CHAPTER II

THE COST OF

PROSPERITY

THE COST OF PROSPERITY

I

Not long ago a despatch from Washington announced that “the highest

standard of living ever attained in the history of the world was

reached last year [1926] by the American people,” and gave as basis for

the statement the government’s figure for the income of our population,

which income was set at ninety billion dollars. The “high standard”

thus indicated is unhesitatingly accepted by almost everyone; but even

if we do accept as a fact, though it is far from being a universal

one, the ability of all persons to spend more and to buy more things

than ever before, it may be worth while to consider what some of the

by-products of the processes involved have been. Overwhelmed by the

material advance made in the past five decades or so and by the vast

amount of Pollyanna literature with which we are flooded by politicians

and business executives with axes to grind, we are apt to lose sight

of the law of compensation and to think of all change as unalloyed

improvement.

Change may or may not be “progress,” but whether it is or not it

is bound to involve compensatory losses. Man may have advanced far

from his ancestor which lived in the primeval slime, but that lowly

progenitor could breathe either in air or water and if he lost a leg

could grow another. To-day man can make his voice heard three thousand

miles away, but he dies if you hold his nose in a water basin and is a

cripple for life when he loses a foot. What he gains in one direction

he drops in another, unpopular as Nature or anyone else may be when

they tell him so. One is not necessarily a pessimist, therefore, when

one chooses to consider what losses may have been entailed by attaining

to the present “highest standard of living.”

Two points are notable in the popular belief as to that standard. One

is that all classes in the community are supposed somehow to share

in its beneficences, and the other is that the measuring rod used

is material and economic. The leaders in the “marvellous advance”

are automobiles, radios, vacuum cleaners, electric washing machines,

telephones, etc. It is assumed that spiritual and intellectual progress

will somehow come also from the mere accumulation of “things,” and

this assumption has become a sort of American religion with all the

psychological implications of religious dogma. In business circles,

mass-production, on which our present prosperity is based, is not

considered merely as a transient and possibly an unsound economic

phase, but as the creator of “the highest standard of living ever

attained,” and, as such, as little to be doubted or questioned as God

the Creator before Darwin. At any rate, mass-production is so closely

linked to the ninety billion dollars that the two may be considered as

the heads and tails of the same coin, and the by-products of one those

of the other.

It may be noted that, although ninety billion dollars is a staggering

sum to contemplate, we receive something of a shock when we read

farther that the average income of all persons “gainfully employed”

was $2210 a year. When we turn to another statistical source and find

that nearly ten thousand persons paid taxes on incomes of from $100,000

to $1,000,000 year each, two hundred and twenty-eight on incomes

over $1,000,000, and fourteen on incomes of over $5,000,000 each, we

begin to wonder whether the masses are getting quite their share of

the benefits of mass-production. It is evident that however great the

“national” wealth may be, there is something very queer about its

distribution, and that the gulf between the average man and the rich

man has widened with appalling rapidity.

We are not here concerned primarily with that point nor with the

average person “gainfully employed,” whose income is evidently not much

above $2000, but we may glance a moment at the condition of the latter

in order to get some standard of income measurement. In 1917 the street

railway employees in Seattle submitted a minimum budget for living in

a dispute with their company over wages. They figured that $1917.88

annually for a family of five would allow, among other things, $12 for

the education of the children, $30 for reading matter of all kinds, and

$120 each for insurance and old-age savings. The company was able to

reduce this to $1505.60 by eliminating all reading matter, including

newspapers, reducing education from $12 to $11, old-age savings from

$120 to $100, and insurance from $120 to $30. Carfare was reduced to

$35.70 annually, with the somewhat ironical result that the members

of the families of the men engaged in running the street cars were

allowed only enough to use a car themselves on an average of once every

six days! As $5 a year per person was allowed for “recreation” and $4

for all “miscellaneous,” we need not linger over the average man in

our total population who is “gainfully employed” when considering for

the moment the high standard of living. We are here concerned with

the persons between those and the ultra wealthy—the persons who both

suffer from and enjoy factors in that standard.

