CHAPTER VI. FIRE-FESTIVALS IN OTHER LANDS.

The Golden Bough

A Study in Magic and Religion

By

James George Frazer, D.C.L., LL.D., Litt.D.

Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge

Professor of Social Anthropology in the University of Liverpool

Vol. XI. of XII.

Part VII: Balder the Beautiful.

The Fire-Festivals of Europe and the Doctrine of the External Soul.

Vol. 2 of 2.

New York and London

MacMillan and Co.

1913

CONTENTS

Chapter VI. Fire-Festivals in Other Lands.

§ 1. The Fire-walk.

§ 2. The Meaning of the Fire-walk.

Chapter VII. The Burning of Human Beings in the Fires.

§ 1. The Burning of Effigies in the Fires.

§ 2. The Burning of Men and Animals in the Fires.

Chapter VIII. The Magic Flowers of Midsummer Eve.

Chapter IX. Balder and the Mistletoe.

Chapter X. The Eternal Soul in Folk-Tales.

Chapter XI. The External Soul in Folk-Custom.

§ 1. The External Soul in Inanimate Things.

§ 2. The External Soul in Plants.

§ 3. The External Soul in Animals.

§ 4. A Suggested Theory of Totemism.

§ 5. The Ritual of Death and Resurrection.

Chapter XII. The Golden Bough.

Chapter XIII. Farewell to Nemi.

Notes.

I. Snake Stones.

II. The Transformation of Witches Into Cats.

III. African Balders.

IV. The Mistletoe and the Golden Bough.

Index.

Footnotes

[Cover Art]

[Transcriber’s Note: The above cover image was produced by the submitter

at Distributed Proofreaders, and is being placed into the public domain.]

CHAPTER VI. FIRE-FESTIVALS IN OTHER LANDS.

§ 1. The Fire-walk.

(M1) At first sight the interpretation of the European fire customs as

charms for making sunshine is confirmed by a parallel custom observed by

the Hindoos of Southern India at the Pongol or Feast of Ingathering. The

festival is celebrated in the early part of January, when, according to

Hindoo astrologers, the sun enters the tropic of Capricorn, and the chief

event of the festival coincides with the passage of the sun. For some days

previously the boys gather heaps of sticks, straw, dead leaves, and

everything that will burn. On the morning of the first day of the festival

the heaps are fired. Every street and lane has its bonfire. The young folk

leap over the flames or pile on fresh fuel. This fire is an offering to

Sûrya, the sun-god, or to Agni, the deity of fire; it “wakes him from his

sleep, calling on him again to gladden the earth with his light and

heat.”(1) If this is indeed the explanation which the people themselves

give of the festival, it seems decisive in favour of the solar explanation

of the fires; for to say that the fires waken the sun-god from his sleep

is only a metaphorical or mythical way of saying that they actually help

to rekindle the sun’s light and heat. But the hesitation which the writer

indicates between the two distinct deities of sun and fire seems to prove

that he is merely giving his own interpretation of the rite, not reporting

the views of the celebrants. If that is so, the expression of his opinion

has no claim to authority.

(M2) A festival of Northern India which presents points of resemblance to

the popular European celebrations which we have been considering is the

Holi. This is a village festival held in early spring at the full moon of

the month Phalgun. Large bonfires are lit and young people dance round

them. The people believe that the fires prevent blight, and that the ashes

cure disease. At Barsana the local village priest is expected to pass

through the Holi bonfire, which, in the opinion of the faithful, cannot

burn him. Indeed he holds his land rent-free simply on the score of his

being fire-proof. On one occasion when the priest disappointed the

expectant crowd by merely jumping over the outermost verge of the

smouldering ashes and then bolting into his cell, they threatened to

deprive him of his benefice if he did not discharge his spiritual

functions better when the next Holi season came round. Another feature of

the festival which has, or once had, its counterpart in the corresponding

European ceremonies is the unchecked profligacy which prevails among the

Hindoos at this time.(2) In Kumaon, a district of North-West India, at the

foot of the Himalayas, each clan celebrates the Holi festival by cutting

down a tree, which is thereupon stripped of its leaves, decked with shreds

of cloth, and burnt at some convenient place in the quarter of the town

inhabited by the clan. Some of the songs sung on this occasion are of a

ribald character. The people leap over the ashes of the fire, believing

that they thus rid themselves of itch and other diseases of the skin.

