Then, turning to my rescuers, I said, 'Whence come you? Who
told you what was happening?' Kutluk Muhammad Barlás answered, 'After
I found myself separated from you in the sudden flight from Akhsi,
I reached Andijan at the very moment when the Khans themselves were
making their entry. There I saw, in a dream, Khwája 'Obaid-Allah,
who said, "_Pádishah Babar is at this instant in a village called
Karmán; fly thither and bring him back with you, for the throne is
his of right_." Rejoicing at this dream, I related it to the big Khan
and little Khan.... Three days have we been marching, and thanks be
to God for bringing about this meeting.'" [1]
After this exciting adventure Babar rejoined his time-serving uncles,
but was forced into exile again in 1503, when, at the battle of Akshi,
the Khans were completely defeated by Shaibani. Then he resolved
to depart out of Farghana and to give up the attempt to recover
his kingdom. Characteristically, when foiled in one enterprise he
entered upon another yet more ambitious. Joined by his two brothers,
Jahangir and Nasir, and by a motley array of various wandering tribes,
he swooped down upon Kabul and captured it.
The description of the new kingdom thus easily won, which fills many
pages of the Memoirs, reveals another side of Babar's character--his
intense love of nature. He gives minute accounts of the climate,
physical characteristics, the fruits, flowers, birds, and beasts,
as well as of the human inhabitants. In the intervals between his
battles, or between his rollicking drinking parties, which for some
years of his life degenerated into drunken orgies, we often find Babar
lost in admiration of some beautiful landscape, or collecting flowers
and planting fruit trees. Wherever he came, Babar's first care was
to dig wells and plant fruit and flower gardens. India owes much to
the Great Moguls' love of horticulture.
When Babar had drilled his unruly Afghan subjects into something
like order, he made, in 1506, one more unsuccessful attempt to crush
Shaibani. However, in 1510, when that doughty warrior was defeated and
slain by Ismail, Shah of Persia, Samarkand fell once more into Babar's
hands, as a vassal of the Shah. Eight months afterwards he was driven
out again. From that time Babar gave up all hopes of re-establishing
the empire of his ancestor Timur, and turned his face towards India. In
1519 he gathered an army for his first expedition, which was, however,
more of a reconnaissance than a conquest. Four more attempts he made,
until at last, in 1526, with only 10,000 men, he defeated the hosts
of Ibrahim Lodi, the last of the Afghan kings of Delhi, who, with
15,000 of his troops, were left dead on the field of Panipat.
Thus, after many struggles, Babar became "master and conqueror of the
mighty empire of Hindustan," but he had to fight two more great battles
before his sovereignty was undisputed--one in 1527 near Fatehpur
Sikri, with the great chief of the Rajputs, Raja Sanga of Chitore,
and another in 1529 near Buxar, with the Afghans who had settled in
Bengal. The next year Babar died in his garden palace at Agra The
nobility of his character was conspicuous in his death as it was
in his life. He was devotedly attached to his eldest son, Humayun,
who was seized with malarial fever while staying at his country
estate at Sambhal. Babar had him removed by boat to Agra, but his
physicians declared that the case was hopeless. Babar's own health had
suffered much during his life in India, and he was terribly agitated
by the news. When some one suggested that in such circumstances the
Almighty sometimes deigned to accept the thing most valued by one
friend in exchange for the life of another, Babar exclaimed that
of all things his life was dearest to Humayun, as Humayun's was to
him. He would sacrifice his own life to save his son. His courtiers
entreated him to give up instead the great diamond taken at Agra,
said to be the most valuable on earth. Babar declared that no stone
could compare in value with his own life, and after solemnly walking
round Humayun's couch, as in a religious sacrifice, he retired to
devote himself to prayer. Soon afterwards he was heard to exclaim, "I
have borne it away! I have borne it away!" Humayun began to recover,
and, as he improved, Babar gradually sank. Commending his son to
the protection of his friends, and imploring Humayun to be kind and
forgiving to his brothers, the first of the "Great Moguls" of India
passed away. He was buried at Kabul, in one of his beloved gardens,
which, according to Tartar custom, he had chosen for his tomb, in
"the sweetest spot of the neighbourhood." [2]
Babar's connection with Agra.
