CHAPTER IV

SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY REACTIONS

A LAW OF THOUGHT.--Whenever a tendency of thought has been vigorously

prosecuted for any length of time, a reaction invariably displays

itself. This rule is illustrated by the history of thought in the

seventeenth century. Mechanical categories, as we have seen, had been

steadily extending themselves for the better part of two centuries, and

with the materialism of Hobbes the process seemed fairly complete.

Meanwhile, however, human thought began to explore other avenues. Though

reaction from mechanical ways of thinking did not (at any rate, in the

circles with which we are concerned) take the form of an obscurantist

retreat into prejudice or superstition, the results of the new science

and its attendant mechanistic philosophy served as a base for further

explorations. The principles which Descartes and Hobbes had laid down

were criticised by being carried out to their logical conclusions.

SPINOZA.--The philosopher with whom we shall first concern ourselves was

a Jew of Spanish extraction, living in what was then the freest country

in Europe--Holland. Spinoza (1632-1677) was undoubtedly the greatest

thinker of his own age, which was highly fertile in that respect, and he

still stands as one of the most notable figures in the long history of

European thought. Not only is his outlook comprehensive, and his thought

many-sided, but his standpoint was "detached" to a degree hitherto

unknown. He was untainted, so far as a human being ever can be, by

"anthropomorphism"; he endeavoured to transcend the merely human

outlook. Here is always the dividing line between the great and the

merely mediocre thinker.

SPINOZA'S METHOD.--Spinoza's philosophical ancestry may be traced back

to Bruno, whose acquaintance we made in a previous chapter, but in whose

company we did not long remain. This highly original mind had already,

by the doctrine of the infinitude and the divinity of nature, shown how

the concept of God and the concept of nature might be closely bound up

together. By similar means, Spinoza hoped to indicate the reality of the

spiritual, without disturbing the mechanical world-conception which the

new science and new philosophy had created between them. He wished

somehow to find God not outside, but _in_ Nature; not in disturbances of

the order of Nature, but _in that order itself_.

THE TERM NATURE.--It would be a misapprehension to suppose that the

terms "God" and "Nature" are regarded by Spinoza as interchangeable,

though his numerous critics were accustomed to declare that this was the

case. On the contrary, Spinoza, in order to anticipate the

misunderstanding which he saw might arise on this point, reintroduced

into philosophy a pair of terms which the Scholastics had long before

brought into currency, but which had since fallen out of

fashion--_Natura naturans_ and _Natura naturata_. We might perhaps

translate the former of these, "Creative Nature," and the latter,

"Created Nature." _Natura naturans_ is equivalent to "Nature as a

creative power," or "The creative power immanent in Nature." _Natura

naturata_ is equivalent to "Nature as it is when created," or "The

results of the creative power immanent in Nature." And the _Natura

naturans_ is active in the _Natura naturata_ at all points: the creative

power is immanent in creation. As Spinoza puts it in one of his letters:

"I assert that God is (as it is called) the immanent, not the external

cause of all things. That is to say, I assert with Paul, that in

God all things live and move.... But if any one thinks that the

_Theologico-Political Treatise_ (one of his works) assumes that God

and Nature are one and the same, he is entirely mistaken."[8]

Thus, for Spinoza, the order of nature, which had seemed to so many of

his contemporaries, from the religious point of view, such a devastating

conception, as leaving no room for the spiritual, was itself only

explicable if interpreted spiritually.

"Whatever is, is in God, and nothing can exist or be conceived without

God" (_Ethics_ i. 15) sums up his attitude. All things may be, as the

new science taught, 'determined' but they are determined "by the

necessity of the divine nature" (_Ethics_ i. 29).

THE "ETHICS."--Spinoza may rightly be termed a man of one book. In his

_Ethics_ is to be found a complete and final expression of his

philosophy. "How boundless," says Goethe of this great book, "is the

disinterestedness conspicuous in every sentence, how exalted the

resignation which submits itself once for all to the great laws of

existence, instead of trying to get through life with the help of

trivial consolations; and what an atmosphere of peace breathes through

the whole!"

According to its teaching the true happiness and highest activity of men

is to be found in what Spinoza terms "the intellectual love of God." The

phrase seems to have been used to designate that full and clearer

knowledge which is aware that we ourselves and all the conditions of our

life are determined by the infinite Nature, by God Himself, who moves in

us as well as in all things acting upon us. The initiated no longer

regard themselves as single, isolated, impotent beings, but as included

in the divine nature. Themselves and all things are seen under the form

of eternity. This thought is, according to Spinoza, the fruit of the

highest activity of the human mind; this is the _amor intellectualis

dei_; and the supreme good for man.