While the trees are burning, each clan tries to carry off strips of cloth

from the tree of another clan, and success in the attempt is thought to

ensure good luck. In Gwalior large heaps of cow-dung are burnt instead of

trees. Among the Marwaris the festival is celebrated by the women with

obscene songs and gestures. A monstrous and disgusting image of a certain

Nathuram, who is said to have been a notorious profligate, is set up in a

bazaar and then smashed with blows of shoes and bludgeons while the

bonfire of cow-dung is blazing. No household can be without an image of

Nathuram, and on the night when the bride first visits her husband, the

image of this disreputable personage is placed beside her couch. Barren

women and mothers whose children have died look to Nathuram for

deliverance from their troubles.(3) Various stories are told to account

for the origin of the Holi festival. According to one legend it was

instituted in order to get rid of a troublesome demon (_rákshasí_). The

people were directed to kindle a bonfire and circumambulate it, singing

and uttering fearlessly whatever might come into their minds. Appalled by

these vociferations, by the oblations to fire, and by the laughter of the

children, the demon was to be destroyed.(4)

(M3) In the Chinese province of Fo-Kien we also meet with a vernal

festival of fire which may be compared to the fire-festivals of Europe.

The ceremony, according to an eminent authority, is a solar festival in

honour of the renewal of vegetation and of the vernal warmth. It falls in

April, on the thirteenth day of the third month in the Chinese calendar,

and is doubtless connected with the ancient custom of renewing the fire,

which, as we saw, used to be observed in China at this season.(5) The

chief performers in the ceremony are labourers, who refrain from women for

seven days, and fast for three days before the festival. During these days

they are taught in the temple how to discharge the difficult and dangerous

duty which is to be laid upon them. On the eve of the festival an enormous

brazier of charcoal, sometimes twenty feet wide, is prepared in front of

the temple of the Great God, the protector of life. At sunrise next

morning the brazier is lighted and kept burning by fresh supplies of fuel.

A Taoist priest throws a mixture of salt and rice on the fire to conjure

the flames and ensure an abundant year. Further, two exorcists, barefooted

and followed by two peasants, traverse the fire again and again till it is

somewhat beaten down. Meantime the procession is forming in the temple.

The image of the god of the temple is placed in a sedan-chair, resplendent

with red paint and gilding, and is carried forth by a score or more of

barefooted peasants. On the shafts of the sedan-chair, behind the image,

stands a magician with a dagger stuck through the upper parts of his arms

and grasping in each hand a great sword, with which he essays to deal

himself violent blows on the back; however, the strokes as they descend

are mostly parried by peasants, who walk behind him and interpose bamboo

rods between his back and the swords. Wild music now strikes up, and under

the excitement caused by its stirring strains the procession passes thrice

across the furnace. At their third passage the performers are followed by

other peasants carrying the utensils of the temple; and the rustic mob,

electrified by the frenzied spectacle, falls in behind. Strange as it may

seem, burns are comparatively rare. Inured from infancy to walking

barefoot, the peasants can step with impunity over the glowing charcoal,

provided they plant their feet squarely and do not stumble; for usage has

so hardened their soles that the skin is converted into a sort of leathery

or horny substance which is almost callous to heat. But sometimes, when

they slip and a hot coal touches the sides of their feet or ankles, they

may be seen to pull a wry face and jump out of the furnace amid the

laughter of the spectators. When this part of the ceremony is over, the

procession defiles round the village, and the priests distribute to every

family a leaf of yellow paper inscribed with a magic character, which is

thereupon glued over the door of the house. The peasants carry off the

charred embers from the furnace, pound them to ashes, and mix the ashes

with the fodder of their cattle, believing that it fattens them. However,

the Chinese Government disapproves of these performances, and next morning

a number of the performers may generally be seen in the hands of the

police, laid face downwards on the ground and receiving a sound

castigation on a part of their person which is probably more sensitive

than the soles of their feet.(6)