Babar's connection with Agra began immediately after the battle
of Panipat. He sent forward Humayun, who occupied the town without
opposition. The story of the great diamond referred to above is here
recorded in the Memoirs. The Raja of Gwalior, slain at Panipat, had
left his family and the heads of his clan at Agra. In gratitude to
Humayun, who treated them magnanimously, and protected them from
plunder, they presented to him a _peskesh_, or token of homage,
consisting of a quantity of jewels and precious stones. Among these was
one famous diamond which had been acquired by Sultan Alaeddin. "It is
so valuable that a judge of diamonds valued it at about half the daily
expense of the whole world. It is about eight _mikkals_" (or about
280 carats). This is generally supposed to be the celebrated Koh-i-nur.
Babar determined to establish the seat of his government at Agra, but
was almost dissuaded by the desolate appearance of the country. "It
always appears to me," he says, "that one of the chief defects of
Hindustan is the want of artificial watercourses. I had intended,
wherever I might fix my residence, to construct water-wheels, to
produce an artificial stream, and to lay out an elegant and regularly
planned pleasure ground. Shortly after coming to Agra I passed the
Jumna with this object in view, and examined the country to pitch upon
a fit spot for a garden. The whole was so ugly and detestable that
I repassed the river quite repulsed and disgusted. In consequence of
the want of beauty and of the disagreeable aspect of the country, I
gave up my intention of making a _charbagh_ (garden house); but as no
better situation presented itself near Agra, I was finally compelled to
make the best of this same spot.... In every corner I planted suitable
gardens, in every garden I sowed roses and narcissus regularly, and in
beds corresponding to each other. We were annoyed by three things in
Hindustan; one was its heat, another the strong winds, and the third
its dust. Baths were the means of removing all three inconveniences."
As I have mentioned above, there are very few vestiges remaining of
Babar's city, of his fruit and flower gardens, palaces, baths, tanks,
wells and watercourses. The Ram Bagh (p. 92) is one of the gardens
laid out either by himself or by one of his nobles, and the Zohra,
or Zuhara Bagh, near it, contains the remains of a garden-house, which
is said to have belonged to one of Babar's daughters. Opposite to the
Taj there are traces of the foundations of the city he built. Babar
planned, and his successors completed, the great road leading from Agra
to Kabul through Lahore, parts of which still remain. Some of the old
milestones can be seen on the road to Sikandra. Babar's account of the
commencement of it is very characteristic: "On Thursday, the 4th of
the latter Rebia, I directed Chikmak Bey, by a writing under the royal
hand and seal, [3] to measure the distance from Agra to Kabul; that at
every nine _kos_ he should raise a _minar_, or turret, twelve _gez_
in height, on the top of which he was to construct a pavilion; that
every ten _kos_ he should erect a _yam_, or post-house, which they call
a _dak-choki,_ for six horses; that he should fix a certain allowance
as a provision for the post-house keepers, couriers, and grooms,
and for feeding the horses; and orders were given that whenever a
post-house for horses was built near a _khalseh_, or imperial demesne,
they should be furnished from thence with the stated allowances;
that if it were situated in a _pergunna_, the nobleman in charge
should attend to the supply. The same day Chikmâk Padshahi left Agra."
The promptness of Babar's administrative methods is a striking contrast
to the circumlocution of present-day departmentalism. There still
exist remains of many splendid _sarais_, or halting-places, built
along this road by different Mogul Emperors for their convenience,
from the time of Babar down to Aurangzîb. One of the finest is the
Nurmahal Sarai, near Jalandhar, built by Jahangir and named after
his favourite wife. Edward Terry, who accompanied Sir Thomas Roe,
James the First's ambassador at Jahangir's Court, describes "the long
walk of four hundred miles, shaded by great trees on both sides,"
and adds, "this is looked upon by the travellers who have found the
comfort of that cool shade as one of the rarest and most beneficial
works in the whole world."
