Description of Boolibany — Delays and Disappointments there —
Scarcity of Provisions — Death of Private Pickard — My decision of
passing the rains in the Country, and Departure for Samba Contaye to
select a position for winter quarters — Arrival of the Expedition
from Boolibany — Mr. Pilkington and men left there sick — Death
of Lieutenant Burton, and Sickness of the Men — Preparations for
Mr. Dochard’s Departure for Sego — Almamy’s Arrival near our
Camp — Difficulties about the Guide — Mr. Dochard’s Departure
— The Object of his Embassy — Mr. Partarrieau’s Departure
for the Coast — Mr. Nelson’s weak state — A regular Market
established — Mr. Pilkington’s Arrival from the Capital —
Mr. Nelson’s Death — My own Indisposition — Deaths amongst
the Men — Extraordinary Ceremony at the killing of a lioness —
Lions’ Attack on the Horse — Accounts from Mr. Dochard — Return
of the Messengers — Almamy’s unjust Conduct, and its Results.
Boolibany, the Capital of Bondoo, stands in an extensive plain at
the foot of a range of rocky hills, which are distant from it about
a quarter of a mile east: to the west, the dry bed of a considerable
torrent winds along the plain, and, in the season of the rains,
conducts the water, which descends in a thousand streams from the
hills, to the Falune and Senegal.
Here is the residence of the king, or Almamy, but it is by no means
so large a town as we expected to see in the capital of so thickly
inhabited a country. The number of souls do not exceed fifteen or
eighteen hundred; the greater number are either the relatives, slaves,
tradesmen, or followers of Almamy, or those of the royal family.
[Illustration: W. Gray del.
BOOLEBANY, CAPITAL OF BONDOO.
_Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London._]
The town is surrounded by a strong clay wall, ten feet high and
eighteen inches thick[11]; this is pierced with loop-holes, and is so
constructed that, at short intervals, projecting angles are thrown
out, which enable the besieged to defend the front of the wall by a
flanking fire, and answers all the purposes of defence where nothing
but small arms is made use of.
The gates, of which there are five, and some of the intermediate
parts of the wall, are surmounted by small embattled turrets, nine
or ten feet square; those are likewise pierced with loop-holes,
and give to the place a better fortified appearance than any town
we had before seen.
Within these outer walls, at the west end of the town, and surrounded
by stronger and higher ones of the same materials and form, are the
palaces of Almamy, his son Saada, and his nephew Moosa Yoro Malick,
all joining each other, but having no internal communication.
The mosque, by no means a good one, stands in an open space in
the south-west end of the town. It was in very bad repair, being
nearly destitute of thatch. It is a large oblong clay building,
lying east and west, the walls about nine feet high, and the roof,
which is composed of rough timber, is supported in the centre by
three strong forked stakes, about eighteen feet high. The ends of
this roof extend five or six feet over the walls, on which it rests,
and is there supported by forked stakes five feet high, forming a
sort of piazza. Public prayers are performed in it five times a day,
with the greatest apparent devotion.
The town is divided by streets, or more properly lanes, which are
very narrow, dirty, and irregular. The outside of the walls too, in
consequence of the want of public places of convenience, is nothing
but a continued heap of filth, which emits, particularly during the
rains, an overpowering and unpleasant effluvia.
The huts or houses are of different forms: some entirely composed of
clay and rough timber, are square and flat roofed; others are round,
having the walls of the same material as the former, but are covered
with a conical roof, formed of poles and thatched with long dry grass;
the third and last are entirely composed of wood and dry grass, in
the form of a half splaire. The doors of all are inconveniently low,
particularly the latter, which is rendered the more unpleasant by
its serving, at the same time, as door, window, and chimney.
Those of Almamy, his son, nephew, and some of the princes, display
the same variety of form, and, with the exception of being larger,
are equally inconvenient. The interior of each of these palaces
may contain about an English acre, divided, by low clay walls,
into several small courts, in some of which are the chambers of
their wives and concubines, and in others the magazines of arms,
ammunition, merchandize, and corn. The exterior walls are about
thirteen feet high, and are lined, nearly all round inside, with a
range of square clay hovels, serving as cooking places, stables,
slave rooms, and other stores, all which have flat roofs, where,
in case of attack, a number of armed men, the best marksmen, are
placed, and being there defended by that part of the outside walls
which rises above the roofs, in form of parapets, they can do much
against an attacking enemy.
