TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
This book was originally published in 1643. The reprinted edition
of 1827 retained the errors and misspellings of the original book,
and this etext has made only a few minor changes to the English
text, which are noted at the end of the book. No changes have been
made to accents or (mis)spelling of the native American words.
Punctuation in the two-column dictionary tables has been made more
consistent; missing commas or periods have been silently added to the
end of table entries. Inconsistent use of question marks has been
left unchanged.
Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the two footnotes have
been placed at the end of the ‘Sketch of the Life of Roger Williams’.
The Table of Contents can be found at the back of the book, the same
placement as in the original book.
COLLECTIONS
OF THE
RHODE-ISLAND
HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
VOL. I.
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PROVIDENCE:
PRINTED BY JOHN MILLER.
1827.
PREFACE.
In presenting to the public the first volume of the Collections of
the Rhode-Island Historical Society, some account of the rise and
progress of the Society may not be deemed inappropriate. It may
vindicate the society from the charge of remissness in performing
the duties it has assumed, and at the same time, remove some of the
prejudices which it has had to encounter.
There have not been wanting, at any time, individuals who have been
anxious that the history of this State, and the deeds and sufferings
and opinions of the first settlers, should not be handed down to
posterity by tradition alone, or that future generations should
learn them from the erroneous and imperfect statements of prejudiced
historians.
Much was effected by these individuals in collecting together the
scattered fragments and perishing memorials of our early history.
But the field was too large and the labor too great to be compassed
by the exertions of any individuals, however ardent their zeal.
And besides this, many persons who held highly valuable documents,
received in most instances from their ancestors, were unwilling to
part with them until a secure place of deposite was provided, under
the authority of a regularly organized association.
These feelings, aided by various concomitant circumstances, gave rise
to the Rhode-Island Historical Society, in the year 1822. In the
summer of the same year, a charter of incorporation was obtained,
and in July the Society was organized. Since that time, unremitting
exertions have been made in effecting its objects, and many valuable
documents, both printed and manuscript have been collected. The
number of resident members is at present about fifty.
The subject of publishing a Series of Collections was agitated
soon after the establishment of the Society. Various circumstances
served to retard this project until ZACHARIAH ALLEN, Esq. a member,
presented to the Society a manuscript copy of Roger Williams’ Key
to the Indian Language which he had procured from the printed copy
in the Bodliean Library at Oxford. This manuscript has since been
carefully compared with the printed copy of the same work, in the
possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society. At this time,
when philosophers are engaged in searching for the origin, and
philanthropists, in meliorating the condition, of the aborigines,
it was thought by the Society that the publication of this curious
and valuable relick of the venerable founder of the State would
be particularly acceptable and appropriate; and in the hope that
both pleasure and profit may be derived from its perusal, it is now
respectfully commended to the attention and favor of the public.
CHARTER
OF THE RHODE-ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Whereas Jeremiah Lippitt, William Aplin, Charles Norris Tibbitts,
Walter R. Danforth, William R. Staples, Richard W. Greene, John
Brown Francis, William G. Goddard, Charles F. Tillinghast, Richard
J. Arnold, Charles Jackson, and William E. Richmond, have petitioned
this General Assembly to incorporate them into a society, by the name
of the Rhode-Island Historical Society: Therefore,
Section 1. _Be it enacted by the General Assembly, and by the
authority thereof it is enacted_, That the aforesaid persons,
together with such others as they shall hereafter associate with
them, and their successors, are hereby constituted, ordained
and created a body corporate and politic, by the name of _The
Rhode-Island Historical Society, for the purpose of procuring and
preserving whatever relates to the topography, antiquities, and
natural, civil and ecclesiastical history of this State_; and by
the name aforesaid shall have perpetual succession; and by the same
name are hereby made able and capable in law, as a body corporate,
to have, hold and enjoy goods, chattels, lands and tenements, to the
value of five thousand dollars, exclusive of their library, cabinet
and historical collections and antiquities, and the same at all times
to dispose of; to have a common seal, and the same at pleasure to
change and destroy; to sue and be sued, to plead and to be impleaded,
to answer and to answer unto, to defend and to be defended against,
in all courts of justice and before all proper judges; and to do, act
and transact all matters and things whatsoever, proper for bodies
corporate to do, act and transact; and to establish and enact such
a constitution and such by-laws as shall be deemed necessary and
expedient, provided that they be not repugnant to the laws of this
State, or of the United States; and to annex to the breach of those
laws such fines as they may deem fit.
Sec. 2. _And be it further enacted_, That the said corporation be
further authorized and empowered to elect and qualify such officers
as may by them be deemed necessary; to be chosen at such time, and
to hold their offices for such period, as the constitution of said
corporation shall prescribe; and to appoint and hold such meetings as
shall be thought proper.
Sec. 3. _And be it further enacted_, That said society shall
establish two cabinets for the deposit and safe-keeping of all
the ancient documents and records illustrating the history and
antiquities of this State; one of said cabinets in the town of
Newport, for the safe keeping of the records of the early history
of the southern section of the State, and the other in the town of
Providence, for the safe-keeping of the historical records of the
northern section thereof; and that the anniversary of said society be
holden in said Providence.
SEC. 4. _And be it further enacted_, That Jeremiah Lippitt
be authorized and empowered to call the first meeting of the
corporation, within three months from the granting of this charter,
giving public notice of the same.
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CONSTITUTION.
