CHAPTER XI.

MANNERS.

“The king’s most faithful subjects we,

In’s service are not dull,

We drink to show our loyalty,

And make his coffers full.

Would all his subjects drink like us,

We’d make him richer far,

More powerful and more prosperous

Than all the Eastern monarchs are.”

SHADWELL’S _The Woman Captain_.

No passages in the “Diary” are more valuable than those from which

we can gather some idea of the manners of the time in which Pepys

lived. It is chiefly, in fact, on account of the pictures of the mode

of life among the men and women of the middle classes portrayed in

those passages that the book has attained its immense popularity.

History instructs, while gossip charms, so that for hundreds who desire

to learn the chronicle of events, thousands long to hear how their

ordinary fellow creatures lived, what they ate, what they wore, and

what they did.

Pepys liked good living, and he was careful to set down what he ate,

so that we are able to judge of his taste. This is what he calls a

“pretty dinner”--“a brace of stewed carps, six roasted chickens and

a jowl of salmon hot, for the first course; a tanzy and two neats’

tongues, and cheese the second.”[311] A good calf’s head boiled with

dumplings he thought an excellent dinner,[312] and he was very proud

of a dinner he gave to some friends, which consisted of “fricasee of

rabbits and chickens, a leg of mutton boiled, three carps in a dish, a

great dish of a side of a lamb, a dish of roasted pigeons, a dish of

four lobsters, three tarts, a lamprey pie (a most rare pie), a dish of

anchovies, good wine of several sorts and all things mighty noble and

to my great content.”[313] He was very indignant when Sir W. Hickes

gave him and his fellows “the meanest dinner (of beef, shoulder and

umbles of venison, which he takes away from the keeper of the forest,

and a few pigeons, and all in the meanest manner) that ever I did see,

to the basest degree.”[314] Pepys liked all kinds of pies, whether they

contained fish or swan, but there was one pie in particular that was

filled with such a pleasant variety of good things that he never tasted

the like in all his life.[315] On two several occasions he records his

appreciation of a joint which sounds strange to modern ears--viz.,

boiled haunch of venison.[316] At special seasons he was in the habit

of partaking of the diet appropriate to the festival: thus on Shrove

Tuesday he ate fritters,[317] and at Christmas mince pies[318] or plum

porridge,[319] plum pudding not having been at that time invented.

The meat taken with these sweets was sometimes the orthodox beef, but

it was more often something else, as on Christmas day, 1660, when it

consisted of shoulder of mutton and chicken.

Breakfast was not formerly made an ordinary meal, but radishes were

frequently taken with the morning draught. On May 2nd, 1660, Pepys

had his breakfast of radishes in the Purser’s cabin of the “Naseby,”

in accordance with the rule laid down by Muffet in his “Health’s

Improvement” (1655), that they “procure appetite and help digestion;”

which is still acted upon in Italy.

Ale-houses, mum-houses, and wine-houses abounded in all parts of

London, and much money must have been spent in them. The charges seem

to have been high, for Pepys relates how on one occasion the officers

of the navy met the Commissioners of the Ordnance at the Dolphin

Tavern, when the cost of their dinner was 34_s._ a man.[320] We are not

told how much Sir W. Batten, Sir W. Penn, and Pepys had to pay when

they ordered their dinner at the Queen’s Head at Bow, and took their

own meat with them from London.[321]

There is abundant evidence in the “Diary” of the prevalent habits of

deep drinking, and Pepys himself evidently often took more than was

good for him. Men were very generally unfit for much business after

their early dinners; thus Pepys tells of his great speech at the bar of

the House of Commons that it lasted so long that many of the members

went out to dinner, and when they came back they were half drunk.[322]

Sir William Penn told an excellent story which exhibits well the habits

of the time. Some gentlemen (?) drinking at a tavern blindfolded the

drawer, and told him that the one he caught would pay the reckoning.

All, however, managed to escape, and when the master of the house came

up to see what was the matter, his man caught hold of him, thinking

he was one of the gentlemen, and cried out that he must pay the

reckoning.[323] Various drinks are mentioned in the “Diary,” such as

mum (an ale brewed with wheat), buttered ale (a mixture of beer, sugar,

cinnamon, and butter), and lamb’s wool (a mixture of ale with sugar,

nutmeg, and the pulp of roasted apples), among other doctored liquors.

Such stuff as this does not indicate a refined taste, and the same may

be said when we find that wine was also made up for vitiated palates.