At a short distance to the SW. are situated the ruins of a town
nearly as large as Boolibany, and of which it at one time formed a
part: but was destroyed by the Kartan army in one of their attacks
on Almamy—which must have been sanguinary, as the ground for
a considerable distance round it is thickly strewed with the now
whitened bones of the slain, whose bodies were allowed to putrify
on the spot where they fell, or be devoured by the birds and beasts
of prey.
The mother of the boy given to us by Almamy, came to our huts to see
her son, whom we had by this time so convinced of his real situation,
that he implored us on his knees and with tears in his eyes to work
the same change in his unfortunate mother’s situation, who together
with his brother, an infant, were in the most deplorable state of
slavery, in the possession of Moosa Yeona Malick. The poor woman
herself was too much pleased with the respectable appearance of her
son, and with the account he gave her of the comparative happiness
of his present situation, to prevent a gleam of satisfaction from
making itself evident, through the otherwise truly miserable and
desponding evidence of her feelings but too strongly depicted in her
face and actions; the former being bathed in tears, and the latter
more becoming of a person imploring assistance or protection from
the divine, than a human being.
It is needless to say we promised her every exertion in her favour,
and fulfilled the promise, but alas! without effect:—the answer we
got from her inhuman master to an offer of three times the value of
a prime slave, or indeed any price he might demand, was “that it
was much fitter for us to make him a present of the son, who would
thereby be enabled to enjoy the society of his mother and brother.”
The poor woman was a constant visitor at our huts, where she every
day got one good meal, but it would have been useless to give her
any thing else, as her master would not have left it (let it be of
never so little value) with her.
Since our arrival at Boolibany we had been as badly supplied with
provisions as at Goodeerie. Almamy made us a present of a bullock,
but we found it impossible to purchase any, and as to rice or corn
it was extremely scarce and dear. So small was the quantity of milk
purchased that the officers were stinted to a few spoonfulls each,
which, with as limited a quantity of rice, meal, or meat, constituted
our daily bill of fare.
To add to the unpleasantness of our situation nearly all the European
soldiers were affected with fever or dysentery, two of the officers,
Messrs. Nelson and Pilkington, were likewise ill, and we found it
impossible to obtain from Almamy the fulfilment of his promises. At
one time he would say he was preparing for us some provisions; at
another, that he was only waiting the return of a messenger he had
sent to ascertain the state of the path by which we were to travel,
and with many such frivolous excuses he put us off from day to day
until the 23rd of June, when he appointed a guide, and told us we
might depart when we pleased. Preparations were made for moving on
the following morning, and we had determined that not a moment should
be lost in getting out of Almamy’s power. We were however again
to suffer disappointment and delay, for the same night at a late
hour Almamy sent his son Saada, to let us know that in consequence
of his having received information of the destruction of several of
the towns of Kasson by the Kartans, he could not allow us to proceed
until he had sent a messenger to ascertain its truth. I endeavoured
to shew Saada that I thought better of the report, and said that
I would, if Almamy allowed me, go on even without a guide; but it
would not do: he said his father (who now considered us his friends
and strangers) dare not permit us to run into danger when he could
prevent it. This was a very plausible excuse no doubt, but we were
aware that the whole was a plan to keep us in his country as long
as he could. We nevertheless told Saada that we would wait a day or
two longer in order to give his father’s messenger time to return.
The men who had been left at Goodeerie to take care of Pickard
returned on the 23rd, having committed his body to the earth at that
place on the 21st, the day of his death.
On the 25th, not hearing any thing of the messenger’s return or any
more reports about the circumstance, I and all the officers waited
on Almamy, to endeavour, if possible, to obtain leave to proceed. We
found him seated in a large straw hut, in one of the inner courts
of his palace, surrounded by some of his ministers and chiefs. He
evaded giving a direct answer to our request, by relating some of
his youthful achievements in a very jocular strain, until the call
to prayers obliged us to leave his royal presence, and return as we
went, to submit to delay and disappointment for another day, which,
however, only made things appear as less likely to be arranged to our
satisfaction than they had hitherto been. He asked those about him
many questions respecting the path through Kasson to Foolidoo, which
he seemed to be well acquainted with, and made much objection when
we had told him the disappointment we experienced in his conduct to
us, and the seeming disinclination on his part to forward our views,
notwithstanding his promise to do so in consequence of the very large
and handsome presents we had given him and his people. His son Saada
told us “there was no use in much words, but that, if we would
satisfy Almamy, he should satisfy us,” which was merely hinting,
if we would give Almamy presents until he should say he had enough,
we should be then allowed to proceed. We did not pretend to understand
his meaning, and finding that nothing was to be obtained from them,
we left the place, in order to consult with the officers, and decide
on the step to be taken.