(M4) In this last festival the essential feature of the ceremony appears

to be the passage of the image of the deity across the fire; it may be

compared to the passage of the straw effigy of Kupalo across the midsummer

bonfire in Russia.(7) As we shall see presently, such customs may perhaps

be interpreted as magical rites designed to produce light and warmth by

subjecting the deity himself to the heat and glow of the furnace; and

where, as at Barsana, priests or sorcerers have been accustomed in the

discharge of their functions to walk through or over fire, they have

sometimes done so as the living representatives or embodiments of deities,

spirits, or other supernatural beings. Some confirmation of this view is

furnished by the beliefs and practices of the Dosadhs, a low Indian caste

in Behar and Chota Nagpur. On the fifth, tenth, and full-moon days of

three months in the year, the priest walks over a narrow trench filled

with smouldering wood ashes, and is supposed thus to be inspired by the

tribal god Rahu, who becomes incarnate in him for a time. Full of the

spirit and also, it is surmised, of drink, the man of god then mounts a

bamboo platform, where he sings hymns and distributes to the crowd leaves

of _tulsi_, which cure incurable diseases, and flowers which cause barren

women to become happy mothers. The service winds up with a feast lasting

far into the night, at which the line that divides religious fervour from

drunken revelry cannot always be drawn with absolute precision.(8)

Similarly the Bhuiyas, a Dravidian tribe of Mirzapur, worship their tribal

hero Bir by walking over a short trench filled with fire, and they say

that the man who is possessed by the hero does not feel any pain in the

soles of his feet.(9) Ceremonies of this sort used to be observed in most

districts of the Madras Presidency, sometimes in discharge of vows made in

time of sickness or distress, sometimes periodically in honour of a deity.

Where the ceremony was observed periodically, it generally occurred in

March or June, which are the months of the vernal equinox and the summer

solstice respectively. A narrow trench, sometimes twenty yards long and

half a foot deep, was filled with small sticks and twigs, mostly of

tamarind, which were kindled and kept burning till they sank into a mass

of glowing embers. Along this the devotees, often fifty or sixty in

succession, walked, ran, or leaped barefoot. In 1854 the Madras Government

instituted an enquiry into the custom, but found that it was not attended

by danger or instances of injury sufficient to call for governmental

interference.(10)

(M5) The French traveller Sonnerat has described how, in the eighteenth

century, the Hindoos celebrated a fire-festival of this sort in honour of

the god Darma Rajah and his wife Drobedé (Draupadi). The festival lasted

eighteen days, during which all who had vowed to take part in it were

bound to fast, to practise continence, to sleep on the ground without a

mat, and to walk on a furnace. On the eighteenth day the images of Darma

Rajah and his spouse were carried in procession to the furnace, and the

performers followed dancing, their heads crowned with flowers and their

bodies smeared with saffron. The furnace consisted of a trench about forty

feet long, filled with hot embers. When the images had been carried thrice

round it, the worshippers walked over the embers, faster or slower,

according to the degree of their religious fervour, some carrying their

children in their arms, others brandishing spears, swords, and standards.

This part of the ceremony being over, the bystanders hastened to rub their

foreheads with ashes from the furnace, and to beg from the performers the

flowers which they had worn in their hair; and such as obtained them

preserved the flowers carefully. The rite was performed in honour of the

goddess Drobedé (Draupadi), the heroine of the great Indian epic, the

_Mahabharata_. For she married five brothers all at once; every year she

left one of her husbands to betake herself to another, but before doing so

she had to purify herself by fire. There was no fixed date for the

celebration of the rite, but it could only be held in one of the first

three months of the year.(11) In some villages the ceremony is performed

annually; in others, which cannot afford the expense every year, it is

observed either at longer intervals, perhaps once in three, seven, ten, or

twelve years, or only in special emergencies, such as the outbreak of

smallpox, cholera, or plague. Anybody but a pariah or other person of very

low degree may take part in the ceremony in fulfilment of a vow. For

example, if a man suffers from some chronic malady, he may vow to Draupadi

that, should he be healed of his disease, he will walk over the fire at

her festival. As a preparation for the solemnity he sleeps in the temple

and observes a fast. The celebration of the rite in any village is

believed to protect the cattle and the crops and to guard the inhabitants

from dangers of all kinds. When it is over, many people carry home the

holy ashes of the fire as a talisman which will drive away devils and

demons.(12)