One of the outstanding features of life to-day is its frightful and

steadily increasing cost. Apart from taxation, it is much higher in the

United States than in any of the other ten countries in which I have

spent longer or shorter periods in the past few years. This is in part

due to the intentionally prohibitive tariff, in part to the terrific

increase in wages, and in part to the increase in the kind and number

of things we are supposed to have in order to be happy.

Those who defend the present wage schedules are forever telling us

that they do not increase the cost of living because of the increased

output per man and the increased savings in cost due to new machinery

and mass-production. Much of this, of course, is sheer bunkum. For the

housekeeper who pays a cook anywhere from $75 to $100 as compared with

$25 to $30 fifteen years ago there is a clear loss in the family budget

with no increased output whatever. The cook gets the full benefit of

all the labor-saving devices, and the mistress pays for these and the

advanced wages as well. When the other day I had some bookshelves put

up and paid two of the stupidest workmen it has ever been my luck to

encounter $12 a day each there was no compensating advantage whatever.

I am told I might have got it done for less had I taken the trouble

to find a “scab” workman out of work. In the first place I do not

know where to find one and in the second place it would not have been

necessary fifteen years ago. I could then have gone to any union shop

and had the job done reasonably. No, a factory may increase wages and

lower costs, but the ordinary householder cannot do so in all that

affects the running of his home and family. The increase of wages, in

many cases to prohibitive levels, is the heaviest single burden, except

rent, to the man of moderate means to-day.

But to a great extent the increase in living cost is due also to the

increase in the number of things. We live so fast and heedlessly that

we seldom consider how much of our present annual expense is made up

of costs incurred for things that few of us used fifteen or twenty

years ago. Of course the automobile bulks largest in this respect as

a single item. In the well-to-do New York suburb where I lived for

some years before the War, comparatively few people had cars. Most of

the commuters of the class then spending $8000 to $10,000 a year—the

equivalent of $15,000 to $20,000 to-day—always walked to and from

the station, taking a hack in bad weather. To-day there are over

twenty million cars in the country, or about one to every family.

If one examines the real-estate advertisements one finds that now a

small modern house will have its vacuum cleaner, its washing machine,

elaborate wiring with outlets all over the place, its cedar closets,

electric refrigerator, radio, automatic heat-regulator, its several

bathrooms, and a garage for one, and not seldom two cars, to mention

some of what are considered essentials. I do not question the comfort

and convenience of at least most of these things, but their steady

multiplication adds heavily to the burden of the man who has to pay

for them in order to maintain his family according to the “American

standard.” For all with incomes of from $5000 to $50,000 the burden

is almost equally felt, for standards of expense are in proportion to

income and annually mounting.

II

The demand for luxury even in the transaction of ordinary business

is adding tremendously to the overhead expense of doing it and so

to the cost of goods or services. A railway station must be as

magnificent as a Roman bath. Our shops must be housed in Renaissance

palaces on expensive streets. We are told that expensive office

furniture is the safest investment in the world. A “front,” whether

of clothes, furnishing, building, or location, must always be put

up so as to indicate wealth back of it all or the business may not

be considered sound, profitable, and “up-to-date.” Salesmanship has

become increasingly expensive. I was recently talking with a woman who

has an excellent salary (forming, of course, part of the overhead of

her department), in one of the supposedly less extravagant shops. She

complained of the expense she was under because of the high standard of

salesmanship demanded by her customers. Fifteen years ago, she said,

if she had dared to appear in the costly clothes the house now _makes_

her wear, she would have been promptly discharged. She has to go to the

theaters, know the latest plays and books, and be able to chat with

her customers, not about her goods, but socially by the half-hour. Her

sales are splendid—with prices according.

Fifteen years ago almost every physician, dentist, or oculist had his

office in a room in his own home and rarely had an assistant. Now

almost without exception they have to take an office in some apartment

house at rents of from $1200 to $3000 a year, and employ at least one

uniformed nurse in attendance—expenses which, of course, are borne

by the patients. To a considerable extent this is the fault of the

patients themselves. There is an instinctive tendency to feel if a

doctor still has his office in his home with only a maid to answer the

bell that he is either not up-to-date in knowledge or is unsuccessful

for some reason. I know of one very able medical man who has

deliberately done so and who has tried to keep down his professional

expense for the benefit of his patients, but several of these patients

have more than hinted to him that they would prefer to have a more

expensive car standing at their door when he makes his call!