After taking into consideration the then advanced state of the
season, the illness of almost the whole of the Europeans, and the
reduced state of our means of subsistence, in consequence of the
very great expenditure incurred to replace our animals (all those we
had on leaving Kayaye having died), and the exorbitant presents to
Almamy and his chiefs, ministers, &c., we came to the determination
of remaining in Bondoo until after the rains, and sending forward
an officer to Sego, to apprize the King of our being stopped by
Almamy, and to ascertain beyond a doubt his intentions towards our
intended entrance into his country. A train of incidents, as tedious
to relate as uninteresting to peruse, occurred between our making
known to Almamy this our intention, and our establishing ourselves
at Samba Contaye[12], which we were enabled to do, after much toil
and trouble, by the 17th of July.
Our position was on an elevated plain, lying about half a quarter
of a mile west of the village, between us and which ran a copious
stream of water, occasionally swollen to a considerable size by the
rains. Around a clear spot, of about two acres, we erected several
huts. We soon found, however, they were neither sufficiently solid to
withstand the violence of the tornados, nor well enough thatched to
keep out the rain, in consequence of which the men were continually
getting wet, and falling sick. Mr. Burton and Mr. Nelson, and nearly
all the Europeans, were labouring under fever and dysentery. On
the 18th, the former was reduced to the very last stage, and
Mr. Pilkington, and three men, were so ill when we left Boolibany,
that they could not be moved. Had we been able to continue our journey
to the east, those officers and men must have been left behind; and
to this, unpleasant as it might have been to our feelings, we must
in that case have submitted. Mr. Burton’s sufferings, however,
were of short duration; he died on the 19th, having been only a few
days ill. This sudden and melancholy event appeared to cast a gloom
over all, and, when his remains were committed to their last abode,
every European present shewed evident symptoms of apprehension that
such might be his own fate in a few days.
As it was necessary that the officer we intended sending to Sego
should be accompanied by a guide and messenger from Almamy, I had,
previous to leaving Boolibany on the 20th, obtained a promise from
him that he would come to Samba Contaye in a few days, and bring
with him a person fitted for that service. He did not, however,
make his appearance until the 21st, when I was informed that he had
arrived at Wooro Samba, a small village, or rather farm, belonging
to one of his own relations, about a mile south of our camp. There
I went to see him, when he immediately named a person to accompany
Mr. Dochard[13] to Sego, and said that it would be my business to
clothe and subsist him during the journey, which of course I made
no difficulty in consenting to.
On the following day, the guide came to our camp, and having
said much about the unpleasantness of such a long journey, the
dangers and privations to be encountered, &c., told me that he
wished some stated reward to be held out to him on his return, in
default of which he would not go. Although I was much astonished at
this declaration, I thought it better to let him suppose it was my
intention to give him something, and therefore said, that the nature
and amount of his reward must altogether depend on his own conduct,
and his exertions to forward our business, which, if he did to my
satisfaction, he should be well rewarded. He, however, did not like
this mode of payment “after his trouble was over”; insinuating
that I might then give him little or much as I wished, and that,
moreover, it was quite “optional with him whether he went or not,
as he was no slave of Almamy’s”.
I went immediately to mention this affair to the King, and to request
that another man might be appointed, as I neither liked the manner
nor appearance of the first. He very good humouredly said that the
fellow was a fool, and therefore not fit to accompany Mr. Dochard, and
he would immediately send to Boolibany for one of his own people to
replace him. But as it was likely that two or three days would elapse
before he could be ready, I told the King that Mr. Dochard should
move on towards the frontier, which, before he reached, the man might
no doubt overtake him. This being arranged, I next informed Almamy,
it was my wish to send a person to the coast, in order to procure,
with as little delay as possible, the articles I had promised to him,
and some few things I was myself in want of; and as my messenger
purposed going to Senegal through the Foota Toro country, I wished
him to give letters of recommendation to the chiefs there, in order to
ensure his safety while in it, and also requested him to appoint some
person to accompany Mr. Partarrieau, and remain with him until his
return. All this he very readily consented to, concluding upon this,
as on all other occasions, by asking for something or other; a little
tobacco was then the object of his wishes, and with them I complied.