(M6) The Badagas, an agricultural tribe of the Neilgherry Hills in

Southern India, annually celebrate a festival of fire in various parts of

their country. For example, at Nidugala the festival is held with much

ceremony in the month of January. Omens are taken by boiling two pots of

milk side by side on two hearths. If the milk overflows uniformly on all

sides, the crops will be abundant for all the villages; but if it flows

over on one side only, the harvest will be good for villages on that side

only. The sacred fire is made by friction, a vertical stick of

_Rhodomyrtus tomentosus_ being twirled by means of a cord in a socket let

into a thick bough of _Debregeasia velutina_. With this holy flame a heap

of wood of two sorts, the _Eugenia Jambolana_ and _Phyllanthus Emblica_,

is kindled, and the hot embers are spread over a fire-pit about five yards

long and three yards broad. When all is ready, the priest ties bells on

his legs and approaches the fire-pit, carrying milk freshly drawn from a

cow which has calved for the first time, and also bearing flowers of

_Rhododendron arboreum_, _Leucas aspera_, or jasmine. After doing

obeisance, he throws the flowers on the embers and then pours some of the

milk over them. If the omens are propitious, that is, if the flowers

remain for a few seconds unscorched and the milk does not hiss when it

falls on the embers, the priest walks boldly over the embers and is

followed by a crowd of celebrants, who before they submit to the ordeal

count the hairs on their feet. If any of the hairs are found to be singed

after the passage through the fire-pit, it is an ill omen. Sometimes the

Badagas drive their cattle, which have recovered from sickness, over the

hot embers in performance of a vow.(13) At Melur, another place of the

Badagas in the Neilgherry Hills, three, five, or seven men are chosen to

walk through the fire at the festival; and before they perform the

ceremony they pour into an adjacent stream milk from cows which have

calved for the first time during the year. A general feast follows the

performance of the rite, and next day the land is ploughed and sown for

the first time that season. At Jakkaneri, another place of the Badagas in

the Neilgherry Hills, the passage through the fire at the festival “seems

to have originally had some connection with agricultural prospects, as a

young bull is made to go partly across the fire-pit before the other

devotees, and the owners of young cows which have had their first calves

during the year take precedence of others in the ceremony, and bring

offerings of milk, which are sprinkled over the burning embers.”(14)

According to another account the ceremony among the Badagas was performed

every second year at a harvest festival, and the performers were a set of

degenerate Brahmans called Haruvarus, who “used to walk on burning coals

with bare feet, pretending that the god they worshipped could allay the

heat and make fire like cold water to them. As they only remained a few

seconds, however, on the coals, it was impossible that they could receive

much injury.”(15)

(M7) In Japan the fire-walk is performed as a religious rite twice a year

at a temple in the Kanda quarter of Tokio. One of the performances takes

place in September. It was witnessed in the year 1903 by the wife of an

American naval officer, who has described it. In a court of the temple a

bed of charcoal about six yards long, two yards wide, and two feet deep

was laid down and covered with a deep layer of straw. Being ignited, the

straw blazed up, and when the flames had died down the bed of hot charcoal

was fanned by attendants into a red glow. Priests dressed in robes of

white cotton then walked round the fire, striking sparks from flint and

steel and carrying trays full of salt. When mats had been laid down at the

two ends of the fire and salt poured on them, the priests rubbed their

bare feet twice in the salt and then walked calmly down the middle of the

fire. They were followed by a number of people, including some boys and a

woman with a baby in her arms. “The Shintoists claim that, having been

perfectly purified by their prayers and ceremonies, no evil has any power

over them. Fire they regard as the very spirit of evil; so twice a year, I

believe, they go through this fire-walking as a kind of ‘outward and

visible sign of inward spiritual grace.’ ”(16)

(M8) In the island of Mbengga, one of the Fijian archipelago, once every

year a dracaena, which grows in profusion on the grassy hillsides, becomes

fit to yield the sugar of which its fibrous root is full. To render the

roots edible it is necessary to bake them among hot stones for four days.