II. Humayun.
Humayun, who succeeded Babar, had many of his father's amiable
qualities, but none of his genius as a leader of men. He utterly
failed in the attempt to consolidate the great empire which Babar had
left him, and in 1539, or nine and a half years after his accession,
he was completely defeated at Kanauj by Shere Khan Sur, an Afghan
nobleman, who had submitted to Babar, but revolted against his
son. Humayun found himself a fugitive with only a handful of men,
and was eventually driven not only out of Hindustan, but even from the
kingdom of Kabul. He then took refuge with the Shah of Persia. Shere
Khan Sur, under the title of Shere Shah, ruled at Agra until he died,
five years afterwards. His son, Salîm Shah, or Sultan Islam, succeeded
him, and reigned between seven and eight years, but on his death the
usual quarrels between his relatives and generals gave Humayun, who
in the mean time had got back Kabul with the aid of a Persian army,
the opportunity to recover his position in Hindustan. This occurred
in 1555, but Humayun's unfortunate reign terminated the same year
through a fatal fall from a staircase in his palace at Delhi.
Humayun left no memorial of himself at Agra, but he is to be remembered
for two circumstances; the first, that he was the father of the great
Akbar, who succeeded him; and the second, that the plan of his tomb
at Delhi, built by Akbar, was the model on which the plan of the Taj
was based.
Interregnum: Shere Shah.
Shere Shah was a great builder, and a most capable ruler. In his short
reign of five years he initiated many of the great administrative
reforms which Akbar afterwards perfected. Fergusson, in his
"History of Indian Architecture," mentions that in his time there
was a fragment of a palace built by Shere Shah in the Fort at Agra,
"which was as exquisite a piece of decorative art as any of its class
in India." This palace has since been destroyed to make room for a
barrack, but probably the two-storied pavilion known as the Salîmgarh
is the fragment to which Fergusson refers. The only other building
of Shere Shah's time now remaining in Agra is the half-buried mosque
of Alawal Bilawal, or Shah Wilayat, in the _Nai-ki Mandi_ quarter
(see p. 102).
Shere Shah's tomb at Sasseram, in Bihar, is one of the noblest
monuments of the Pathan style, or the style of the earliest Muhammadan
architects in India.
III. Akbar.
Akbar, "the Great," was born at Amarkot, on the edge of the deserts of
Marwar, about three years after the battle of Kanauj, when his father
Humayun was a fugitive, driven from place to place by the adherents
of Shere Shah. At this time the treasury of the royal house was so
reduced that, when Humayun indented on it for the customary presents
to his faithful followers, the only thing procurable was a single pod
of musk. With the cheerfulness which was the saving grace of Humayun,
he broke up the pod, and distributed it, adding the pious wish, which
seemed like prophetic insight, that his son's fame might fill the
world like the fragrance of that perfume. Trained in the hard school
of adversity, and inheriting the best qualities of his grandfather,
Akbar was not long in restoring the faded fortunes of the Mogul
dynasty. Like Babar, he succeeded to the throne at a very early
age, and found himself surrounded by difficulties which would have
overwhelmed a weaker character. Humayun had, indeed, fought his way
back to Delhi and Agra, but he had by no means settled with all the
numerous disputants for the sovereignty of Hindustan, which Sultan
Islam's death had left in the field; and his departure from Kabul
had been the signal for revolt in that quarter. Akbar, accompanied
by Bairam Khan, the ablest of Humayun's generals, was in Sind when
he received at the same time the news of his father's death and of
the revolt of the Viceroy at Kabul He was then little more than
thirteen years old, but, like Babar under similar circumstances,
he was prompt in decision and in action. Adopting Bairam's advice,
which was contrary to that of all his other counsellors, he left Kabul
out of account, and pushed on to Delhi against the forces of Himu, a
Hindu general, and the most powerful of his foes, who had assumed the
title of Raja Bikramajit, with the hopes of restoring the old Hindu
dynasty. On the historic plains of Panipat Akbar completely defeated
Himu's army, and thus regained the empire which his grandfather had
won on the same field thirty years before. This great battle was the
most critical point in his career, and though Akbar had to undertake
many other hard campaigns before he was absolute master of the empire,
his position from that time was never seriously endangered.