On my return to the camp I found that Mr. Dochard had completed
all his preparations, and was only waiting my presence to move
forward. His party consisted of one sergeant, seven rank and file,
one civilian, and his own servant, together with Lamina and two
of his people. He took with him a very handsome present for Dhaa,
the king of Sego, and some inferior, yet respectable ones, for his
chiefs; these, together with a small tent, two trunks of his own,
and some provisions, loaded five asses, at least sufficiently so to
admit of their travelling with expedition. The most active, willing,
and well conducted men were selected for this service; and, although
the prospect of a journey of several hundred miles through a country
offering many difficulties, both from the disposition of the natives
and the advanced state of the season, was sufficiently gloomy to
make the bravest despond, and the most sanguine entertain doubts
of success,—they nevertheless all appeared cheerful and happy in
being selected to the service.
To Mr. Dochard’s own discretion and judgment I left altogether
the means, as well as mode, of entering into arrangements with Dhaa
for our passage through, and protection in his country; and from
my knowledge of Mr. Dochard’s extreme anxiety and determination
to bring (inasmuch as lay in his power) our enterprize to a happy
conclusion, I felt satisfied that I could not have entrusted
this service into more able or patient hands; the latter being an
accomplishment most necessary, indeed indispensably so, in that
country.
The party left the camp on the 23d, at four o’clock in the
afternoon. I accompanied them some distance, and, when taking leave
of them, I felt that I had myself more occasion to apprehend their
never returning than they appeared to entertain; indeed I felt, when
giving Mr. Dochard the parting shake of the hand, that I was bidding
adieu for ever, as it were, to the nearest and dearest friend I had
in the world. In order to induce Lamina to forward our views at Sego,
and to conduct himself with kindness and attention to Mr. Dochard,
and the men with him, I made him a handsome present, and gave him an
account of the reward which had been promised to him, in case of his
fulfilling the terms of his engagement, an advance of merchandize
to the amount of fifteen pounds sterling.
Although I had my doubts as to this man’s being a servant or officer
of the king’s, I was nevertheless aware that much depended on his
reports in the country respecting us, and therefore endeavoured,
by all means within my power, and consistent with prudence, to keep
the fellow in our interest. His wife, too, who travelled in his
train, received many small presents from us, and on this occasion
was dashingly equipped for the journey, in order, as Lamina said,
not to reflect discredit on those white men belonging to a Great
White King, with whom they had been so long associated.
My next object was to despatch Mr. Partarrieau (the only person
holding the rank of an officer then in good health) to the coast, to
procure the articles for Almamy, and a supply of merchandize for the
use of the expedition, which so long a halt had rendered absolutely
necessary. Almamy still remained at Wooro Samba, where I paid him
another visit, and made him a small present. On the 25th, he informed
me that he was going to a village about five miles NW. from our camp,
to arrange some matters relative to the succession of a chief, where,
as the place lay in Mr. Partarrieau’s road, he could meet him. The
same day he visited the camp, and received from him a letter to
the Almamy of Foota Toro, which would ensure Mr. Partarrieau a safe
passage through that country.
Mr. Partarrieau having received my instructions how to act during his
absence, and such letters and other papers as I was sending to England
and the coast, left the camp the 27th July. His party consisted of
two soldiers, four civilians, and two moors. I furnished him with
some small presents for Almamy and the chiefs of Foola.
On the same day I sent a party of eight native soldiers, with a
sergeant, to the capital, with directions that, if Mr. Pilkington
should not be well enough to ride his horse, they were to construct
a litter, and bring him forward.
Mr. Nelson was daily getting worse, and the soldiers, seven in number,
left on the sick list by Mr. Dochard, had no appearance whatever of
recovery. One died on the 22d, and some of the others appeared likely
soon to follow him. All that could be done, situated as we were, was
done for them. The disease, however, was stronger than the remedies,
and they continued getting worse every day. In prescribing for them,
I was assisted by Private Kenyon, who, from having served seven years
as orderly man in the hospital at Senegal, had become acquainted with
the medicines usually administered; in some cases, I had recourse to
the remedies made use of by the natives of Africa, and whenever those
were resorted to in time, the disease soon gave way. The rains were
then so frequent and heavy, that scarcely a dry day occurred once
in the week, which had a very strikingly bad effect on the health
and spirits of all. The plentiful supply of provisions, however,
which we were enabled to procure since our arrival at Samba Contaye,
in some measure alleviated our sufferings; and a little labour,
with more solidity in the materials employed, provided us with huts,
if not as comfortable as we might have wished, at least sufficiently
so to afford us shelter from the inclemencies of the season.