To an incredible degree we have most of us unthinkingly adopted the

cost standard as the value standard. Some time ago a prosperous and

practical inventor disclosed some of his adventures with popular

psychology. He had invented a small article which, with fair sales,

could make a large profit when retailed at ten cents. He sent out a

number of street hawkers to sell the article, half of them with the

thing priced at ten cents and the other half with a twenty-five-cent

price. The latter sold immediately whereas few were sold at the lower

price.

Often the influence of this false standard is more insidious and

disastrous. I was discussing the matter the other day with an

internationally known scientist. He was at one time—but is no

longer—a professor in one of our leading universities. He said that

when his first child was born he was getting a salary of $2500 a

year. The leading obstetrician in the town charged $500 for a “baby

case”—one-fifth of my friend’s annual income. When the financial

situation was explained the doctor told him that his assistant was

just as able a medical man as himself and would charge only $100, and

that he himself would be on the telephone ready to come in a moment if

anything went wrong. My friend, after wrestling in his mind for some

time, decided to have the assistant, but he told me that he hoped never

again to go through such hell as he endured during the hours of birth,

when he thought that if anything went wrong with his wife he would feel

all his life that he had sacrificed her for the four hundred dollars’

difference. Yet I consider that this man has the sanest and most

balanced mind of all the men I know.

The situation outlined is a very real and, both financially and

psychologically, a serious one. When anyone we love is ill we feel

impelled to have the best attention for him, a half-dozen specialists

if necessary; and the standard of the best, more subtly than we

realize, is the cost standard. We have become hypersensitive, and this

sensitiveness is terrifically costly. I myself was born in New York of

a well-to-do family. My mother’s father was rich as things then went.

Yet it could not have cost at most $100 to bring me into the world.

There were no graduate nurses, no maternity hospitals, few, if any,

specialists. The ordinary family physician, at $2 a house visit, and

two women such as we call practical nurses did everything, in the home.

To-day, what with doctors, nurses, and the hospital charge, the cost

would run to about $1500 for a family of the same social grade, or

fifteen times the old cost, whereas the ordinary income has less than

trebled.

III

The increased cost of living from these and other causes is having

marked effects. It is, for one thing, largely destroying the old idea

of thrift and saving in the classes with which we are here concerned.

In the first place, there is the natural human desire to possess many

of the new things available for their own sakes, and often because Mrs.

Jones has them, and they belong to the new standard. But there are

more insidious forces at work. Mass-production requires an enormous

and steady output to be profitable. There is a saturation point for

nearly every article. Fresh vegetables are eaten up in a day or two,

but clothes or cars may last several years. There is no reason why

many of the mechanical contrivances we buy should not in themselves

last many years. From the standpoint of the producer there is always

the danger that the consumer may have enough of any particular article

unless he is made to want more. This is accomplished in several ways

in the technic which has been developed by psychologically trained

sales experts. The consumer is cleverly induced to want an article

that he had thought he could do without or could not afford. If he has

already owned one, as an automobile, the slogan becomes that every

self-respecting family should have two. The model is changed every year

and social vanity is played upon; or an appeal is made to the powerful

motives of fear, shame, and pride. In selling many of the mechanical

contrivances a more brutal method is employed. Manufacturers stop

making essential parts so as to require the owner to buy an entirely

new and perhaps only slightly altered model. Some years ago, for

instance, I bought at a cost of $450 a certain instrument. It was good

for a lifetime. I added steadily, as I could afford it, to the things

that were to be used with it, and without which it was useless, until

the whole investment was over $800. One day when I went to get more, I

was told they no longer made anything for that “model,” I would have to

get another and, of course, with a condescending tone that was almost a

sneer, “I must want to have the latest.” The new model, differing only

slightly from the old, cost, the salesman told me, as though it were a

trifle, $750. To accumulate the same things to go with it that I had

for the old would cost about $400 more. My old investment was rendered

worthless, and the salesman made it evident that he had no interest in

a person so cheap that he would not casually throw away $800 and spend

$1,000 more on a toy. His company did not have the least glimmer of an

idea of responsibility toward a public out of which it had made its

money and which had made, in the aggregate, a colossal investment in

its instruments. When other methods fail and you really have no money,

the advantages of the partial payment plan are glowingly placed before

you.