His doctrine of immortality is bound up with this intellectual form of

religious mysticism--knowledge of God involves participation in His

immortality:

"Death is the less harmful the more the mind's knowledge is clear and

distinct, and the more the mind loves God.... The human mind may be of

such a nature that the part of it which we showed to perish with the

body may be of no moment to it in respect to what remains."

He who is "affected with love towards God" has a mind "of which the

greater part is eternal." Thus the soul achieves its emancipation by

identifying itself with God--who is the object of its knowledge and

love. The path is arduous, and the closing passage of the _Ethics_

admits this:

"If the road I have shown is very difficult, it can yet be discovered.

And clearly it must be very hard when it is so seldom found.... But all

excellent things are as difficult as they are rare."

SPINOZA AND RELIGION.--It is interesting to note that Spinoza, though a

"free-thinking" Jew, adopts towards the fundamental dogma of

Christianity an attitude which approximates to the classical expression

of it in the Fourth Gospel. He held that "God's eternal wisdom, which

reveals itself in all things, and especially in the human mind, has

given a special revelation of itself in Christ."

Perhaps his ethic, like that of the Stoics, with whom he had so much in

common, was better adapted to satisfy the needs of the philosopher than

of the ordinary man. But, in the seventeenth century, it was the

philosophers and learned men that were in need of a spiritual

interpretation of the universe; common men had theirs already, in the

traditional pietism which philosophers are often too ready to despise.

To Spinoza--and this is one of the many indications of the genuine

profundity of his thought--the simple believers seemed already to be in

possession of too much of the truth for it to be desirable or profitable

for them to indulge in speculation. To the question of his landlady at

the Hague as to whether she could be saved by the religion which she

professed, his reply was that her religion was good, that she should

seek no other, and that she would certainly be saved by it if she led a

quiet and pious life.

SPINOZA'S PERSONALITY.--The figure of Spinoza stands as one of the most

imposing and attractive in the whole history of philosophy, and his was

an unworldliness, a simplicity, and a humility purely Franciscan. Like

all Jews then, he knew a trade--that of lens grinding--and by this he

was able to live frugally, while he elaborated his thought. He dedicated

his life to the labour of quiet contemplation; nor was he ambitious of

recognition, which indeed generally came to him in the form of abuse. He

did not escape "the exquisite rancour of theological hatred," but it was

his belief, and the conviction inspired his life, that--

"Neither riches, nor sensuous enjoyment, nor honours, can be a true good

for man"; but on the contrary, "that the only thing which is able to

fill the mind with ever-new satisfaction is the striving after

knowledge, by means of which the mind is united with that which remains

constant while all else changes."

"The God-intoxicated," was the name given to Spinoza long afterwards in

Germany. He died (like St. Francis) at forty-five, worn out with the

toil of thought. And it renews one's faith in the perspicacity of

commonplace people to learn that his barber, sending in a bill after the

death of the philosopher, alluded to his late customer as "Mr. Spinoza

of blessed memory." It was left to a contemporary theologian to describe

him as "an unclean and foul atheist."

LEIBNIZ.--Spinoza had taken over from Descartes and Hobbes their

mechanical and determinist conception of nature, though he gave to it,

as we have seen, an interpretation of his own. His attitude was a blend

of that rationalism and mysticism which were characteristic of so much

seventeenth century thought. A far more complete reaction, however,

displays itself in the system of a contemporary of Spinoza's--Gottfried

Wilhelm Leibniz (1646-1716); who, when already a youth, had become an

enthusiastic devotee of the new science; the study of Kepler, Galileo

and Descartes caused him to feel as though "transported into a different

world." Though a German by birth, Leibniz lived continuously in France,

and wrote habitually in the language of that country.

CONTRAST TO SPINOZA.--Spinoza and Leibniz stand as examples of two

distinct methods of eluding the despotism of mechanics--methods which

will meet us again in the course of our survey. Spinoza accepts the

mechanical view as being inevitable and even desirable, but subjects it

to a spiritual interpretation--he regards it as the way in which the

_Natura naturans_ works.[9] Leibniz, on the other hand, viewed existence

from an entirely different standpoint. He was bold enough to reject the

mechanical view altogether; or rather he preferred to regard it as a

convenient abstraction, or a useful formula, which might reflect certain

aspects of reality, but could not do justice to its concrete richness

and complexity.

A PHILOSOPHY OF INDIVIDUALS.--Leibniz's criticism of Descartes and the

mechanical school proceeded along different lines from that of Spinoza,

who, as we have seen, accepted the mechanical view as the basis of his

speculation.