A regular market for the purchase of corn, rice, milk, butter, eggs,
fowls, and game, was established, and well attended by the inhabitants
of all the surrounding villages, to the distance of seven or eight
miles; and were it not that the prospect of remaining in a state of
inactivity for so long a time as some months at least, added to the
uncertainty of the result of Mr. Dochard’s mission to Sego, and the
sickly state of the Europeans, we might have been comparatively happy.
Mr. Pilkington arrived from Boolibany on the 29th, and although he was
much better than when we left him, he was still in so weak a state as
to be unable to take any exercise, and consequently was incapable of
affording me society in my excursions through the country. Mr. Nelson,
too, continued to decline, and on the 6th of August, he was reduced
to a complete inanimate skeleton; in this state he remained until
the 9th, when he breathed his last, without a struggle. His remains
were buried close by the side of Mr. Burton’s, under the shade of
two large tamarind trees, about four hundred yards west of the camp.
My feelings on this occasion (whether from a weak state of body in
consequence of some attacks of fever which I had lately experienced,
or from other motives, I cannot pretend to say) were so much affected,
that I could with difficulty witness the last sad offices to the
remains of one of my companions, who, without disparagement to the
others, was by no means the least worthy or useful member of the
expedition. The consequence of this was, I had a severe relapse,
which confined me to my bed for three weeks; at the end of which
time I could scarcely stand upright.
On my recovery, I employed myself in learning the Foolah language,
and making frequent excursions to the adjacent towns, as the weather,
which was then not quite so wet, permitted.
Our supply of provisions, such as they were, continued abundant;
and having completed a strong fence round the camp, we were, in some
degree, defended both from the encroachments of the wild beasts,
which nightly serenaded us, and the not less troublesome daily visits
of the inhabitants of the town; whom, previous to the fence being
made, we found impossible to keep out of our huts, and from which,
on their departure, some one thing or other was always missing.
The fever and dysentery still continued to do their work of
destruction. Private Watzer died on the 19th; Fallen on the 22d;
and Corporal Howell on the 25th of August, and many more were
fast declining. To divert, as much as possible, the minds of the
men from reflecting on the scenes of death around them, I had
recourse to amusements and employments of all kinds. Hunting the
game in which the country abounded, afforded an ample range for
those, who were able to partake of it, to employ their time to
advantage. Wild hogs, antelopes, guinea fowls, and partridges,
were constantly brought in. During one of our excursions we met,
and succeeded in killing, a large lioness, which had, for some time,
been disturbing the neighbourhood of the village. On this occasion,
we were accompanied by some of the inhabitants of Samba Contaye,
one of whom gave the first wound to the animal; in consequence of
which he was disarmed by the rest of his companions, and led prisoner
(his hands tied behind his back) to the town, at whose outer approach
they were met by all the women, singing and clapping hands. The dead
animal, covered with a white cloth, was carried by four men on a bier
constructed for the purpose, accompanied by the others of their party,
shouting, firing shots, and dancing, or rather playing all sorts of
monkey tricks. As I was not a little surprised at seeing the man,
whom I conceived ought to be rewarded for having first so disabled
the animal as to prevent it from attacking us, thus treated, I
requested an explanation; and was informed that being a subject only,
he was guilty of a great crime in killing or shooting a sovereign,
and must suffer this punishment until released by the chiefs of the
village, who knowing the deceased to have been their enemy, would not
only do so immediately, but commend the man for his good conduct. I
endeavoured to no purpose to find out the origin of this extraordinary
mock ceremony, but could only gain the answer, frequently given by
an African, “that his forefathers had always done so.”
This, with a hyena, shot by a sentinel when attempting to take away
one of our asses, were the only animals of the kind killed by us. In
a few nights after this, we were surprised by three lions, which,
in despite of the strength of our fence, and of the centinels,
who fired several shots at them, forced their way into the camp,
and succeeded in mangling one of our horses, which was tied to a
stake within fifteen yards of our huts, in such a dreadful manner,
that I thought it best, by means of a pistol ball, to put an end to
the poor animal’s sufferings.