A great pit is dug and filled with great stones and blazing logs, and when

the flames have died down and the stones are at white heat, the oven is

ready to receive the roots. At this moment the members of a certain clan

called Na Ivilankata, favoured of the gods, leap into the oven and walk

unharmed upon the hot stones, which would scorch the feet of any other

persons. On one occasion when the ceremony was witnessed by Europeans

fifteen men of the clan, dressed in garlands and fringes, walked unscathed

through the furnace, where tongues of fire played among the hot stones.

The pit was about nineteen feet wide and the men marched round it,

planting their feet squarely and firmly on each stone. When they emerged

from the pit, the feet of several were examined and shewed no trace of

scorching; even the anklets of dried tree-fern leaves which they wore on

their legs were unburnt. The immunity thus enjoyed by members of the clan

in the fiery furnace is explained by a legend that in former days a chief

of the clan, named Tui Nkualita, received for himself and his descendants

this remarkable privilege from a certain god, whom the chief had

accidentally dragged out of a deep pool of water by the hair of his

head.(17) A similar ceremony of walking through fire, or rather over a

furnace of hot charcoal or hot stones, has also been observed in

Tahiti,(18) the Marquesas Islands,(19) and by Hindoo coolies in the West

Indian island of Trinidad;(20) but the eye-witnesses who have described

the rite, as it is observed in these islands, have said little or nothing

as to its meaning and purpose, their whole attention having been

apparently concentrated on the heat of the furnace and the state of the

performers’ legs before and after passing through it.

(M9) “Another grand custom of the Hottentots, which they likewise term

_andersmaken_, is the driving their sheep at certain times through the

fire. Early in the day appointed by a kraal for the observance of this

custom, the women milk all their cows, and set the whole produce before

their husbands. ’Tis a strict rule at those times that the women neither

taste, nor suffer their children to touch, a drop of it. The whole

quantity is sacred to the men, who drink it all up before they address

themselves to the business of the fire. Having consumed the milk, some go

and bring the sheep together to the place where the fire is to be lighted,

while others repair to the place to light it. The fire is made of chips

and dry twigs and thinly spread into a long square. Upon the coming up of

the sheep, the fire, scattered into this figure, is covered with green

twigs to raise a great smoak; and a number of men range themselves closely

on both sides of it, making a lane for the sheep to pass through, and

extending themselves to a good distance beyond the fire on the side where

the sheep are to enter. Things being in this posture, the sheep are driven

into the lane close up to the fire, which now smoaks in the thickest

clouds. The foremost boggle, and being forced forward by the press behind,

seek their escape by attempting breaches in the ranks. The men stand close

and firm, and whoop and goad them forward; when a few hands, planted at

the front of the fire, catch three or four of the foremost sheep by the

head, and drag them through, and bring them round into the sight of the

rest; which sometimes upon this, the whooping and goading continuing,

follow with a tantivy, jumping and pouring themselves through the fire and

smoak with a mighty clattering and fury. At other times they are not so

tractable, but put the Hottentots to the trouble of dragging numbers of

them through; and sometimes, in a great press and fright, sturdily

attacking the ranks, they make a breach and escape. This is a very

mortifying event at all times, the Hottentots, upon whatever account,

looking upon it as a heavy disgrace and a very ill omen into the bargain.