An axiom of that view was (as we know) the conservation of motion. For

this conservation of _motion_, Leibniz substitutes the conservation of

_force_ as being logically the more fundamental concept. True reality,

according to him, is not _motion_ itself, but the _force which is its

cause_. Force and existence became for him identical terms; to work and

to exist were the same. That force is the true reality, Leibniz

expressed in the language of his time by saying, "Force is substance,

and all substance is force"--a proposition which would not be repudiated

by modern science--and upon this statement his philosophy is built.

But it was not "force in general" or some "universal force" that was

regarded by him as the final reality: Leibniz was not a forerunner of

Herbert Spencer. Reality for him consisted in _individual centres of

force_--a multitude of individual and independent beings, each with its

own idiosyncrasy, and following its own lines. Existence was, in fact,

for him, _individual_. It was the _individual_ centres of force--not

_general_ principles, universal substances, laws or forces--that make up

reality.

DOCTRINE OF MONADS.--This view of reality was formulated by Leibniz in

his famous doctrine of "monads." "Monad" was the technical name applied

by him to those absolute individuals which he regarded as constituting

true reality. The word, meaning "unity," was simple and appropriate. And

he declared that the "monad," to be rightly understood, must be regarded

as analogous to our own souls. This principle of analogy was described

by Leibniz as _mon grand principe des choses naturelles_. Thus reality

was interpreted by him not in physical but in psychical terms, or if the

expression be preferred, in terms of personality.[10]

Of these "monads" there exist, according to this view, infinitely many

degrees. In fact all existence differs only in degree from our own.

Even between mind and matter there is only a quantitative and not a

qualitative gulf. For there are sleeping, dreaming, and more or less

waking monads; and matter is a form of unconscious mind; the monads

which compose material objects being "minds without memory," "momentary

minds."

Let Leibniz speak for himself:--

"Each portion of matter is not only infinitely divisible, but is also

actually subdivided without end.... Whence it appears that in the

smallest particle of matter there is a world of creatures, living

beings, animals, entelechies, souls. Each portion of matter may be

conceived as like a garden full of plants, or like a pond full of

fishes.... Thus there is nothing fallow, nothing sterile, nothing dead

in the universe...."[11]

Leibniz may indeed be said to have been the first to outline a theory of

"panpsychism" (as it is termed), according to which there is nothing

that is not, in its degree, alive. As we shall have occasion to observe,

Leibniz was here (as elsewhere) a forerunner of much recent philosophy.

The significance of the Spinozist and Leibnizian systems of thought,

though regarding existence from such diverse standpoints, was, for

practical purposes the same. Both alike led out, though by different

paths, beyond the mechanical theory of the universe. They, indeed,

represent two types of thought which attempt to reach the same end by

different methods. Their counterparts will meet us again as this history

proceeds.

PASCAL.--But before passing out from the seventeenth century, one

thinker ought to detain us; for from more than one point of view he was

a notable personality, and of first-rate importance in the history of

religious, as distinct from purely philosophical thought. He was indeed

one of those figures who are distinguished among distinguished men of

all times.

Blaise Pascal was born in 1623, and was a boy of precocious mathematical

ability. By the age of twelve he is said to have worked out

independently most of the first and second books of Euclid; at sixteen

he wrote a treatise on Conics which attracted the attention of

Descartes; at nineteen he completed a calculating machine--a device that

had never been dreamt of before. At this point it is not surprising to

learn that his health broke down.

Pascal is not a systematic philosopher; but his acute intellect was

united to an inner restlessness of soul. Neither science nor philosophy

could bring him peace, for his needs were far deeper than any merely

rational systematisation of ideas could satisfy. Some have said of him

that he was fundamentally a sceptic, but one for whom religious faith

was essential; certainly in him were united an acute critical faculty

and an intense religious experience. Perhaps the two are not so

incompatible after all.

THE "PENSEES."--Pascal is chiefly famous for two works, the _Lettres

Provinciales_ and the _Pensees_. The former is controversial literature,

but yet a classic of the French language: in sum, it is an attack on the

Jesuits; but it need not here detain us, for with theology, as such, we

are not concerned, and still less with ecclesiastical systems. The

_Pensees_ is a collection of fragments, the material for an Apology for

Christianity which was never written. The autograph MS. preserved in

the _Bibliotheque Nationale_ at Paris "is made up of scraps of paper of

all shapes and sizes, written often on both sides ... and dealing with

all sorts of subjects." One is reminded of the mythical scraps of

manuscript from which the genius of Carlyle distilled the philosophy of

the sagacious Teufelsdroech.