_Article 1._ The Rhode-Island Historical Society shall consist of
resident and honorary members, the former of whom shall be resident
in the State of Rhode-Island.
_Art. 2._ The annual meeting of the society shall be holden at
Providence on the 19th day of July, in every year: _And provided_,
That when that day shall fall on a Sunday, the meeting shall be
holden on the Tuesday following: other meetings of the society shall
be called at any other time by the President, or other senior officer
in the society, by giving notice of the same in at least one public
newspaper in Providence and Newport, fourteen days previous to the
time proposed, upon application of five members in writing.
_Art. 3._ The officers of the society shall be--a president, two
vice-presidents, a secretary, treasurer, two cabinet-keepers, one
for the northern and one for the southern section, and thirteen[1]
trustees, of whom the president, two vice-presidents, and treasurer,
shall be four.
_Art. 4._ All the officers of the society shall be chosen at the
annual meeting of the society, and shall hold their offices for one
year, and until others be elected in their stead: _Provided_, That
when the society shall not meet on the day of their annual meeting,
they may elect their officers at any other meeting called pursuant
to the article preceding: _And provided also_, That when any vacancy
in any office shall happen during the year, the society, at any such
meeting, may fill the same.
_Art. 5._ It shall be the duty of the trustees to receive donations,
and to manage and superintend all the concerns of the society; they
shall hold meetings as often as occasion shall require, any five
being present, public notice being given by the secretary fourteen
days previous in a public newspaper of the time and place of meeting,
and shall have power to fill any vacancy in their board until the
next meeting of the society; they shall at the annual meeting make
report in writing of their doings, to the society: the president,
and in his absence the senior officer present, shall preside at all
meetings of the society and board of trustees: the secretary shall
keep a record of all the proceedings of the society, shall be ex
officio secretary of the board, and as such, keep a record of their
doings, and shall be the organ of communication of the society:
the cabinet-keepers shall safely keep all books, papers, ancient
memorials, and every thing else belonging to the society, relating
to the objects of the society, in such places as may hereafter be
designated by the society or board of trustees; they shall also keep
catalogues of all donations to the cabinets of the society, with the
donor’s name affixed to each, unless otherwise requested by the donor
himself; they shall also report in writing at the annual meeting, at
which time, the treasurer shall report the state of the treasury.
_Art. 6._ The society shall have power to lay such taxes on the
members as may be requisite, provided that they do not exceed the sum
of three dollars per year.
_Art. 7._ No person shall be admitted a member of this society unless
by ballot, at the annual meeting, by a majority of the members
present, and unless he shall be recommended by the board of trustees.
_Art. 8._ Seven resident members, including either the president, one
of the vice-presidents, the secretary or treasurer, shall constitute
a quorum for doing business.
_Art. 9._ No alteration or amendment whatever shall be made to this
constitution but by vote of two thirds of the members present at the
annual meeting, which alteration or amendment shall be reduced to
writing by the mover before it shall be acted upon.
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The Society would call the attention of members and correspondents
to the following subjects:
1. Topographical sketches of towns and villages, including an
account of their soil, agriculture, manufactures, commerce, natural
curiosities and statistics.
2. Sketches of the history of the settlement and rise of such towns
and villages, and of the introduction and progress of commerce,
manufactures and the arts, in them.
3. Biographical notices of original settlers, revolutionary patriots,
and other distinguished men who have resided in this State.
4. Original letters, and documents, and papers illustrating any of
these subjects, particularly those which shew the private habits,
manners or pursuits of our ancestors, or are connected with the
general history of this State.
5. Sermons, orations, occasional discourses and addresses, books,
pamphlets, almanacs and newspapers, printed in this State; and
manuscripts, especially those written by persons born or residing in
this State.
6. Accounts of the Indian tribes which formerly inhabited any part
of this State, their numbers and condition when first visited by the
whites, their general character and peculiar customs and manners,
their wars and treaties and their original grants to our ancestors.
7. The Indian names of the towns, rivers, islands, bays and other
remarkable places within this State, and the traditional import of
those names.
8. Besides these, the society will receive donations of any other
books, pamphlets, manuscripts and printed documents; with which any
gentleman may please to favor them.
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OFFICERS
OF THE
RHODE-ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
ELECTED JULY 19, 1826.
His Excellency _James Fenner_, Esq. President.
_Henry Bull_, Esq. 1st. Vice-Pres.
Hon. _Theodore Foster_, Esq. 2d Vice Pres.
_William R. Staples_, Esq. Sec’ry.
_John Howland_, Esq. Treasurer.
_Albert G. Greene_, Esq. Cabinet Keeper of the Northern District.
_Stephen Gould_, Cabinet Keeper of the Southern District.
Hon. Job Durfee, John B. Francis, John Pitman, Richard W. Greene,
Philip Crapo, William E. Richmond, Christopher E. Robbins, Nathaniel
Bullock, Hon. Tristam Burges, Hon. William Hunter, Esq’s. Rev. David
Benedict, and William G. Goddard, Esq. _Trustees_.
_Publishing Committee._
John Howland, William G. Goddard and William R. Staples, elected by
the Trustees Feb. 7, 1827.
SKETCH
OF THE LIFE OF
ROGER WILLIAMS.
Roger Williams was born of reputable parents, in Wales, A. D. 1598.