But when their labours here are attended with such success, that the sheep

pass readily through or over the fire, ’tis hardly in the power of

language to describe them in all the sallies of their joy.” The writer who

thus describes the custom had great difficulty in extracting an

explanation of it from the Hottentots. At last one of them informed him

that their country was much infested by wild dogs, which made terrible

havoc among the cattle, worrying the animals to death even when they did

not devour them. “Now we have it,” he said, “from our ancestors, that if

sheep are driven through the fire, as we say, that is, through a thick

smoak, the wild dogs will not be fond of attacking them while the scent of

the smoak remains upon their fleeces. We therefore from time to time, for

the security of our flocks, perform this _andersmaken_.”(21)

(M10) When disease breaks out in a herd of the Nandi, a pastoral tribe of

British East Africa, a large bonfire is made with the wood of a certain

tree (_Olea chrysophilla_), and brushwood of two sorts of shrubs is thrown

on the top. Then the sick herd is driven to the fire, and while the

animals are standing near it, a sheep big with young is brought to them

and anointed with milk by an elder, after which it is strangled by two men

belonging to clans that may intermarry. The intestines are then inspected,

and if the omens prove favourable, the meat is roasted and eaten; moreover

rings are made out of the skin and worn by the cattle-owners. After the

meat has been eaten, the herd is driven round the fire, and milk is poured

on each beast.(22) When their cattle are sick, the Zulus of Natal will

collect their herds in a kraal, where a medicine-man kindles a fire, burns

medicine in it, and so fumigates the cattle with the medicated smoke.

Afterwards he sprinkles the herd with a decoction, and, taking some melted

fat of the dead oxen in his mouth, squirts it on a fire-brand and holds

the brand to each animal in succession.(23) Such a custom is probably

equivalent to the Hottentot and European practice of driving cattle

through a fire.

(M11) Among the Indians of Yucatan the year which was marked in their

calendar by the sign of _Cauac_ was reputed to be very unlucky; they

thought that in the course of it the death-rate would be high, the maize

crops would be withered up by the extreme heat of the sun, and what

remained of the harvest would be devoured by swarms of ants and birds. To

avert these calamities they used to erect a great pyre of wood, to which

most persons contributed a faggot. Having danced about it during the day,

they set fire to it at night-fall, and when the flames had died down, they

spread out the red embers and walked or ran barefoot over them, some of

them escaping unsmirched by the flames, but others burning themselves more

or less severely. In this way they hoped to conjure away the evils that

threatened them, and to undo the sinister omens of the year.(24)

(M12) Similar rites were performed at more than one place in classical

antiquity. At Castabala, in Cappadocia, the priestesses of an Asiatic

goddess, whom the Greeks called Artemis Perasia, used to walk barefoot

through a furnace of hot charcoal and take no harm.(25) Again, at the foot

of Mount Soracte, in Italy, there was a sanctuary of a goddess Feronia,

where once a year the men of certain families walked barefoot, but

unscathed, over the glowing embers and ashes of a great fire of pinewood

in presence of a vast multitude, who had assembled from all the country

round about to pay their devotions to the deity or to ply their business

at the fair. The families from whom the performers of the rite were drawn

went by the name of Hirpi Sorani, or “Soranian Wolves”; and in

consideration of the services which they rendered the state by walking

through the fire, they were exempted, by a special decree of the senate,

from military service and all public burdens. In the discharge of their

sacred function, if we can trust the testimony of Strabo, they were

believed to be inspired by the goddess Feronia. The ceremony certainly

took place in her sanctuary, which was held in the highest reverence alike

by Latins and Sabines; but according to Virgil and Pliny the rite was

performed in honour of the god of the mountain, whom they call by the

Greek name of Apollo, but whose real name appears to have been

Soranus.(26) If Soranus was a sun-god, as his name has by some been

thought to indicate,(27) we might perhaps conclude that the passage of his

priests through the fire was a magical ceremony designed to procure a due

supply of light and warmth for the earth by mimicking the sun’s passage

across the firmament. For so priceless a service, rendered at some

personal risk, it would be natural that the magicians should be handsomely

rewarded by a grateful country, and that they should be released from the

common obligations of earth in order the better to devote themselves to

their celestial mission. The neighbouring towns paid the first-fruits of

their harvest as tribute to the shrine, and loaded it besides with

offerings of gold and silver, of which, however, it was swept clean by

Hannibal when he hung with his dusky army, like a storm-cloud about to

break, within sight of the sentinels on the walls of Rome.(28)

§ 2. The Meaning of the Fire-walk.