Those animals are very troublesome, particularly at the time of year
when the corn and grass, being nearly the height of a man, afford
them means of concealing themselves near the towns, and of making
nightly attacks on the herds of black cattle and goats belonging to
the natives, who keep up large fires in the folds, and occasionally
fire off their muskets, to deter them from approaching;—but in
this they do not unhappily always succeed.
Not having heard any intelligence of Mr. Dochard since his departure,
I began to be uneasy for his safety, and thought of despatching a
person in the direction he went, in order to ascertain, if possible,
how far he had got, when I was agreeably surprised by the arrival
of one of his men whom he had sent back from Kasson with letters,
giving an account of his transactions since his departure, and
requiring some supplies. He stated that on the 25th he reached
Nayer, a town of Bondoo, on the banks of the Fa-lemme, distant from
Samba Contaye thirty-four miles; there he had to await the arrival
of Almamy’s guide, who joined him on the 27th, but having then
refused to proceed unless provided with a horse and a fine dress,
which articles Mr. Dochard neither could nor would give him, he
returned. Mr. Dochard gave him a note to me, but the fellow did not
deliver it, nor did I see him until I met him by accident at Boolibany
some days after; when he told me that he had received a letter from
Mr. Dochard, in which was contained an order on me for a new dress,
but that he had lost it in crossing the Fa-lemme; this I knew to
be false, and told him that I could not take his word. Almamy had
then sent another man to join Mr. Dochard, who crossed the Fa-lemme
on the 27th, and arrived at Mamier, the residence of Hawah Demba, a
prince of Kasson, on the 1st of August, having found much difficulty
in crossing some streams running to the Senegal, and being much
disturbed by wild beasts. He stated this place to be upwards of
eighty miles from the Fa-lemme, and to be a very small village, the
occasional residence of that prince, who had then been there some
weeks, and who detained Mr. Dochard under the pretence of not having
received a sufficiently large present, until the 17th, on which day
he again moved forward accompanied by one of Hawah Demba’s men,
sent to escort him into Foolidoo, about four miles from Mamier. He
ascended some steep and rugged hills, from the top of which he had
a fine view of the Senegal, distant about a mile to the north. On
descending into the valley, he travelled over a solid bed of rock for
more than a mile, when he reached an extensive plain lying along the
banks of the river, by the side of which he travelled through villages
and large corn-grounds, until he arrived at Savusuru, another town
of Kasson. Here he met a division of Hawah Demba’s army, going on a
plundering excursion into some of the neighbouring states. It was his
intention to leave Savusirie on the following day, but it rained so
incessantly, and the innumerable brooks and rivers he had to cross
were so swollen, that he could not move before the 21st, and even
then he did so contrary to the advice of the natives, which proved
to be well founded, as he had not travelled above four miles when
he came to a stream called the Tangina, running into the Senegal,
and so deep and rapid that to attempt crossing it without canoes,
of which there were none at the place, would have been madness;
he was therefore, however reluctantly, obliged to return to a small
town called Jamoonia, about a mile from the river.
Here he remained, in consequence of the continuance of rain and the
still swollen state of the river, until the 25th, during which time
he, together with some of his men, had a severe attack of fever,
but on that day were sufficiently recovered to attempt crossing the
stream, then reduced to nine feet water, and in which they succeeded,
by felling a large tree which stood on the bank, and when down reached
across, forming a passage sufficiently solid to admit of the baggage
being carried over on the men’s heads: the animals swam across with
much difficulty, owing to the rapidity of the stream. The remainder
of that day’s journey was rendered extremely difficult and tedious,
by the marshy nature of the ground over which their path lay. They
halted for the night at a walled town called Dhiamu, having passed
several small villages during the day. On leaving this place they
had another considerable stream to cross; it was much wider than
the former but not so deep, having only from three to five feet
water, with a rough stony bottom. The path on the other side was
good and solid: in the vicinity of it were several extraordinary
high rocks, bearing in their form more the appearance of art than
nature. They halted for that night at Tenakie, a large walled town
belonging to a prince named Sego Amadi, who calls himself king,
and in which light he is treated by the people of his own town, and
by them only. The town is situate in a fertile valley, surrounded
by high rocky mountains. Here again a very great fall of rain, and
the importunities of the chief for customs and presents, with the
usual threat of not being allowed to pass without paying, obliged
him to halt until the 29th, when he reached and crossed the Bangayko,
a considerable stream running north; having been obliged for nearly a
mile previous to reaching it to travel through a marsh, in which the
animals and men sunk up to their knees, and over which the latter
carried the loads with difficulty. Mr. Dochard’s own horse was
obliged to be carried through on poles. The march of the 30th was
not less fatiguing than that of the 29th; low swampy valleys, and
high rocky hills, were in their turn to be waded through or scrambled
over. They passed the night at a small village, situate in a valley
between too high hills, on the highest of which, accessible by only
one narrow and rugged path, the chief of the town had his residence,
from whence he had an uninterrupted view of the surrounding country
to a considerable distance, and where he dwelt in perfect security
from his enemies: this place is called Moosa Caré.