Until his eighteenth year Akbar remained under the tutelage of Bairam,
an able general, but unscrupulous and cruel. The high-minded, generous
disposition of Akbar revolted against some of his guardian's methods,
but he recognized that, for some years at least, Bairam's experience
was necessary for him. In 1560, however, he took the administration
entirely into his own hands. Bairam, in disgust, took up arms against
his young master, but was soon defeated and taken prisoner. With his
usual magnanimity, Akbar pardoned him, and sent him off to Mecca with
a munificent present; but the revengeful knife of an Afghan put an
end to the turbulent nobleman's life before he could leave India.
Akbar spent the rest of his long reign in elaborating the
administrative reforms which have made him famous as the greatest
ruler India has ever had. With the aid of able ministers, both Hindu
and Muhammadan, he purified the administration of justice, keeping
the supreme control in his own hands; enjoined absolute tolerance
in religious matters; abolished oppressive taxes, and reorganized
and improved the system of land revenue introduced by Shere Shah. A
minute account of Akbar's reign, of his policy, habits, and character,
is given in the "Akbar-nama," the history written by his devoted
friend and Prime Minister, Abul Fazl. No detail of state affairs
was too small for Akbar's personal attention. Ability and integrity
were the only passports to his favour, while bigotry and injustice
were anathemas to him. Like Babar, he was fond of horticulture, and
imported many kinds of fruit trees and flowers into India. Though
he could neither read nor write, he had a great library of Hindi,
Persian, Arabic, Greek, and other books, and Abul Fazl relates that
every book was read through to him from beginning to end.
The most remarkable of all this remarkable man's intellectual
activities were his attempts to bring about a reconciliation of all
the discordant religious elements of his empire. Badâyuni, one of
his contemporary historians, but, unlike him, a bigoted Musalman,
comments thus on Akbar's religious views: "From his earliest childhood
to his manhood, and from his manhood to old age, his Majesty has passed
through the most various phases, and through all sorts of religious
practices and sectarian beliefs, and has collected everything which
people can find in books, with a talent of selection peculiar to him
and a spirit of inquiry opposed to every (Islamite) principle. Thus a
faith based on some elementary principles traced itself on the mirror
of his heart, and, as the result of all the influences which were
brought to bear on his Majesty, there grew gradually, as the outline
on a stone, the conviction on his heart that there were sensible
men in all religions, and abstemious thinkers and men endowed with
miraculous powers among all nations. If some true knowledge were thus
everywhere to be found, why should truth be confined to one religion,
or to a creed like Islam, which was comparatively new, and scarcely a
thousand years old; why should one sect assert what another denies,
and why should one claim a preference without having superiority
conferred upon itself?"