(M13) The foregoing customs, observed in many different parts of the

world, present at least a superficial resemblance to the modern European

practices of leaping over fires and driving cattle through them; and we

naturally ask whether it is not possible to discover a general explanation

which will include them all. We have seen that two general theories have

been proposed to account for the European practices; according to one

theory the customs in question are sun-charms, according to the other they

are purifications. Let us see how the two rival theories fit the other

facts which we have just passed in review. To take the solar theory first,

it is supported, first, by a statement that the fires at the Pongol

festival in Southern India are intended to wake the sun-god or the

fire-god from his sleep;(29) and, second, by the etymology which connects

Soranus, the god of Soracte, with the sun.(30) But for reasons which have

already been given, neither of these arguments carries much weight; and

apart from them there appears to be nothing in the foregoing customs to

suggest that they are sun-charms. Nay, some of the customs appear hardly

reconcilable with such a view. For it is to be observed that the fire-walk

is frequently practised in India and other tropical countries, where as a

rule people would more naturally wish to abate than to increase the fierce

heat of the sun. In Yucatan certainly the intention of kindling the

bonfires cannot possibly have been to fan the solar flames, since one of

the principal evils which the bonfires were designed to remedy was

precisely the excessive heat of the sun, which had withered up the maize

crops.(31) Thus the solar theory is not strongly supported by any of the

facts which we are considering, and it is actually inconsistent with some

of them.

(M14) Not so with the purificatory theory. It is obviously applicable to

some of the facts, and apparently consistent with them all. Thus we have

seen that sick men make a vow to walk over the fire, and that sick cattle

are driven over it. In such cases clearly the intention is to cleanse the

suffering man or beast from the infection of disease, and thereby to

restore him or it to health; and the fire is supposed to effect this

salutary end, either by burning up the powers of evil or by interposing an

insurmountable barrier between them and the sufferer. For it is to be

remembered that evils which civilized men regard as impersonal are often

conceived by uncivilized man in the personal shape of witches and wizards,

of ghosts and hobgoblins; so that measures which we should consider as

simple disinfectants the savage looks upon as obstacles opportunely

presented to the attacks of demons or other uncanny beings. Now of all

such obstacles fire seems generally to be thought the most effective;