Again, we are told by leaders of the world of mass-production that

thrift is out of date. One of the greatest manufacturers in the country

recently wrote that “use” not “saving” should govern our ideas with

respect to our national and other resources. In another remarkable

pronouncement, this man, who is an idol of a large part of the people,

said that no boy had ever succeeded or would succeed who saved money

when he was young. Another leader writes that “one reason for America’s

prosperity and one reason, in my opinion, why that prosperity will

continue, is that we have committed ourselves to a standard of living

far beyond our wildest pre-war dreams.... We cannot make good except by

producing more wealth, and always a little ahead of us is advertising

with its alluring images of still other good things that work will buy.

Americans have passed out of the period where they care about petty

economies. They want convenience. They want action. They want comfort

and style. It is impossible to call Americans back to petty thrift, and

I personally am glad of it.... I live now in New York where everybody

expects to be overcharged and where nobody counts the dimes, much less

the pennies.... We have ceased to count our pennies in America, and I

certainly hope we never return to the days of the most graceless of all

virtues, a niggardly and penny-pinching thrift.”

One wonders just what spiritual joy there should be in being

overcharged. Also, most of us have still to count the dimes. The other

day I wanted a mere bite of luncheon in a hurry. Going into the only

business men’s restaurant in sight, I paid one dime to have my hat

checked, another to the boy who insisted on handing me a towel in the

washroom, and another for the cover charge; and I wondered what, over

the old days, was the advantage in paying at the rate of a hundred

hard-earned dollars a year for an ordinary snack of lunch without

getting anything to eat.

There are other factors at work to make thrift appear hopeless and so

to destroy the average man’s peace of mind as he contemplates old age

or possible long incapacity from illness. One is the fact that savings

do not seem to go anywhere when made from a modest income. Although the

cost of living has easily tripled in thirty years, the income from most

sound investments has not gone up at all. When one saves a thousand

dollars and contemplates the $50 or even $60 a year that that will

bring in income, and thinks how many fifties or sixties it will take

to support him and his family, he wonders whether it is worth while to

pinch for so meager a result. Moreover, owing to advancing costs and

the changing scale of living, there is no telling what the cost of

living may be not merely in one’s old age but even ten years hence.

Before the pace of living started on its now annually accelerated

speed, a man could forecast with reasonable certainty what income would

enable him to maintain his relative position in his stratum of society

for the fifteen or twenty years of life that might be left to him when

he retired. Now, apart from other factors, an invention one year means

a luxury on the market in another two or three, and that luxury becomes

a necessity, like the automobile, in another three or four. In a recent

study of the income and expenses of nearly a hundred families of the

members of the faculty of the University of California it is shown that

the average savings per family including life insurance are $360. The

annual cost of medical service alone among them is $325. A New York

professional man who considered this article, when read to him, unduly

pessimistic, admitted that although he lives on a scale indicated by

his rent of $2500 a year he is unable to save anything. The surprising

extent to which the hope and even the thought of providing for old age

has gone from the mind of the moderately well-to-do was still further

shown by this man’s comment that life insurance was the equivalent of

savings. Life insurance is excellent and essential, but only in its

more expensive forms does it permit the insurer himself to enjoy the

benefits of it, and straight life policies are not complete protection

for one’s own old age. Even if one insures against accident, sickness,

and death, there are many emergencies in life which can be met only

from one’s own saved money. Is it any wonder that there has been a

rush in the last decade for common stocks and speculation when the

newspapers continually tell of stupendous profits (and advance in

“values” of nearly two and a half billions in one month alone), when

business leaders decry thrift, and the cost of living gives us a kick

from behind? Even the President of the United States and the Secretary

of the Treasury encourage the people to speculate, and in the _New

York Times_ I read that the Mellon family made $300,000,000 in a year.