Near to his palace at Fatehpur Sikri he built an Ibâdat Khana, or
Hall of Worship, for the discussion of philosophy and religion. There
he received representatives of all religious sects, Muhammadans,
Brahmans, Jains, Buddhists, Parsis, Jews, and Christians, and listened
attentively to their arguments. He studied deeply religious books,
and had the New Testament translated into Persian. He also invited
Jesuit priests from Goa, and not only allowed them to build a church
at Agra, but even attended a marriage service and interpreted the
words of the sermon to the bride. Badayuni says that "his Majesty
firmly believed in the truth of the Christian religion, and wishing
to spread the doctrines of Jesus, ordered Prince Murad (his son)
to take a few lessons in Christianity by way of auspiciousness." The
Jesuits, however, did not succeed in making Akbar a convert, for when
his religious convictions were at last settled, he proclaimed as the
state religion a kind of eclectic pantheism called Din-i-ilâhi, or
"Divine Faith," with himself as the chief interpreter. Dispensing
with all forms of priesthood, he simply recognized One God, the
Maker of the Universe, and himself as God's vicegerent on earth. He
rejected the doctrine of the Resurrection, and accepted that of the
transmigration of souls. The Islamite prayers were abolished, and
others of a more general character were substituted for them. The
ceremonial was largely borrowed from the Hindus.
The "Divine Faith" had no hold on the people, and its influence
ceased with the death of its founder. It is even said that Akbar,
on his death-bed, acknowledged the orthodox Muhammadan creed, but the
evidence on this point is unreliable. Akbar's religious system had an
important political bearing, for the keynote of his whole policy was
the endeavour to unite with a bond of common interest all the diverse
social, religious, and racial elements of his empire. He overlooked
nothing which might further the object he had in view. He chose his
ministers and generals indiscriminately from all his subjects, without
distinction of race or religion. He allied himself in marriage with
the royal Hindu families of Rajputana. He sat daily on the judgment
seat to dispense justice to all who chose to appeal to him, and,
like the famous Harun-al-Rashid, he would at times put on disguises
and wander unattended among the people, to keep himself informed of
their real condition and to check the malpractices of his officials.
Though Akbar unavoidably had bitter enemies among the more bigoted of
his Muhammadan subjects, his wise tolerance of all beliefs and the
generosity of his policy for the most part disarmed hostility from
all sides. Certainly no ruler of India before or since succeeded so
far in carrying out his object. He is still one of the great popular
heroes of Hindustan; his mighty deeds in war and in the chase, his
wise and witty sayings, the splendour of his court, his magnanimity
and his justice, still live in song and in story.
Akbar died in the Fort at Agra on October 13, 1605, in the fifty-first
year of his reign, aged 63. He was buried at Sikandra, in the mausoleum
commenced by himself, and finished by his son and successor, Jahangir.
Akbar's connection with Agra.
The modern city of Agra, as stated previously, was founded by Akbar
in 1558, opposite to the old city on the left bank of the river. He
built the Fort, on the site of an old Pathan castle, and part of the
palace within it. Agra was the seat of government during the greater
part of his reign. He also built the great mosque and the magnificent
palaces and public buildings of Fatehpur Sikri, which are among the
most famous of the antiquities of India.
IV. Jahangir.
The eldest surviving son of Akbar, Prince Salîm, on his accession to
the throne in 1605, assumed the title of Núr-ud-din Jahangir (Light
of the Faith, Conqueror of the World).
He was passionate, cruel, and a drunkard, but not without ability
and force of character. As Prince Salîm he had instigated the
assassination of the Prime Minister, Abul Fazl, and probably hastened
his own father's death by his violent conduct. There was, however,
a reconciliation at the end, and Jahangir endeavoured to atone for
his behaviour by lavish expenditure on Akbar's tomb at Sikandra. He
has also left many pious tributes to his father's memory in his
autobiography. Jahangir's favourite wife was the celebrated Nur Mahal,
who for twenty years was almost the supreme power in the imperial
court. Her beauty attracted his attention while he was still Prince
Salîm, but Akbar, disapproving of her as a daughter-in-law, gave her in
marriage to Sher Afsan, "the lion killer," a nobleman of Burdwan. After
his accession, having treacherously procured the death of her husband,
Jahangir had Nur Mahal removed to Agra and placed under the care of
his mother. For many years she repulsed all Jahangir's overtures,
but when at last she consented to be his queen she became his most
devoted wife. She accompanied him on all his travels, and Jahangir
consulted her in all important affairs of state. Sir Thomas Roe, James
the First's ambassador, describes Jahangir at Agra taking his wife
for an evening drive in a bullock cart, "the King himself being her
carter." He affectionately changed her name from Nur Mahal, "Light of
the Palace," to Nur Jahan, "Light of the World." The imperial coinage
bore her name and an inscription, "Gold has acquired a new value since
it bore the name of Nur Jahan." She even succeeded to some extent
in controlling Jahangir's drunken habits. She was a great patroness
of the arts, and it is said that the Samman Burj, her apartments in
the Agra palace, was decorated after her own designs. Her charity
was boundless; she was the especial protectress of orphan girls, and
provided marriage portions for no less than 500 from her private purse.