hence in passing through or leaping over it our primitive philosopher

often imagines that he is not so much annihilating his spiritual foe as

merely giving him the slip; the ghostly pursuer shrinks back appalled at

the flames through which his intended victim, driven to desperation by his

fears, has safely passed before him. This interpretation of the ceremony

is confirmed, first, by the observation that in India the ashes of the

bonfire are used as a talisman against devils and demons;(32) and, second,

by the employment of the ceremony for the avowed purpose of escaping from

the pursuit of a troublesome ghost. For example, in China “they believe

that a beheaded man wanders about a headless spectre in the World of

Shades. Such spectres are frequently to be seen in walled towns,

especially in the neighbourhood of places of execution. Here they often

visit the people with disease and disaster, causing a considerable

depreciation in the value of the houses around such scenes. Whenever an

execution takes place, the people fire crackers to frighten the headless

ghost away from the spot; and the mandarin who has superintended the

bloody work, on entering the gate of his mansion, has himself carried in

his sedan chair over a fire lighted on the pavement, lest the headless

apparition should enter there along with him; for disembodied spirits are

afraid of fire.”(33) For a like reason Chinese mourners after a funeral,

and persons who have paid a visit of condolence to a house of death, often

purify themselves by stepping over a fire of straw;(34) the purification,

we cannot doubt, consists simply in shaking off the ghost who is supposed

to dog their steps. Similarly at a coroner’s inquest in China the mandarin

and his subordinates hold pocket handkerchiefs or towels to their mouths

and noses while they are inspecting the corpse, no doubt to hinder the

ghost from insinuating himself into their bodies by these apertures; and

when they have discharged their dangerous duty, they purify themselves by

passing through a small fire of straw kindled on the pavement before they

enter their sedan-chairs to return home, while at the same time the crowd

of idlers, who have gathered about the door, assist in keeping the ghost

at bay by a liberal discharge of crackers. The same double process of

purification, or rather of repelling the ghost, by means of fire and

crackers is repeated at the gate of the mandarin’s residence when the

procession defiles into it.(35) Among some of the Tartars it used to be

customary for all persons returning from a burial to leap over a fire made

for the purpose, “in order that the dead man might not follow them; for

apparently in their opinion he would be afraid of the fire.”(36) “The

Yakuts bury their dead as a rule on the day of the death, and in order not

to take the demon of death home with them, they kindle fires on the way

back from the burial and jump over them in the belief that the demon of

death, who dreads fire, will not follow them, and that in this way they

will be freed from the persecutions of the hated demon of death.”(37) In

Sikkhim, when members of the Khambu caste have buried a corpse, all

persons present at the burial “adjourn to a stream for a bath of

purification, and, on re-entering the house, have to tread on a bit of

burning cloth, to prevent the evil spirits who attend at funerals from

following them in.”(38) Among the Fans of West Africa, “when the mourning

is over, the wives of the deceased must pass over a small lighted brazier

in the middle of the village, then they sit down while some leaves are

still burning under their feet; their heads are shaved, and from that

moment they are purified from the mourning—perhaps we should translate:

‘delivered from the ghost of their husband’—and may be divided among the

heirs.”(39) At Agweh, on the Slave Coast of West Africa, a widow used to

remain shut up for six months in the room where her husband was buried; at

the end of the time a fire was lighted on the floor, and red peppers

strewn in it, until in the pungent fumes the widow was nearly stifled.(40)

No doubt the intention was to rid her of her husband’s ghost in order that

she might mingle again in the world with safety to herself and others.

(M15) On the analogy of these customs, in which the purpose of the passage

through the fire appears to be unmistakable, we may suppose that the

motive of the rite is similar at the popular festivals of Europe and the

like observances in other lands. In every case the ritual appears to be

explained in a simple and natural way by the supposition that the

performers believe themselves to be freed from certain evils, actual or

threatened, through the beneficent agency of fire, which either burns up

and destroys the noxious things or at all events repels and keeps them at

bay. Indeed this belief, or at least this hope, is definitely expressed by

some of the people who leap across the bonfires: they imagine that all

ills are burnt up and consumed in the flames, or that they leave their

sins, or at all events their fleas, behind them on the far side of the

fire.(41) But we may conjecture that originally all the evils from which

the people thus thought to deliver themselves were conceived by them to be

caused by personal beings, such as ghosts and demons or witches and

warlocks, and that the fires were kindled for the sole purpose of burning

or banning these noxious creatures. Of these evil powers witches and

warlocks appear to have been the most dreaded by our European peasantry;

and it is therefore significant that the fires kindled on these occasions

are often expressly alleged to burn the witches,(42) that effigies of

witches are not uncommonly consumed in them,(43) and that two of the great

periodic fire-festivals of the year, namely May Day and Midsummer Eve,

coincide with the seasons when witches are believed to be most active and

mischievous, and when accordingly many other precautions are taken against

them.(44) Thus if witchcraft, as a great part of mankind has believed, is

the fertile source of almost all the calamities that afflict our species,

and if the surest means of frustrating witchcraft is fire, then it follows

as clearly as day follows night that to jump over a fire must be a

sovereign panacea for practically all the ills that flesh is heir to. We

can now, perhaps, fully understand why festivals of fire played so

prominent a part in the religion or superstition of our heathen

forefathers; the observance of such festivals flowed directly from their

overmastering fear of witchcraft and from their theory as to the best way

of combating that dreadful evil.

The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 11 of 12) · 第 1 / 13 章