I know many men who have large salaries and many who have accumulated

fortunes but I do not know a single one who has accumulated more than

the merest competency except from gift, inheritance, or advances in

stocks. For some years the stock market may have been an ever-present

help in time of need to many, but stocks cannot continue to the end of

our lives to climb an endless escalator; and as one looks forward to

an eternal making of money to buy an endless succession of new things,

or even merely of new “models,” one wonders whether the “highest

standard ever attained” is really worth all it costs and whether if

Wordsworth could to-day see the richest nation in the world he would

not be more than ever convinced that “Getting and spending, we lay

waste our powers.” Yet still the high-powered sales forces urge “buy,

buy, buy and make yourselves and everybody prosperous by it.” We are

hearing a good deal about prosperity without profit. We may soon be

giving consideration to prosperity without peace of mind. It is a

fact not without its significance, perhaps, for social trends and

tendencies that when the disaster in Florida and Porto Rico occurred a

year ago, less than one person in a thousand in the richest city in our

country, a country formerly quick to respond to the call for help, has

contributed even one of those dimes we are told are so unconsidered in

New York.

IV

Let us turn to some of the other social effects of this high standard.

It is obvious that with a national income of even ninety billions, a

hundred and twenty million people cannot buy everything. Some things

have to go if we are to have new things constantly and pay double or

treble for the old. We are electing, in many cases perforce, to let

go the home. This is due partly to the cost of housing and partly

to that of servants as well as general costs. In the urban centers,

at least, gild the pill as we may, the people who fifteen years ago

had comfortable homes are by no means so comfortable to-day. The

New York papers advertise “beautiful one-room homes” consisting of

a room eleven by fourteen with a bath, a bed that folds up into the

wall, and a cooking shelf in a dark closet. The one I have in mind

costs as much in yearly rent as twenty-five years ago the dignified

three-story eleven-room house on one of the finest streets in town cost

my father—that is, $1200. Even if one succeeds in finding a five- to

seven-room apartment, with one or two of the rooms of good size, at

$2000 (which is by no means easy to do), one has only half the space

at about double the cost of two decades back, and nothing like the

dignity, quiet, or privacy. Moreover, the maid service, when it can be

afforded, is at two to three times the former cost.

In the pre-war days a good neighborhood was usually sufficiently large

to permit of extensive walks in it. To-day in New York even a very

expensive neighborhood is as frequently as not an oasis of a block

or two, or even an apartment house or two, in the midst of a desert

of dreary and depressing slums. The rookery quarters of a medieval

city may be picturesque. The slums of New York are merely drab and

sordid. To those accustomed to a house or even to the spaciousness

of a better-class Paris apartment the usual New York apartment seems

hopelessly cramped and lacking in all character and dignity. The rooms

seem almost to open into one another and the family to be always on top

of one another, whether taking their baths or entertaining guests. And

guests are infinitely more of a problem than they ever were. Overnight

guests are out of the question for most people of moderate means. It

is hard enough to get an apartment which affords decent living for

the family, not to speak of a guest room. The lack of service, the

dependence upon one maid, when any, instead of upon the invariable cook

and waitress of even the modest families of twenty years back, has made

entertaining a genuine and not seldom an insoluble problem for families

living on such incomes as before the War would have made hospitality

merely an easy and gracious function of household life.

Moreover, within the family itself, the close quarters of the modern

apartment afford infinitely more opportunity for friction of tempers

and temperaments than the old homes. A third-story front bedroom as

an escape from the family sitting-room two stories below had almost

the aloofness of a mountain peak. The unsatisfactory character of the

new homes, or the unsatisfied natures of their tenants, are proved

beyond dispute by the restlessness engendered. Last October (1928) in

New York alone a hundred thousand families, involving at the lowest

estimate three hundred thousand people, moved from one apartment to

another. What memories can cluster about his “childhood home” for a

child who is thus annually dragged from one set of rooms to another

by parents in search of cheaper rents or the latest installations in

the way of electric iceboxes or garbage incinerators? Perhaps sunshine,

air, quiet, spaciousness, decency of neighborhood, dignity, privacy are

aristocratic requirements, vestiges of a now lost mode of comely and

gracious living. At any rate, they are now the most expensive “things”

to acquire, when they can be acquired at all, in a great modern city.