Nur Mahal's father, Itmâd-ud-daulah, became Lord High Treasurer,
and afterwards Wazir, or Prime Minister. On his death his daughter
built for him the magnificent tomb at Agra known by his name.
During Jahangir's reign many Europeans, travellers, adventurers and
others, flocked to the Mogul court. They were allowed free access
to the palace, and Jahangir frequently admitted them to join in his
midnight carouses. He showed great favour to the Jesuit priests,
and even allowed two of his nephews to be instructed in the Christian
religion.
The violent temper of Jahangir was inherited by his son, Prince
Khurram, afterwards Shah Jahan, and the peace of his reign was
frequently disturbed by open rebellion on the part of the Prince. In
1623 Shah Jahan actually sacked Agra, and his soldiers committed
fearful atrocities on the inhabitants. He failed, however, to capture
the fort, which contained the imperial treasury, and Jahangir,
no doubt remembering his own father's leniency towards himself,
forgave his unruly son.
Jahangir died in 1627, and was buried at Shahdara, near Lahore,
in a magnificent tomb prepared by Nur Mahal. She herself retired to
Lahore, and, though she lived till 1648, ceased to take any part in
state affairs after his death. She was buried by her husband's side
at Shahdara.
Jahangir's connection with Agra.
Jahangir for a great part of his reign held his court at Lahore,
or at Kabul. The chief monuments of his reign at, or near, Agra
are Akbar's tomb at Sikandra (p. 97), and Itmâd-ud-daulah's tomb
(p. 85), already mentioned. Part of the Agra Palace, the Jahangiri
Mahal (p. 63), is named after him, though it is most probable that
it was really built in Akbar's reign.
There are a few minor buildings of Jahangir's time in Agra, such as
the baths of Ali Verdi Khan in Chipitollah Street, the mosque of
Motamid Khan in the Kashmiri Bazar, and the tower known after the
name of Boland Khan, the chief eunuch of Jahangir's palace. These
are of purely archæological interest.
V. Shah Jahan.
Shah Jahan, on his father's death, though only fourth in right of
succession to the throne, speedily disposed of his brothers by means
very commonly adopted in Oriental royal families, and was enthroned at
Agra in 1648. Immediately afterwards he wreaked his vengeance on the
Portuguese, who had taken part against him in his rebellion against
Jahangir, by destroying their settlement at Hughli. The next year,
while on an expedition to suppress disorder in the Deccan, he lost
his favourite wife, Mumtaz Mahal, the lady of the Taj. For a long
time the Emperor abandoned himself entirely to grief, and he remained
faithful to her memory until his death.
The actual building of the Taj commenced in 1632. From this date until
1658, when Aurangzîb usurped the throne, was the most magnificent
period of the Mogul dynasty. The whole empire enjoyed comparative peace
and prosperity. Shah Jahan's just and liberal government continued his
father's and grandfather's policy of tolerance towards the Hindus, and
his administration, though conducted with great pomp and splendour,
did not press hardly upon the people. It was one of the greatest
epochs of Indian architecture; besides the Taj Mahal, the buildings
erected during these years include four of the masterpieces of the
Mogul period--the Jâmi Masjid, or Cathedral Mosque, of Delhi; the
Mûti Masjid, or Pearl Mosque, of Agra; part of the Agra Palace, and
the great palace at Delhi, of which only a small portion now exists.