He was educated at the University of Oxford; was regularly admitted
to orders in the Church of England, and preached for some time,
as a Minister of that Church; but on embracing the doctrines of
the Puritans, he rendered himself obnoxious to the laws against
non-conformists and embarked for America, where he arrived with his
wife, whose name was Mary, on the 5th of February, 1631. In April
following, he was called by the Church of Salem, as teaching Elder,
under their then Pastor, Mr. Skelton. This proceeding gave offence to
the Governor and Assistants of the Massachusetts Bay, and in a short
time, he removed to Plymouth, and was engaged as assistant to Mr.
Ralph Smith, the pastor of the Church at that place. Here he remained
until he found that his views of religious toleration and strict
non-conformity gave offence to some of his hearers, when he returned
again to Salem, and was settled there, after Mr. Skelton’s death in
1634. While here and while at Plymouth, he maintained the character
he had acquired in England, that “of a godly man and a zealous
preacher.” He appears, however, to have been viewed by the government
of that colony with jealousy from his first entrance into it. He
publicly preached against the patent from the king, under which they
held their lands, on the ground that the king could not dispose of
the lands of the Natives without their consent--he reprobated “the
calling of _natural_ men to the exercise of those holy ordinances
of prayers, oaths, &c.” and “the frequenting of Parish Churches,
under the pretence of hearing some ministers;”[2] but that, without
doubt, which rendered him most obnoxious, was his insisting that the
magistrate had no right to punish for breaches of the first table;
or in other words, “to deal in matters of conscience and religion.”
These causes conspiring with others of less importance, finally
procured a decree of banishment to be passed against him, in the
autumn of 1635, and he was ordered to depart the jurisdiction, in six
weeks. Subsequently to this, he was permitted to remain until spring,
on condition that he did not attempt to draw any others to his
opinions; but “the people being much taken with the apprehension of
his godliness,” in the January following the Governor and Assistants
sent an officer to apprehend him and carry him on board a vessel then
lying at Nantasket, bound to England. But before the officer arrived,
he had removed and gone to Rehoboth. Being informed by Governor
Winslow of Plymouth, that he was then within the bounds of the
Plymouth patent, in the spring he crossed the river, and commenced
the settlement of Providence. The field that he first planted
composes “Whatcheer,” the present residence of his Excellency, James
Fenner, Governor of Rhode-Island, and the land originally set off to
Williams adjoining this field, has continued to the present day, in
possession of his descendants.
He afterwards embraced some of the leading opinions of the Baptists,
and in March 1639, was baptized by immersion, at Providence, by
Ezekiel Holliman, whom he afterwards baptized. He formed a Society
of this order, and continued preaching to them for several months,
and then separated from them, doubting, it is said, the validity of
all baptism, because a direct succession could not be traced from the
Apostles to the officiating ministers.
In 1643, Williams went to England as agent for the colonies at
Providence, Rhode Island, and Warwick, to solicit a charter of
incorporation, which he finally procured, signed by the Earl of
Warwick, then Governor and Admiral of the English plantations,
and by his Council--bearing date March 14, 1644. On the 17th of
September, 1644, he returned from England and landed at Boston,
bringing a letter of recommendation to the Governor and Assistants
of the Massachusetts Bay, from some of the most influential members
of the Long Parliament. This saved him from the penalty incurred by
him on entering their bounds, which he avoided at his departure, by
taking ship at New-York. In 1651, serious difficulties having been
raised in the colony, by Coddington’s procuring a Charter, which
gave him almost unlimited authority over the Islands of Narragansett
Bay, Williams and Clarke were despatched as agents of the colony,
to procure a revocation of it. This they effected in October 1652.
Williams returned in 1654, but Clarke remained in England, and
procured the second Charter of 1663. While in England at this time
Williams resided a principal part of the time, at Belleau, a seat
of Sir Henry Vane, in Lincolnshire; and on his return, brought a
letter from him, recorded in the records of Providence, inviting the
planters to a closer union with one another. This letter, aided by
the urgent and constant solicitations of Williams, finally restored
peace and union to the colony, which, during his absence, had been
rent by many divisions. He was several times both before and after
this period, elected to the office of President or Governor of this
colony, by the “free vote of the freemen.” He died in April, 1683, at
Providence, and was buried under arms, in his family burying ground,
with every testimony of respect that the colony could manifest. He
was the father of six children: viz. Mary, Freeborn, Providence,
Mercy, Daniel, and Joseph; the descendants of whom, at this time,
amount to several thousands.
Very few incidents in his life, are to be collected from the writings
of Williams, and the prejudices of contemporary and even later
historians who have mentioned him, render it difficult to form a true
estimate of his character. Facts, which in the estimation of the
writers of those days, would have raised a more orthodox man almost
above the level of humanity, are slightly mentioned; and opinions
which all protestant nations and even the descendants of his enemies
have since fully adopted, in him were heretical and subversive,
not only of church but of civil government. From these slight and
prejudiced statements must the character of Williams be drawn. They
prove him to have been a man of unblemished moral character and of
ardent piety, unyielding in opinions which he conceived to be right,
and not to be diverted from what he believed to be duty, either by
threats or by flattery.
One fact speaks volumes in favor of his Christian temper. After he
was banished, he conceived himself to be an injured, persecuted
man, but with all the opportunities which his intimacy with the
neighboring Indians gave him, no purpose of revenge seems ever to
have been harbored by him. Instead of that, the next year after his
banishment, he gave to his very persecutors, information of the
Indian plot, which would have destroyed their whole settlement.