On June 10th, 1663, Pepys goes with three friends to the Half Moon

Tavern, and buys some sugar on the way to mix with the wine. We read of

Muscadel, and various kinds of sack, as Malago sack, raspberry sack,

and sack posset, of Florence wine, and of Navarre wine. Rhine wines

must have been popular at this time, if we may judge from the numerous

Rhenish wine-houses spread about the town. Amongst Pepys’s papers was

found a memorandum on the dangers England might experience in the event

of a war with France. Lord Dartmouth proposed that we might ruin the

French by forbidding their wines, “but that he considers, will never

be observed with all our heat against France. We see that, rather than

not drink their wine, we forget our interest against it, and play

all the villanies and perjuries in the world to bring it in, because

people will drink it, if it be to be had, at any rate.”[324] What Lord

Dartmouth thought to be impossible was practically effected by the

Methuen treaty in 1703, after the signing of which French wines were

driven out of the English market for many years by Spanish wines, and

it was long thought patriotic to drink port.

Pepys liked to be in the fashion, and to wear a newly-introduced

costume, although he was displeased when Lady Wright talked about the

great happiness of “being in the fashion, and in variety of fashions

in scorn of others that are not so, as citizens’ wives and country

gentlewomen.”[325] The Diary is full of references to new clothes, and

Pepys never seems so happy as when priding himself upon his appearance

and describing the beauties of velvet cloaks, silk coats, and gold

buttons. In 1663, he found that his expenses had been somewhat too

large, and that the increase had chiefly arisen from expenditure

on clothes for himself and wife, although, as already remarked, it

appears that Mrs. Pepys’s share was only _£_12, against her husband’s

_£_55.[326] In fact, our Diarist was at one time rather mean in

regard to the money he allowed his wife, although afterwards he was

more generous, and even gave _£_80 for a necklace of pearls which he

presented to her.

One of the strangest attempts to fix a fashion was made by Charles

the Second, who soon, however, tired of his own scheme. In 1661, John

Evelyn advocated a particular kind of costume in a little book entitled

“Tyrannus, or the Mode.” Whether the King took his idea from this book,

or whether it originated in his own mind we cannot tell, but at all

events, on the 17th of October, 1666, he declared to the Privy Council

his “resolution of setting a fashion for clothes which he will never

alter.” Pepys describes the costume in which Charles appeared on the

15th of October in the following words:--“A long cassock close to

the body, of black cloth and pinked with white silk under it, and a

coat over it, and the legs ruffled with black rib and like a pigeon’s

leg, ... a very fine and handsome garment.” Several of the courtiers

offered heavy bets that Charles would not persist in his resolution

of never altering this costume, and they were right, for very shortly

afterwards it was abandoned. The object aimed at was to abolish the

French fashion, which had caused great expense, but in order to

thwart his brother of England’s purpose, the King of France ordered

all his footmen to put on the English vests.[327] This impertinence

on the part of Louis XIV., which appears to have given Steele a hint

for his story of Brunetta and Phillis in the “Spectator,” caused the

discontinuance of the so-called Persian habit at the English Court.

There are occasional allusions in the “Diary” to female dress. Thus, on

October 15th, 1666, Lady Carteret tells Pepys that the ladies are about

to adopt a new fashion, and “wear short coats above their ancles,”

in place of the long trains, which both the gossips thought “mighty

graceful.” At another time Pepys was pleased to see “the young, pretty

ladies dressed like men, in velvet coats, caps with ribands, and with

laced bands, just like men.”[328] Vizards or black masks appear to

have come into general use, or rather were revived by the ladies about

1663. By wearing them women were able to sit out the most licentious

play with unblushing face. We read that Pepys and his wife went to

the Theatre Royal on June 12th of that year:--“Here I saw my Lord

Falconbridge and his Lady, my Lady Mary Cromwell, who looks as well as

I have known her, and well clad; but when the House began to fill she

put on her vizard, and so kept it on all the play; which of late is

become a great fashion among the ladies, which hides their whole face.”

After the play Pepys and Mrs. Pepys went off to the Exchange to buy a

vizard, so that the latter might appear in the fashion.