Yet two decades ago even in New York and Brooklyn they were readily

obtainable on such modest incomes as $3000 or $4000 a year.

V

What has been the effect on the professional and intellectual classes?

Of course where they have linked themselves to big business or made

their work fit into mass-production they have weathered the storm

of the high standard very well. No one need worry about the general

counsel of a motor-car company, the artists who draw the syndicated

comic strips, or the movie stars. But there are whole classes who do

not or cannot thus fit in. A nationally known trust company officer

recently wrote that most of those who disliked the present situation

and who were given to dire comment or prophecy were merely those who

had had comfortable incomes before the present high standard hit us and

who had been unable to adjust themselves to it, that is, make _large_

incomes. But according to the present modes of dividing the national

income, how _can_ these classes thus adjust themselves except by

abandoning their work and going into business?

Our glance at the minimum wage budget prepared by the street railway

men has shown us what can be done on $1900 a year: $12 a year for

education, $30 for all reading matter (one-third of which would

be consumed by one daily paper), and $12.20 for tobacco and all

recreation. The average pay of all clergymen throughout the United

States is $735 a year. Even if this frequently includes a house, how

are they to adjust themselves? To attain even to the minimum budget of

the street railway worker they would nearly have to more than double

their income, that is, to give approximately one-third of their time to

the work of their ministry and two-thirds to making money solely. Even

if they could do so, what would they get as their share of the “high

standard”? We have seen that even the street railway company had to

cut out all reading matter, even newspapers, from the homes of its men

if they were to live on $1505. Yet under the high standard the country

allows its clergy scarcely half that sum and complains that the church

is failing in leadership.

Let us turn to another class, which is great numerically and should be

great in influence, and which we shall consider more particularly in

a later chapter. The average pay of teachers throughout the country

districts of the Middle Atlantic States, including that manufactory

of millionaires, Pennsylvania, is $870 a year; in the villages it is

$1244. Let us bear in mind the bleak budget of $1900 of the street

railway men and remember also that the conductor of a railway freight

train gets about $3750 a year and the engineer about $4700. What

are the opportunities and prospects for a man of scholarly tastes,

attainments, and pursuits? The average pay of over eleven thousand

members of college faculties is less than $3000 a year, and, although

in rare institutions a comparatively few men may attain to $8000 or

$10,000, a man is fortunate indeed who gets from $5000 to $7000. How

are these men to adjust themselves? Most of them do do extra work to

earn money as, in forty per cent of the cases, do the wives also.

In the days before the “high standard” a vacation was a vacation, a

period in which the professor, fagged from nine months’ drilling of

immature minds, could rest and catch up on his professional reading,

get fresh points of view and prepare for the next nine months’ bout

with inquiring or resisting youth. Now, we read, one-third of the

faculty could take no vacation at all; 40 per cent took less than two

weeks, and 60 per cent less than four weeks; yet yesterday the men

in the building trades in New York laid down their demand for every

Saturday off on full pay, equivalent to six and a half weeks’ vacation

from purely physical work requiring practically no mental preparation

or recuperation. Is it any wonder that a professor at Berkeley on $3000

a year goes into business at $20,000 a year, that a professor from

an Eastern university on about $6000 a year becomes president of a

business company with $75,000 a year drawing account, and that another

turns from teaching history to writing advertisements, to mention the

three who occur first to me?

Let us glance at writing under the high standard. Big incomes can be

earned by anything adapted for mass-production, such as best-selling

novels (with possible movie rights), articles for the mass-circulation

magazines, certain sorts of “syndicated stuff,” and so on; but that

sort of writing is not the most valuable for our national culture as a

rule. The cost of living is certainly from 200 to 250 per cent of what

it was in the decade before the War. “Index figures” are misleading.

It is of little importance to the average man whether pig lead is up

25 or 50 per cent. It is of prime importance to him that, as I can

show by my checkbook, a cook who cost $30 a month then costs $75 now,

that a suit of clothes which cost $28 then costs at the same store $74

now, and so on; to say nothing of all the new things to be bought. Of

course, the changes in wage schedules would differ from newspaper to

newspaper, but in one which gave me the figures for before the War and

now I find that editorial salaries have advanced 50 per cent, junior

reporters and book reviewers the same, poets 25 per cent, whereas,

rather oddly, space writers get actually 10 per cent less than before.