He concluded treaties for them, which ensured their peace and
prosperity, “employing himself continually in acts of kindness to his
persecutors, affording relief to the distressed, offering an asylum
to the persecuted”
He is accused, and not unjustly, of frequent changes in his
religious sentiments. These changes must have been the effect of
sincere conviction--they could not have arisen from a time-serving
policy. For had he remained an Episcopalian, England and all her
comforts, and undoubtedly as due to his Learning, some of the honors
of the Church were before him; and had he continued a lukewarm
non-conformist, Massachusetts and Plymouth, the society of his former
friends and especially that of Hooker and Cotton, might have solaced
him in his residence in this new country. But these were all resigned
for what he conceived to be his duty to his God. He was however at
all times and under all changes, the undaunted champion of Religious
Freedom. It was openly professed by him, on his arrival among those
who sought in America, a refuge from persecution and strange as it
may seem, it was probably the first thing that excited the prejudices
of the Massachusetts and Plymouth rulers against him. He was
accused of carrying this favorite doctrine so far as to exempt from
punishment any criminal who pleaded conscience. But let his own words
exculpate him from this charge.
“That ever I should speak or write a tittle that tends to such an
infinite liberty of conscience, is a mistake, and which I have ever
disclaimed and abhorred. To prevent such mistakes, I at present
shall only propose this case. There goes many a ship to sea with
many hundred souls in one ship, whose weal and woe is common; and
is a true picture of a common-wealth, or an human combination or
society. It hath fallen out, some times, that both Papists and
Protestants, Jews and Turks, may be embarked into one ship. Upon
which supposal, I affirm that all the liberty of conscience, that
ever I pleaded for, turns upon these two hinges, That none of the
Papists, Protestants, Jews or Turks, be forced to come to the ship’s
prayers or worship; nor compelled from their own particular prayers
or worship, if they practice any. I further add, that I never denied,
that notwithstanding this liberty, the commander of this ship ought
to command the ship’s course; yea, and also command that justice,
peace and sobriety be kept and practiced, both among the seamen and
all the passengers. If any of the seamen refuse to perform their
service, or passengers to pay their freight; if any refuse to help in
person or purse, toward the common charges or defence; if any refuse
to obey the common laws and orders of the ship concerning their
common peace or preservation; if any shall mutiny and rise up against
their commanders and officers; if any should preach or write, that
there ought to be no commanders nor officers, because all are equal
in Christ, therefore no masters nor officers, no laws nor orders,
no corrections nor punishments; I say, I never denied but in such
cases, whatever is pretended, the commander or commanders may judge,
resist, compel and punish such transgressors, according to their
deserts and merits.”
And in Williams’ political transactions, self interest does not
appear to have had any influence, in opposition to the public good.
The title to Providence Plantations, from the Indians, was in him and
in him alone, by their deed. Yet almost his first act was to divide
it among his “loving neighbors” reserving to himself only an equal
right with them. In the charter procured by him, no office of trust
or profit was conferred on him. Of what other agent employed on such
business, can the same be said? Well might Calender call him, “the
most disinterested man that ever lived.”
The publications of Williams, that have reached us, are not
voluminous. The public services in which he was engaged, and the
private difficulties which he had to encounter, undoubtedly prevented
them from being so. The first, in order of time, is his “Key to the
Language of America,” now republished. This, it would seem, was
composed during his voyage to England in 1643, and was printed at
London soon after his arrival. It preceded Elliot’s publications on
the same subject, and was highly commended by the Board of Trade, at
the time it was published. Very few copies of the original edition
are now extant. The one belonging to the Massachusetts Historical
Society is the only one known to be in this country. A strain of
ardent piety runs through this work which cannot fail to recommend
both itself and its author to the reader. It presents the character
of the Natives in a new and favorable light, and appears to have been
admirably calculated to facilitate that intercouse with them, which
the safety of the settlers and the interests of both settlers and
natives imperiously demanded.
The next work was his “Bloody Tenent,” written in answer to Cotton’s
work upholding the right and enforcing the duty of the civil
magistrate to regulate the doctrines of the Church. This work called
forth a reply from Cotton, entitled “The Bloody Tenent, Washed and
made White in the blood of the Lambe.” And this was followed by
a rejoinder from Williams, entitled “The Bloody Tenent yet more
Bloody, by Mr. Cotton’s endeavor to Wash it White.” In these works of
Williams the doctrine of religious liberty and unlimited toleration
are illustrated in strong language and supported by stronger
arguments--arguments that preceded those of Locke, Bayle and Furneau.
The character and standing of Cotton made him an antagonist, with
whom to contend, was glorious, even though vanquished, but with
truth on his side, and supported and strengthened by a sense of it,
Williams entered the contest, and was not vanquished. Accompanying
this last, are two letters, one to Gov. Endicott and the other to the
Clergy of Great-Britain and Ireland. The first of which, if it had
been read with the spirit in which it appears to have been written,
would have stayed the arm of Persecution in New-England. These were
published in London in 1652. About twenty years after, Williams had
a controversy with the Quakers. He maintained a public dispute with
them at Newport, on the 9th, 10th and 12th, and at Providence, on the
17th August, 1672. Afterwards he published his “George Fox digged out
of his Burrows,” in answer to a work of Fox. This is a rare book.