But it is in these detached fragments that Pascal has expressed his

spiritual and intellectual struggles; they contain his philosophy of

life. And, however unsystematic in arrangement, they do reveal a fairly

definite temper and attitude of mind.

PASCAL'S PHILOSOPHY.--In the first place, the _Thoughts_ voice a

reaction against the "Cartesian intellectualism" which was then the

prevalent tendency in scientific and philosophical circles. "The last

attainment of reason is to recognise that there is an infinity of things

beyond it" might perhaps have been published by Pascal's predecessors.

"To laugh at philosophy is to be a true philosopher" would have seemed

like blasphemy or nonsense to most of his contemporaries, but it was

neither of these.

Behind sayings of this description lay the strong conviction that mere

logic was incapable of probing the depths of existence. "The heart has

its reasons of which reason knows nothing," is sound psychology, and not

scepticism or obscurantism. Of course it all depends what one means by

"reason." Too many of Pascal's contemporaries applied the word to a more

or less shallow rationalism utterly opposed to a spiritual view of

things, whereas reason properly understood is "the logic of the whole

personality."[12]

That Pascal was no mere narrow anti-rational obscurantist is evident,

not only from his own extraordinary insight, but from his continual

reiteration of his idea that the essential dignity of man lies in his

thought:

"All bodies, the firmament, the stars, the earth and its kingdoms, are

not worth the smallest mind, for a mind knows them, and itself, and

bodies know nothing."

Here lies the true greatness of man. In respect of material bulk he is

nothing, but his thought cannot be measured. "Man is only a reed, the

feeblest reed in nature, _but he is a thinking reed_." The saying has

become famous, and the words that follow are hardly less so; they remove

the overpowering and crushing incubus of man's illimitable material

environment, which, since Copernicus, had weighed upon thinkers like a

nightmare:

"Were the universe to crush him, man would still be more noble than that

which slays him, because he knows that he dies, and the advantage that

the universe has over him: of this the universe knows nothing. Thus all

man's dignity lies in his thought."[13]

PASCAL'S PESSIMISM.--It has been said that an unbridgeable gulf lies

between those who believe and those who disbelieve in mankind. It is to

the latter category that Pascal belongs. His faith in the dignity of man

is paradoxically associated with a realisation of his weakness and

imbecility:

"What a chimera, then, is man! What an oddity, what a monster, what a

chaos, what a subject of contradiction, what a prodigy! Judge of all

things, senseless earth-worm; depository of truth, cloaca of

uncertainty and error; the glory and the refuse of the universe."

"We desire truth, and find in ourselves only uncertainty; we seek

happiness, and find only misery and death. We are unable not to wish for

truth and happiness, and incapable either of certainty or felicity."

In fact, we may say that Pascal was the first, in an age of exaggerated

reverence for logic (the _damnosa hereditas_ of the Scholastic

theologians) to understand that the best arguments for religion are the

facts of human experience, and the conditions of human life.

"In vain, O men, do ye seek within yourselves the cure for your

troubles! All your knowledge can only teach you that it is not within

yourselves that ye find the true or good!" Here we have the language of

religious experience. The result of Augustine's meditation upon life was

the same: _Inquietum cor nostrum dum requiescat in te._ It is a tongue

that the "psychic man" can never understand; it seems to him

affectation; such language is foreign to the easy optimism of an age of

confidence. Indeed Pascal, though so intensely modern, is a stranger,

and his words often enigmas to our time.

_Vanitas vanitatum_ is thus the verdict that he passes upon human

experience. "The last act is tragic, however fine the comedy of all the

rest."

SIGNIFICANCE OF PASCAL.--It is not as a systematic thinker that Pascal

is of importance to the historian of thought. He typifies that more or

less inarticulate and unreasoned revolt which the arrogance and optimism

of a new science or a new philosophy arouse against themselves. He

voices the eternal protest that it is not by bread alone that men live.

As is generally the case with such protests, the pessimism of Pascal

was no doubt exaggerated; but exaggeration is necessary if minds are to

be impressed; and those who feel strongly see only one side of a

question.

RESULTS.--Thus in the three figures that have passed before us, we see a

threefold protest against that exclusion of the spiritual from the human

view of life. Spinoza, the pantheist, sees God everywhere;[14] Leibniz

finds in every recess of nature the principle of personality; Pascal

finds the only cure for human frailty and misery in religion.

Religion and Science from Galileo to Bergson · 第 4 / 13 章