I am told that writers for the high-grade magazines get about double.

Comparing the flat price paid for scholarly volumes in two similar

works twenty years ago and now, I found that the scholars working

to-day were paid no more than before the War. On a royalty basis, owing

to higher book prices and larger sales, authors probably fare better

than fifteen years ago, though strict comparison for many reasons is

difficult. On the whole, taking the ordinary man of letters who lives

by his output and who writes books, articles, reviews, and does the

other various literary jobs, it would seem that in order to maintain

himself in the same relative position in the social and economic scale

he would have to increase his output very materially.

Business rewards are greater than ever for those who are successful,

but granted the social value of the business man’s services and

granted also the “dignity of labor,” it may well be asked whether a

standard of living is really intrinsically high which thus places

additional burdens on the shoulders of whole classes of the country’s

spiritual and intellectual leadership, its clergymen, its teachers,

and writers, in order to lighten the load of the carpenters, cooks, and

chambermaids. It may be truly said that Society has always expected

the intellectual classes to content themselves to a great extent with

rewards that are not pecuniary. That is so, but the tremendous advance

in the standard of living and the tremendously increased gulf between

the man of large income and the man of a moderate one has served to

depress these classes in the comparative scale far below the point of

two decades ago. I have every sympathy with labor, but its increased

share of the national income should come from the accumulating surplus,

the location of which is very clearly indicated from the income tax

lists, and not from mulcting the professional and clerical classes

scarcely a step now in the economic scale above labor itself. I cannot

see that the standard of life for the community as a whole is going to

be made higher by taking a vacation and a cook away from the college

professor and giving them to the conductor or the bricklayer, while the

rich business men get incredibly richer.

Before we leave this phase of the question, let us glance at some of

the office workers under the new standard. What mass-production methods

have done in the way of deadening routine for the factory workers is

too well known for repetition, in spite of much glossing over, but what

is going on in office work may be less generally understood. The new

idea of the relations between employer and employee in mass-production

is that the employer buys “production,” that is, “output,” from the

employee. Thus we read in a book on office technic how improvement was

made in an up-to-date office. Motion pictures were taken of the clerks

opening the morning mail. As a result of a study of these pictures,

the motions of the clerks were “reduced from thirteen to six and the

output increased from 100 pieces an hour to 200 an hour. A further

refinement in the manner of arranging the opened and unopened letters

on the table brought the rate to 250 an hour. Output was still further

increased by the use of a ‘motion-studied table’ to 300 an hour.”

Stenographers, of course, have been included in this speeding-up

process. We read that “in measuring production of this kind several

systems are in use. One is that of measuring production by the square

inch, with a transparent celluloid, but in most cases a cyclometer

is used, which is attached to the machine and records the number of

strokes.” Production is counted by “points,” each “point” being equal

to a certain number of strokes, and pay is given accordingly. 250

strokes are deducted for an ordinary error and 1275 strokes for an

error on the envelope. 10,000 strokes are added for “a perfect desk,”

that is one on which, every minute of the week, every implement is

so placed as to permit of the greatest speed. Medals and vacation

allowances are given for records, and contests are held—though, as to

these last, the expert admits that “as a general rule, office contests

are not to be recommended. Spurts of speed of any kind are bound to

have their reactions and the contest is _often succeeded by a certain

amount of lethargy after the goal has been won_. [Italics mine.] But

for clearing out an accumulation of work or to rouse the office force

they may be very effective.” One rubs one’s eyes and wonders whether

he is reading about America under the highest standard of living ever

attained or England at the beginning of the Industrial Revolution.

Stenographers share in the high standard to the extent of from $1250 to

$1700 a year.