In regard to the literary attainments of Roger Williams it is
deemed proper to say but little. The readers of this work will be
principally such as chuse to form their _own_ opinions. It will
be, however, generally admitted, that his Style, abounds with
the Beauties and Defects, peculiar to the Literature of his own
Times. It is no small praise to say of him, that, as an author, he
compares well with his great opponent, COTTON. Both indulge in the
same apposite, but somewhat profuse use of Scripture allusion and
Phraseology; both are at home in the Classics and the Fathers, and
surprise us with quaint erudition; both fight with the same weapon of
controversy--the ancient scholastic Logic.
Those who have a partiality for Williams will justify that
partiality, by the conciliating liberality of his doctrines, and the
philosophic philanthropy of his sentiments, which impart a peculiar
amenity to his diction, and to his reasoning, an air of common sense
deduction and equitable and rational conclusion, more satisfactory
than the most refined subtilties of dialectic skill.
No description of the person of Williams has reached us, but
Rhode-Islanders will always remember his name and his deeds, and
revere him as the father of their State, and the world will ever
regard him as the earliest and boldest champion of the right of all
men “fully to have and enjoy their own judgments and consciences, in
matters of religious concernments.”
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Amended at the annual meeting A. D. 1826, and three trustees
added.
[2] This censure refers to those who had not separated from the
Established Church, before they left England, as well as to those who
on visiting England, attended the Parish Churches there.
A KEY
INTO THE
LANGUAGE OF AMERICA,
OR AN
HELP TO THE LANGUAGE OF THE NATIVES IN
THAT PART OF AMERICA CALLED
New-England;
TOGETHER WITH BRIEFE OBSERVATIONS OF THE CUSTOMES,
MANNERS, AND WORSHIPS, &c. OF THE AFORESAID
NATIVES,
IN PEACE AND WARRE, IN LIFE AND DEATH.
_On all which are added_,
SPIRITUALL OBSERVATIONS GENERALL AND PARTICULAR, BY
THE AUTHOUR, OF CHIEFE AND SPECIALL USE (UPON
ALL OCCASIONS) TO ALL THE ENGLISH INHABITING
THOSE PARTS; YET PLEASANT AND
PROFITABLE TO THE VIEW OF
ALL MEN.
By ROGER WILLIAMS,
Of Providence, in New-England.
LONDON.
PRINTED BY GREGORY DEXTER.
1643.
_TO MY DEARE AND WELBELOVED FRIENDS AND COUNTREYMEN, IN OLD AND NEW
ENGLAND._
I present you with a Key; I have not heard of the like, yet framed,
since it pleased God to bring that mighty continent of America to
light: others of my Countreymen, have often and excellently, and
lately written of the Countrey (and none that I know beyond the
goodnesse and worth of it.)
This Key, respects the native language of it, and happily may unlocke
some Rarities concerning the natives themselves, not yet discovered.
I drew the materialls in a rude lumpe at Sea, as a private helpe to
my owne memory, that I might not by my present absence lightly lose
what I had so dearely bought in some few yeares hardship and charges
among the Barbarians; yet being reminded by some, what pitie it were
to bury those Materialls in my Grave at land or sea; and withall,
remembring how oft I have been importun’d by worthy friends of all
sorts, to afford them some helps this way.
I resolved (by the assistance of the most High) to cast those
Materials into this Key, pleasant and profitable for All, but
specially for my friends residing in those parts:
A little Key may open a Box, where lies a bunch of Keyes.
With this I have entred into the secrets of those Countries, where
ever English dwel about two hundred miles, betweene the French and
Dutch Plantations; for want of this, I know what grosse mistakes my
selfe and others have run into.
There is a mixture of this Language North and South, from the place
of my abode, about six hundred miles; yet within the two hundred
miles (aforementioned) their Dialects doe exceedingly differ; yet
not so, but (within that compasse) a man may by this helpe, converse
with thousands of Natives all over the Countrey: and by such converse
it may please the Father of Mercies to spread civilitie (and in his
owne most holy season) Christianitie; for one Candle will light ten
thousand, and it may please God to blesse a little Leaven to season
the mightie lump of those Peoples and Territories.
It is expected, that having had so much converse with these Natives,
I should write some little of them.
Concerning them (a little to gratifie expectation) I shall touch upon
foure Heads:
First, by what Names they are distinguished.
Secondly, Their Originall and Descent.
Thirdly, their Religion, Manners, Customes, &c.
Fourthly, That great Point of their Conversion.
To the first, their Names are of two Sorts:
First, those of the English giving: as Natives, Savages, Indians,
Wild-men, (so the Dutch call them Wilden) Abergeny men, Pagans,
Barbarians, Heathen.
Secondly, their names, which they give themselves.
I cannot observe, that they ever had (before the comming of the
English, French, or Dutch amongst them) any Names to difference
themselves from strangers, for they knew none; but two sorts of names
they had, and have amongst themselves.
First, generall, belonging to all Natives, as Nínnuock,
Ninnimissinûwock, Eniskeetompaûwog, which signifies Men, Folke or
People.
Secondly, particular names, peculiar to severall Nations of them
amongst themselves, as Nanhigganêuck, Massachusêuck, Cawasumséuck,
Cowwesêuck, Quintikóock, Quinnipiéuck, Pequttóog, &c.
They have often asked mee, why wee call them Indians, Natives, &c.
and understanding the reason, they will call themselves Indians in
opposition to English &c.
For the second Head proposed, their Originall and Descent.