It is said that as Shah Jahan advanced towards old age he abandoned
himself more and more to a life of pleasure and self-indulgence,
but his last years were darkened by the same kind of family intrigues
through which he himself had gained the throne. In 1657 the serious
illness of the Emperor brought these intrigues to a head. His eldest
son by Mumtaz Mahal, called Dara Shikoh, a gracious and generous
Prince, but headstrong and intolerant of advice, was appointed
Regent. On receiving this intelligence, his younger brothers, Shuja,
Viceroy of Bengal, and Murad, Viceroy of Gujarat, declared their
independence, and marched upon Agra. Aurangzîb, the third son,
a religious bigot, but the ablest and most virile of the brothers,
hastened to join them, and being placed in chief command, attacked
Dara's army close to Agra and completely defeated him. Three days
afterwards he entered the city. Shah Jahan sent his chamberlain to
order him to leave the city at once and return to his post in the
Deccan, but Aurangzîb, affecting to believe that his father was dead,
disregarded the order. He succeeded by bribes and promises in bringing
over some of the principal nobles to his side, and being well informed
by Rushanara, his younger sister, who was his equal in cunning and
artifice, of all that went on in the palace, he baffled Shah Jahan's
attempts to lay hands on him. At last, under pretence of arranging
an amicable meeting with his son Mahmud, Aurangzîb beguiled Shah
Jahan into withdrawing his troops from the Fort. Mahmud immediately
forced his way in with a picked body of men and seized the person of
the Emperor. The plan succeeded so well that no attempt at a rescue
was made.
The French traveller Tavernier, who has left a complete record of
the time, writes of this event: "It is most surprising that not one
of the servants of the grand King offered to assist him; that all his
subjects abandoned him, and that they turned their eyes to the rising
sun, recognizing no one as king but Aurangzîb. Shah Jahan, though
still living, passed from their memories. If, perchance, there were
any who felt touched by his misfortunes, fear made them silent, and
made them basely abandon a king who had governed them like a father,
and with a mildness which is not common with sovereigns. For although
he was severe enough to the nobles when they failed to perform their
duties, he arranged all things for the comfort of the people, by whom
he was much beloved, but who gave no signs of it at this crisis."
Shah Jahan remained confined in a set of apartments of the Agra
Palace for seven years. He died in 1666, and was buried by the side
of Mumtaz Mahal in the Taj. His captivity was shared by his favourite
daughter, Jahanara, who since the death of her mother had ruled the
imperial household and taken a prominent part in state affairs. She
had actively supported the cause of Dara, and thus incurred the
resentment of Aurangzîb. On her father's death she retired to Delhi,
and she lived there until 1681. Her simple grave, covered with grass,
is in a quiet corner of the courtyard of Nizamudin's tomb, near Delhi,
where the memory of her filial piety adds to the poetic charm of all
the surroundings.
The Monuments of Shah Jahan's Reign at Agra.
The Taj Mahal (p. 72); the Jâmi Masjid (p. 69); and the following
buildings in the Fort: The Mûti Masjid (p. 43); the Dîwan-i-âm (p. 46);
the Dîwan-i-khas (p. 55); the Khas Mahal (p. 59).
VI. Aurangzîb.
Agra is only concerned with the first seven years of Aurangzîb's reign,
for, after the death of Shah Jahan, the court was removed to Delhi,
and Agra was left with only a provincial governor to maintain its
former magnificence. The unhappy Dara, after his defeat by Aurangzîb,
made fruitless attempts to retrieve his fortunes, but was at last
betrayed into the hands of his brother, who immediately put him to
death. Aurangzîb lost no time in disposing of his other two brothers,
and thus placed his succession to the throne beyond dispute.