VI

It would be possible to go on almost indefinitely listing our

by-products. For example, having everything from furniture to

buildings always of the latest is doing away with a whole range of

human emotions. When I was at Yale in 1898 I lived in a new dormitory

then one year old. Twenty years later when I went back to see what

memories the old place might bring to me, I found that the dormitory

had been torn down and replaced by a “modern” building. Our schools and

their furnishings, altered or rebuilt every few years, make an Eton

or a Harrow look painfully shabby perhaps and “unprogressive”; but

the boy who sits at the same desk where Shelley or Byron or Chatham

or Gladstone or Wellington sat, or lives in their rooms, will dream

dreams and gain an inspiration never afforded by the latest efficient

furniture from Michigan. It is the law of compensation at work, and

what is gained is not always better than what is lost. So far, what has

been gained under the high standard is mostly material and what has

been lost is mostly spiritual.

It might be thought that with a really high standard, the extra nerve

strain of life would be compensated for by extra opportunity for rest,

leisure, and quiet, but exactly the reverse is the case. There is less

leisure, except perhaps for the old poor and the new very rich, than

there was twenty years ago. It is also infinitely harder than it was

to find any quiet spot in the country at possible cost to which one

can retire to rest one’s tired mind and soul. The automobile offers

an instructive example of how an end can be defeated by its apparent

means. When there were few cars they afforded people a chance to get

away into the peace of the country, but now their very numbers have

ruined the quiet of the countryside. People motor out of the big cities

for quiet, only to find that they themselves, multiplied by thousands,

have killed the very thing they sought. Recently I inquired of a

surgeon who had gone to his house in the country a hundred miles from

New York if he had come back rested. He replied emphatically that he

had not, and that his place was ruined by people who raced their motor

boats with engines unmuffled and made it noisier than even his house in

town. As to what will be the condition when aeroplanes become really

common, one shudders to think.

Is it any wonder that as other by-products the statisticians tell us

that the age of marriage is steadily being postponed, with all that

that implies physiologically and psychologically, that the birth

rate is falling, that heart disease, divorce, and insanity are all

increasing? As we contemplate these and other by-products we may

well ask, what makes a high standard of life rather than of living?

Granted that we now have billionaires where even millionaires were

relatively scarce a generation ago, that labor has risen a little

farther above the subsistence level, and that science has given us

innumerable toys and conveniences, has not the gulf in comfort widened

infinitely between rich and poor? Are the great mass of professional

and intellectual workers and of moderate-salaried people as well off

in the things that really count as they were a generation ago? For the

common fund of our civilization has the advance, such as it is, in the

condition of the laboring class offset the comparative decline in the

great and almost forgotten middle class? Has the nation as a whole

gained or lost in contentment, peace of mind, assurance of the future,

rational enjoyment, and spiritual as well as material comfort? Is it

worth while to be continually driven to meet the rent, life insurance,

the installments on one’s purchases, in order that big business may

declare its billions in stock dividends?

There are evidences that a great change may be in prospect.

Mass-production requires a steady and enormous flow of sales. On the

one hand, the jaded buyers are showing signs of restiveness and of

becoming tired of wasting their lives in buying, buying, buying, and

paying, paying, paying. They have to be whipped into it by more and

more expensive salesmanship. On the other hand, office and sales forces

are getting tired of being speeded up as they compare their share in

the high standard with that of the men above them, and have to be

whipped by the most improved technical methods into greater and greater

activity. And all for what? That mass-production shall not falter or

fail. The overhead costs of distribution have become staggering. If

the public begins to economize and does not buy, then we are told that

mass-production will fall down and in the crash to follow no one will

have money with which to buy anything. Better than that, we are told,

is to buy what we do not really want or cannot afford.

There is no rest from the effort to make money in ever larger and

larger amounts. There is no prospect of comfortable retirement in old

age. For many who never thought of it in the old days there is the

ever-present spectre of illness or incapacity. As has been said, our

prosperity can be maintained only by making people want more, and work

more, all the time. Those, and they are many, who believe that our

recent prosperity has been mainly caused by the phenomenal expansion

of the automobile business tell us that it will soon be necessary to

find some other article which will similarly take the public fancy and

create billions of sales—and billions of expense to men already tired

of doing nothing but meeting new expenses.

“The highest standard of living ever attained in the history of the

world”?

Our business civilization · 第 2 / 13 章