From Adam and Noah that they spring, it is granted on all hands.
But for their later Descent and whence they came into those parts,
it seemes as hard to finde, as to finde the well head of some fresh
Streame, which running many miles out of the Countrey to the salt
Ocean, hath met with many mixing Streames by the way. They say
themselves, that they have sprung and growne up in that very place,
like the very trees of the wildernesse.
They say that their Great God Cowtantowwit created those parts, as
I observed in the Chapter of their Religion. They have no Clothes,
Bookes, nor Letters, and conceive their Fathers never had; and
therefore they are easily perswaded that the God that made Englishmen
is a greater God, because Hee hath so richly endowed the English
above themselves: But when they heare that about sixteen hundred
yeeres agoe, England and the Inhabitants thereof were like unto
themselves, and since have received from God, Clothes, Bookes, &c.
they are greatly affected with a secret hope concerning themselves.
Wise and judicious men with whom I have discoursed, maintaine their
originall to be Northward from Tartaria: and at my now taking
ship, at the Dutch Plantation, it pleased the Dutch Governour (in
some discourse with mee about the natives) to draw their Line from
Iceland, because the name Sackmakan (the name for an Indian Prince,
about the Dutch) is the name for a Prince in Iceland.
Other opinions I could number up: under favour I shall present (not
mine opinion, but) my observations to the judgement of the wise.
First, others (and myselfe) have conceived some of their words to
hold affinitie with the Hebrew.
Secondly, they constantly anoint their heads as the Jewes did.
Thirdly, they give Dowries for their wives as the Jewes did.
Fourthly (and which I have not so observed amongst other nations as
amongst the Jewes, and these) they constantly seperate their women
(during the time of their monthly sicknesse) in a little house alone
by themselves foure or five dayes, and hold it an Irreligious thing
for either Father or Husband or any Male to come neere them.
They have often asked me if it bee so with women of other nations,
and whether they are so separated: and for their practice they plead
Nature and Tradition. Yet againe I have found a greater affinity of
their language with the Greek tongue.
2. As the Greekes and other nations, and our selves call the
seven starres (or Charles Waine, the beare,) so doe they Mosk, or
Paukunnawaw the beare.
3. They have many strange Relations of one Wétucks, a man that
wrought great Miracles amongst them, and walking upon the waters, &c.
with some kind of broken resemblance to the Sonne of God.
Lastly, it is famous that the Sowwest (Sowaniu) is the great subject
of their discourse. From thence their Traditions. There they say (at
the South west) is the Court of their Great God Cautántouwit: at the
South-west are their forefathers soules: to the South west they goe
themselves when they dye; From the South west came their Corne, and
Beanes out of their great God Cautántowwits field: and indeed the
further Northward and Westward from us their Corne will not grow, but
to the Southward better and better. I dare not conjecture in these
Vncertainties, I believe they are lost, and yet hope (in the Lords
holy season) some of the wildest of them shall be found to share in
the blood of the Son of God. To the third head, concerning their
Religion, Customes, Manners &c. I shall here say nothing, because in
those 32 chapters of the whole book, I have briefly touched those of
all sorts, from their birth to their burialls, and have endeavoured
(as the nature of the worke would give way) to bring some short
observations and applications home to Europe from America.
Therefore fourthly, to that great point of their conversion so much
to bee longed for, and by all New-English so much pretended, and I
hope in Truth.
For my selfe I have uprightly laboured to suite my endeavours to
my pretences: and of later times (out of desire to attaine their
Language) I have run through varieties of Intercourses with them Day
and Night, Summer and Winter, by Land and Sea, particular passages
tending to this, I have related divers, in the Chapter of their
Religion.
Many solemne discourses I have had with all sorts of nations of them,
from one end of the Countrey to another (so farre as opportunity, and
the little language I have could reach.)
I know there is no small preparations in the hearts of multitudes of
them. I know their many solemne confesions to my self, and one to
another of their lost wandring conditions.
I know strong Convictions upon the Consciences of many of them, and
their desires uttred that way.
I know not with how little Knowledge and Grace of Christ the Lord may
save, and therefore neither will despair or report much.
But since it hath pleased some of my worthy Countrymen to mention (of
late in print) Wequash, the Pequt Captaine, I shall be bold so farre
to second their relations, as to relate mine own hopes of him (though
I dare not be so confident as others.)
Two dayes before his death, as I past up to Quinnihticut River it
pleased my worthy friend Mr. Fenwick whom I visited at his house in
Say-Brook Fort at the mouth of that River, to tell me that my old
friend Wequash lay very sick: I desired to see him, and Himselfe was
pleased to be my Guide two mile where Wequash lay.
Amongst other discourse concerning his sicknesse and Death (in which
hee freely bequeathed his son to Mr. Fenwick) I closed with him
concerning his Soule: Hee told me that some two or three yeare before
he had lodged at my House, where I acquainted him with the Condition
of all mankind, and his own in particular, how God created Man and
All things: how Man fell from God, and of his present Enmity against
God, and the wrath of God against Him until Repentance: said he,
“your words were never out of my heart to this present;” and said
hee “me much pray to Jesus Christ.” I told him so did many English,
French and Dutch, who had never turned to God, nor loved Him: He
replyed in broken English: “me so big naughty Heart, me heart all one
stone!” Savory expressions using to breath from compunct and broken
Hearts, and a sence of inward hardnesse and unbrokennesse. I had many
discourses with him in his Life, but this was the summe of our last
parting untill our generall meeting.