The huts in which Mr. Dochard and his men were accommodated, being
badly thatched, let in the rain, which fell in torrents during
the night, and put out their fires, the smoke of which, although
exceedingly unpleasant in itself, had the good effect of keeping
off the sand-flies and musquitoes, which at that time of the year
are in swarms in all low situations, and render it impossible for
any person not defended by smoke or close curtains to sleep. Indeed
the former, although the most unpleasant, is by no means the least
effectual remedy, particularly against the sand-flies, which are so
small that it is next to an impossibility to keep them out with the
closest curtains.
On the morning of the 31st of August, he moved forward at seven
o’clock, and travelled without halting over ground similar to
that of the two last days, until three in the afternoon, when they
reached a river called the Goolookucko, which it was impossible to
pass without the assistance of canoes, and that could not be procured
nearer than a village six miles from the opposite bank; but all were
so much fatigued that none would venture to swim the river that night
in search of one: they were therefore obliged to halt, and secure
themselves as well as one small tent enabled them. They found it
necessary to keep up large fires during the night to deter the wild
beasts, which infest that country in vast numbers, from approaching
too near. They were not a little disappointed, on the morning of the
1st of September, to find that the person who had gone to the village
returned, accompanied by a number of men carrying large calabashes,
intended to serve the purpose of canoes—even one of which useful
articles those people were not provided with. With much difficulty,
and not without considerable danger, particularly to those who could
not swim, of whom Mr. Dochard was one, they effected the passage of
this river, which was 150 yards wide, and very deep and rapid.
The manner in which this navigation is carried on is not at all
calculated to inspire confidence. One of these large calabashes is
placed in the water, and filled with whatever articles are to be
transported, two men then go into the water and taking hold of it,
one on each side, swim on, pushing it or rather dragging it between
them. When a person who cannot swim is to be taken over, he lays hold
of the calabash with both hands, one on each side; this supports him
from sinking, while a man swims with him, and pushes the calabash
forward. In this manner Mr. Dochard and two of his men, who could
not swim, were ferried over the rivers, much to the amusement of the
inhabitants of the country, who, in common with all the natives of
the interior parts of Africa, think that we live in the water, and are
therefore much astonished when they see any white man who cannot swim.
They reached a small scattered village, Diaperey, on the bank of the
Bafing, at a late hour, and having passed that night and the following
day there, in order to rest the animals, crossed the river, which
being at that place 500 yards wide, and extremely rapid, they found
much difficulty in doing, and at so late an hour, in consequence
of heavy rain all the forenoon, that they could only reach a small
town of the same name as the latter, distant about half a mile from
the river, where they passed the night.
On the 4th they reached Sambula, a town of Kasson, having passed
several small villages during the day, and travelled over a country
more open and elevated than that of the three former days.
In crossing the last river, nearly all the baggage was wet, the canoe
having been upset. This rendered it necessary to have the trunks
opened, and the things in them dried; from which, on repacking, it
was found that a parcel containing dollars was missing, and as they
belonged to Lamina, the guide, who had given them to Mr. Dochard
to keep for him, and who would no doubt demand them at Sego, it
became absolutely necessary that they should be replaced. To effect
this, Mr. Dochard despatched one of his men, accompanied by one of
Lamina’s, back to me, giving, as I before said, this account of
all that had taken place since his leaving Samba Contaye up to the
7th of September.
In that short march he experienced all the difficulties which the
state of the country at that time of the year, and the disposition
of the natives, could possibly throw in his way to impede his
progress. He appeared, however, thus far to have surmounted them all,
and to have been going on as well as might be expected.
The men who came from him had taken more time to perform this journey
than would have been necessary had they both been swimmers. This
was not the case, his own man did not swim at all, and the other
could do so but badly. To obviate, therefore, a similar delay in his
receiving the articles he required, I selected a man to replace the
former, and having made a small parcel of the dollars, together with
some amber and beads, secured well with tarpaulin, and provided the
men with means of subsistence till they could overtake Mr. Dochard,
I despatched them on the 21st of September.