The Princess Rushanara, as a reward for her treachery, was raised
to the position formerly enjoyed by her sister Jahanara. The French
physician Bernier, who resided twelve years at the Mogul court in the
time of Aurangzîb, has left many minute and graphic records of the
times. Here is a picture of Rushanara when she accompanied Aurangzîb
on the march from Delhi to Kashmir:--
"Stretch imagination to its utmost limits, and you can conceive
no exhibition more grand and imposing than when Rauchenara-Begum,
mounted on a stupendous Pegu elephant and seated in a _mikdember_,
blazing with gold and azure, is followed by five or six other elephants
with _mikdembers_ nearly as resplendent as her own, and filled with
ladies attached to her household. Close to the Princess are the chief
eunuchs, richly adorned and finely mounted, each with a wand of office
in his hand; and surrounding her elephant a troop of female servants,
_Tartars_ and _Kachmerys_, fantastically attired and riding handsome
pad-horses. Besides these attendants are several eunuchs on horseback,
accompanied by a multitude of _pagys_, or lackeys, on foot, with
large canes, who advance a great way before the Princess, both to
the right and left, for the purpose of clearing the road and driving
before them every intruder. Immediately behind Rauchenara-Begum's
retinue appears a principal lady of the court, mounted and attended
in much the same manner as the Princess. This lady is followed by a
third, she by a fourth, and so on, until fifteen or sixteen females
of quality pass with a grandeur of appearance, equipage, and retinue
more or less proportionate to their rank, pay, and office. There is
something very impressive of state and royalty in the march of these
sixty or more elephants; in their solemn and, as it were, measured
steps, in the splendour of the _mikdembers_, and the brilliant and
innumerable followers in attendance; and, if I had not regarded this
display of magnificence with a sort of philosophical indifference, I
should have been apt to be carried away by such flights of imagination
as inspire most of the Indian poets when they represent the elephants
as conveying so many goddesses concealed from the vulgar gaze." [4]
Dramatic justice overtook the scheming Princess at last. In 1664
Aurangzîb fell dangerously ill, and, while he was unconscious,
Rushanara, believing him to be dying, abstracted the signet ring
from his finger and issued letters, as under the royal seal, to the
various Viceroys and Governors, setting aside the succession of the
Emperor's eldest son by a Rajput Princess in favour of another son,
a boy of six, by a Muhammadan sultana. She hoped by this means to keep
the supreme power in her own hands during the long minority of the new
Emperor. Aurangzîb unexpectedly recovered, and became suspicious of
his dangerous sister. The host of enemies she had created at court
were not slow in taking advantage of the situation, and Rushanara
soon afterwards disappeared--removed, it is said, by poison.
Aurangzîb ruled with a firm hand, and in strict justice according
to the law of Islam, but though a man of great intellectual powers,
of marvellous energy and indomitable courage, he was wanting in
imagination, sympathy, and foresight, the highest qualities of a
really great ruler. He checked the dissolute conduct of the nobles,
and set an example of industry and devotion to duty; but his narrow,
bigoted disposition inclined him to distrust even his own ministers,
so that, unlike his three predecessors, he was badly served by
the lieutenants in whose hands the administration of the provinces
rested. He surrounded himself with religious bigots of the Sunni
sect of Muhammadans, who aided him in bitter persecution of the
Hindus. Hardly anything of artistic or architectural interest was
created under his patronage. Most of the great artists who attended
Shah Jahan's court were dismissed as unorthodox or heretics, and many
noble monuments were mutilated by the Emperor's fanatical followers
on the ground that they contravened the precept of the Koran which
forbids the representation of animate nature in art.
He died in 1707, eighty-nine years of age. The Mogul empire, surrounded
by hordes of the enemies his bigotry and intolerance had created,
was already tottering to its fall, and the star of the British raj
was rising. Seventeen years before his death he had granted to Job
Charnock a piece of land at Sutanati, the site of the future capital
of our Indian empire.
Agra and the Later Mogul Emperors