Now because this is the great Inquiry of all men what Indians have
been converted? what have the English done in those parts? what hopes
of the Indians receiving the knowledge of Christ!
And because to this Question some put an edge from the boast of the
Jesuits in Canada and Maryland, and especially from the wonderfull
conversions made by the Spaniards and Portugalls in the West-Indies,
besides what I have here written, as also, besides what I have
observed in the Chapter of their Religion; I shall further present
you with a brief additionall discourse concerning this Great Point,
being comfortably perswaded that that Father of Spirits, who was
graciously pleased to perswade Japhet (the Gentiles) to dwell
in the Tents of Shem (the Jewes) will in his holy season (I hope
approaching) perswade these Gentiles of America to partake of the
mercies of Europe, and then shall bee fulfilled what is written by
the Prophet Malachi, from the rising of the Sunne (in Europe) to the
going down of the same (in America) my name shall be great among the
Gentiles. So I desire to hope and pray,
Your unworthy Country-man,
ROGER WILLIAMS.
DIRECTIONS FOR THE USE OF THE LANGUAGE.
1. A dictionary or Grammer way I had consideration of, but purposely
avoided, as not so accommodate to the benefit of all, as I hope, this
forme is.
2. A Dialogue also I had thoughts of, but avoided for brevities sake,
and yet (with no small paines) I have so framed every Chapter and the
matter of it, as I may call it an implicite Dialogue.
3. It is framed chiefly after the Narrogánset Dialect, because most
Spoken in the Countrey, and yet (with attending to the variation of
peoples and Dialects) it will be of great use in all parts of the
Countrey.
4. Whatever your occasion bee either of Travell, Discourse, Trading
&c. turne to the Table which will direct you to the Proper Chapter.
5. Because the Life of all Language is in the Pronuntiation, I
have been at the paines and charges to Cause the Accents, Tones or
sounds to be affixed, (which some understand according to the Greeke
Language, Acutes, Graves, Circumflexes) for example, in the second
Leafe in the word Ewò He: the Sound or tone must not be put on E, but
Wò, where the grave accent is.
In the same Leafe, in the word _Ascowequássin_, the sound must not
be on any of the Syllables, but on _quáss_, where the Acute or Sharp
sound is.
In the same leafe, in the word Anspaumpmaûntam, the Sound must not be
on any other Syllable but Maûn where the Circumflex or long sounding
Accent is.
6. The _English_ for every _Indian_ word or phrase stands in a
straight line directly against the _Indian_: yet sometimes there
are two words for the same thing (for their Language is exceeding
copious, and they have five or six words sometimes for one thing) and
then the English stands against them both; for example in the second
leafe.
Cowáuncakmish
and I pray your favour.
Cuckquénamish,
AN HELPE
TO THE NATIVE LANGUAGE
OF THAT PART OF AMERICA CALLED
New-England.
CHAPTER I.
_Of Salutation._--Observation.
The natives are of two sorts (as the English are) some more rude
and clownish, who are not so apt to salute, but upon salutation
resalute lovingly. Others, and the generall, are sober and grave,
and yet cheerfull in a meane, and as ready to begin a salutation as
to resalute, which yet the English generally begin, out of desire to
civilize them.
What cheare _Nétop_ is the general salutation of all English toward
them. _Nétop_ is friend. _Netompaûog_, Friends.
They are exceedingly delighted with Salutations in their own Language.
Neèn, Keèn, Ewò, I, you, he.
Keénkaneen, You and I.
Ascowequássin,
Ascowequassunnúmmis, Good morrow.
Askuttaaquompsín, Hou doe you?
Asnpaumpmaúntam, I am very well.
Taubút paump maúntaman, I am glad you are well.
Cowaúnckamish, My service to you.
OBSERVATION.
This word upon speciall Salutations they use, and upon some offence
conceived by the _Sachim_ or Prince against any; I have seen the
party reverently doe obeysance, by stroking the Prince upon both his
sholders, and using this word,
Cowaúnckamish and
Cuckquénamish, I pray your favour.
Cowaúnkamuck, He salutes you.
Aspaumpmáuntam Sachim, How doth the Prince?
Aspaumpmaúntam commíttamus, How doth your wife?
Aspaumpmaúntamwock How doth your children?
cummuckiaûg?
Konkeeteâug, They are well.
Táubot ne paump maunthéttit, I am glad they are well.
Túnna Cowâum? Whence came you?
Tuckôteshana,
Yò nowaum, I came that way.
Náwwatuck nóteshem, I came from farre.
Mattaâsu nóteshem, I came from hard by.
Wêtu, An House.
Wetuômuck nóteshem, I came from the house.
Acâwmuck nóteshem, I came over the water.
Otàn, A Towne.
Otânick nóteshem, I came from the Towne.
OBSERVATION.
In the Narigánset Countrey (which is the chief People in the Land) a
man shall come to many townes, some bigger, some lesser, it may be a
dozen in 20 miles travell.
OBSERVATION.
_Acawmenóakit_, old England, which is as much as _from the Land on
t’other side_: hardly are they brought to believe that that water is
three thousand English mile over or thereabouts.
Tunnock kuttòme, Whither goe you?
Wékick nittóme, To the house.
Nékick, To my house.
Kékick, To your house.
Tuckowêkin, Where dwell you?