Affairs were going on very amicably between Almamy and myself,
since the moment of Mr. Dochard’s departure, until the early part
of October, previous to which I had purchased some horses and asses;
a step, I told Almamy some time before, I should be obliged to take,
in order to replace those I had lost by death, &c., to which he then
made no objection.
The last purchased was a fine Arabian mare, brought to me by a
man from Foota Toro, whom I had, early in the preceding month,
commissioned to that effect. In a few days after the arrival of this
animal at our camp, Almamy sent one of his vassals to let me know,
that in consequence of my having purchased several horses without
previously asking his permission, he expected I would pay him a custom
or duty thereon, and until I might think fit to do so, he had given
directions that none of the inhabitants of the country should dare,
under any pretence whatever, to bring provisions to us. On this,
as on all other occasions of messengers to me from Almamy, the chief
of the town, Osman Comba, was present, but could not, in answer to a
question of mine respecting the nature and amount of such custom, say
more than it was the first time he had ever heard of any such custom
being demanded by Almamy. Several of the oldest inhabitants of the
town were appealed to as to the justice of the demand. Their answer
was, that they were not aware of any such custom having been before
paid in Bondoo, but that Almamy, as chief of the country, might,
on all occasions, demand such tribute or duty as he thought proper.
Osman called me aside, and told me, that had I only bought the small
horses and asses of the country, Almamy would never have asked a duty
from me, and which, he said, was evident by his never having done
so before I bought this mare; but she being so fine a creature,
he was jealous of seeing her in my possession, and although he
could not, in any justice, demand a duty, he took advantage of
the circumstance to occasion a disagreement between us, to arrange
which, he supposed I should either give him the mare in question,
or find it necessary to make him a present likely to answer his
purpose as well. The former I of course would not listen to; not
that I fixed any particular value on that animal more than another,
but I was aware that, had I yielded to his wishes on this occasion,
I could not be safe on any future one of this kind. I therefore told
his messenger, who was extremely haughty and impertinent (all which
I bore with extreme sang froid), to return and let his master know
I should send a person to speak with him on the subject in a few
days. The fellow, with much reluctance, left our camp, and appeared
evidently disappointed at not going home loaded with presents.
Although I was satisfied that Almamy had sent this fellow with
some message to me about the horses purchased, I doubted his having
given orders to the people of the country not to bring provisions
to us, and therefore delayed sending any one to see Almamy until
I might be enabled to ascertain, by a few days’ experience, if
the market would be attended as usual. No alteration appearing for
three days, I sent Charles Jow to Boolibany, to inform Almamy of
what his messenger had said, and, in case he had been instructed by
him to bring that message, to say I felt very much annoyed at such
treatment, particularly as it appeared to me he did it merely to
get something from me which was not his due, and to prevent me from
replacing those animals which had died and were stolen in his country.
On his return the following day, he brought for answer, that Almamy
insisted on getting a duty, the amount or nature of which he would
not specify, but if I did not give what pleased him, I might eat my
merchandize, and he would eat his corn, meat, &c. I again waited a
few days, to see whether his threats, with respect to the market,
would be put in execution, when, finding a little milk was the only
article offered for sale, and that after sunset, and at exorbitant
prices, I was reduced to the necessity of endeavouring, by means of a
considerable present, to make peace with him. This, however, took some
time, and put me to much inconvenience in sending messengers to him.
Although I had a month’s corn in store, I conceived it much better
to arrange matters thus, than remain at variance with a man who had
so many opportunities of annoying me, and who, the longer I resisted
him, would become the more difficult to be satisfied.
The present amounted to three hundred and fifty bars, being nearly
double what I had paid for the mare. Thus is a man, when in the power
of these chiefs, subject to every species of imposition and insult,
both of which it would not only be improper, but unsafe, to resent
on some occasions.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 11: It was, when we saw it, in bad repair, not having been
rebuilt since it was partly destroyed by the Kartan army in 1817.]
[Footnote 12: A small village, about twenty-seven miles north from
Boolibany, and fifteen miles from the Senegal, at Bagulle, a village
of Lower Kajaga or Galam.]
[Footnote 13: In addition to its being his own wish to proceed on
this service, he was the only officer then capable of so hazardous
an undertaking.]