Tuckuttîin, Where keep you?
Matnowetuómeno, I have no house.
OBSERVATION.
As commonly a single person hath no house, so after the death of a
Husband or Wife, they often break up house, and live here and there a
while with Friends to allay their excessive sorrowes.
Tou wuttîin? Where lives he?
Awânickuchick, Who are these?
Awaùn ewò? Who is that?
Túnna úmwock,
Tunna Wutshaûock, Whence come they?
Yo nowêkin, I dwell here.
Yo ntiîn, I live here.
Eîu or Nnîu? Is it so?
Nùx, Yea.
Matnippompitámmen, I have heard nothing.
Wésuonck, A name.
Tocketussawêitch, What is your name?
Taantússawese? Doe you aske my name.
Ntússawese, I am called, &c.
Matnowesuónckane, I have no name.
OBSERVATION.
Obscure and meane persons amongst them have no names: _nullius
numeri_ &c. as the Lord Jesus foretells his followers that their
names should be cast out, Luk. 6. 22. as not worthy to be named &c.
Againe, because they abhorre to name the dead (Death being the King
of Terrours to all naturall men: and though the natives hold the
Soule to live ever, yet not holding a Resurrection they die and mourn
without Hope.) In that respect I say, if any of their Sáchims or
neighbours die who were of their names, they lay down those Names as
dead.
Now ánnehick nowésuonck--I have forgot my name. Which is common
amongst some of them, this being one Incivilitie amongst the more
rusticall sort, not to call each other by their names, but Keen, You,
Ewo, He &c.
Tahéna, What is his name?
Tahossowêtam, What is the name of it?
Tahéttamen, What call you this?
Teáqua, What is this?
Yò néepoush, Stay or stand here.
Máttapsh, Sit down.
Noónshem,
Non ânum, I cannot.
Tawhitch Kuppee Yaúmen, What come you for?
Téaqua Kunnaúnta men, What doe you fetch?
Chenock cuppeeyâu mis? When came you?
Maish Kitummâyi, Just even now.
Kitummâyi nippeéam, I came just now.
Yò commíttamus, Is this your wife?
Yò cuppáppoos, Is this your child?
Yò cummúckquachucks, Is this your son?
Yò cuttaûnis, Is this your daughter?
Wunnêtu, It is a fine child.
Tawhich neepou weéye an, Why stand you?
Pucqúatchick? Without dores.
Tawhítch mat pe titeáyean? Why come you not in?
OBSERV.
In this respect they are remarkably free and courteous, to invite all
strangers in; and if any come to them upon any occasion, they request
them to come in, if they come not in of themselves.
Awássish, Warme you.
Máttapsh yóteg, Sit by the fire.
Tocketúnnawem, What say you?
Keén nétop, Is it you friend.
Peeyàush nétop, Come hither friend.
Pétitees, Come in.
Kunnúnni, Have you seene me?
Kunnúnnous, I have seen you.
Taubot mequaun namêan, I thank you for your kind
remembrance.
Taûbotneanawáyean, I thank you.
Taûbotne aunana mêan, I thank you for your love.
OBSERV.
I have acknowledged amongst them an heart sensible of kindnesses and
have reaped kindnesse again from many, seven yeares after, when I
myselfe had forgotten &c. Hence the Lord Jesus exhorts his followers
to doe good for evill; for otherwise sinners will do good for good,
kindnesse for kindnesse. &c.
Cowàmmaunsh, I love you.
Cowammaunûck, He loves you.
Cowámmaus, You are loving.
Cowáutam, Vnderstand you.
Nowaûtam, I understand.
Cowâwtam tawhitche nippeeyaûmen, Doe you know why I come.
Cowannántam, Have you forgotten?
Awanagusàntowosh, Speake English.
Eenàntowash, Speake Indian.
Cutehanshish aùmo, How many were you in company?
Kúnnishishem? Are you alone.
Nníshishem, I am alone.
Naneeshûumo, There be 2 of us.
Nanshwishâwmen, We are 4.
Npiuckshâwmen, We are 10.
Neesneechecktashaûmen, We are 20, &c.
Nquitpausucko washâwmen, We are an 100.
Comishoonhómmis, Did you come by boate?
Kuttiakewushaùmis, Came you by land?
Meshnomishoon hómmin, I came by boat.
Meshntiauké wushem, I came by land.
Nippenowàntawem, I am of another language.
Penowantowawhettûock, They are of a divers Language.
Matnowawtauhettémina, We understand not each other.
Nummaûchenèm, I am sicke.
Cummaúchenem, Are you sicke?
Tashúckunne cummauchenaûmis, How long have you been sicke?
Nummauchêmin
or I will be going.
Ntannetéimmin,
Saûop cummauchêmin, You shall goe to-morrow.
Maúchish
or Be going.
Anakish,
Kuttannâwshesh, Depart.
Mauchié
or He is gone.
Annittui,
Kautanaûshant, He being gone.
Mauchéhettit
or When they are gone?
Kautanawshàwhettit,
Kukkowêtous, I will lodge with you.
Yò Cówish, Do lodge here.
Hawúnshech, Farewell.
Chénock wonck cup peeyeâumen, When will you be here againe?
Nétop tattà, My friend, I cannot tell.
From these courteous Salutations, observe in generall; here is a
savour of civility and courtesie even amongst these wild Americans,
both amongst themselves and towards strangers.