The custom of wearing the hat indoors is more than once alluded to in

the “Diary,”[329] and on one occasion Pepys was evidently much elated

by the circumstance that he was in a position to wear his hat--“Here

it was mighty strange to find myself sit here in Committee with my hat

on, while Mr. Sherwin stood bare as a clerk, with his hat off to his

Lord Ashly and the rest, but I thank God I think myself never a whit

the better man for all that.”[330] This practice, which still exists

in the House of Commons, was once universal, and in the statutes of

the Royal Society the right of addressing the meeting with his hat

on was reserved to the president, the other members being expected

to uncover on rising to speak. A few years after the above committee

meeting, it became the fashion of the young “blades” to wear their hats

cocked at the back of their heads.[331] This obtained the name of the

“Monmouth cock,” after the popular Duke of Monmouth, and according to

the “Spectator,” it still lingered in the west of England among the

country squires as late as 1711. “During our progress through the most

western parts of the kingdom, we fancied ourselves in King Charles the

Second’s reign, the people having made little variations in their dress

since that time. The smartest of the country squires appear still in

the Monmouth cock.”[332]

Gloves were then, as now, looked upon as an appropriate present to a

lady, and Pepys often bought them for this purpose. On October 27th,

1666, he gave away several pairs of _jessimy_ or jessemin gloves, as

Autolycus says, “gloves as sweet as damask roses;” and on January 25th,

1668–69, he was vexed when his wife wanted him to buy two or three

dozen perfumed gloves for her. Those who did not wear these useful

coverings laid themselves open to remark, as we read of Wallington, a

little fellow who sang an excellent bass, that he was “a poor fellow, a

working goldsmith, that goes without gloves to his hands.”[333] The use

of muffs by men became common after the Restoration, and continued till

Horace Walpole’s day, and even later. November, 1662, was a very cold

month, and Pepys was glad to wear his wife’s last year’s muff, and to

buy her a new one. The long hair worn by the cavaliers was superseded

soon after the Restoration by the use of wigs. Pepys went on the 29th

of August, 1663, to his barber’s to be trimmed, when he returned a

periwig which had been sent for his approval, as he had not quite

made up his mind to wear one, and “put it off for a while.” Very soon

afterwards, however, he ordered one to be made for him;[334] and then

he had his hair cut off, which went against his inclination. The new

wig cost three pounds, and the old hair was used to make another.[335]

This last only cost twenty-one shillings and sixpence to make up, and

the peruque-maker promised that the two would last for two years.[336]

The Duke of York very soon followed the fashion set by his subordinate,

and put on a wig for the first time on February 15th, 1663–4. These

magnificent ornaments, which look so grand in the portraits, were very

apt to get out of order, and on one occasion Pepys had to send his

wig back to the barber’s to be cleansed of its nits. No wonder he was

vexed at having had it sent to him in such a state.[337] On May 30th,

1668, he came to an agreement with his barber to keep his wigs in good

order for twenty shillings a year. It is remarkable that people did

not return to the sensible fashion of wearing their own hair after the

plague, when there must have been great dread of infection from this

source. Pepys bought a wig at Westminster during the sickness, and

was long afraid to wear it. He adds, “it is a wonder what will be the

fashion after the plague is done, as to periwigs, for nobody will dare

to buy any hair, for fear of the infection, that it had been cut off

the heads of people dead of the plague.”[338]

Before passing on to consider some other customs, a word should be

said on the practice of wearing mourning. When the Duke of Gloucester

died, it is related that the King wore purple, which was used as royal

mourning. At the same time Mrs. Pepys spent _£_15 on mourning clothes

for herself and husband.[339] We are told how the whole family went

into black on the death of the elder Mrs. Pepys,[340] and we have very

full and curious particulars of the funeral of Thomas Pepys. For this

occasion Samuel had the soles of his shoes blacked, which seems a

rather odd kind of mourning![341]

The engagement between Philip Carteret and Lady Jemimah Montagu gave

the Diarist considerable employment, and from the long account he has

written on it we gather that he was very proud of such assistance as

he was able to give. Carteret was a shy young man, and needed much

instruction, as to how he should take the lady’s hand, and what he

should do. The whole description is very droll, but too long to quote

here. Pepys made the best of the affair, but he evidently thought his

_protégé_ a very insipid lover. The wedding took place on July 31st,

1665, the bride and bridegroom being in their old clothes, but Pepys

was resplendent in a “new coloured suit and coat trimmed with gold

buttons, and gold broad lace round his hands, very rich and fine.” This

is the account of what occurred after supper:--“All of us to prayers

as usual, and the young bride and bridegroom too; and so after prayers

soberly to bed; only I got into the bridegroom’s chamber while he

undressed himself, and there was very merry till he was called to the

bride’s chamber, and into bed they went. I kissed the bride in bed, and

so the curtains drawn with the greatest gravity that could be, and so

good night. But the modesty and gravity of this business was so decent

that it was to me, indeed, ten times more delightful than if it had

been twenty times more merry and jovial.”

There are several allusions in the “Diary” to the custom of scrambling

for ribbons and garters at weddings, and Pepys expresses himself as not

pleased when favours were sent to others after Lord Hinchingbroke’s

wedding, and he was overlooked.[342] At this time wedding rings were

not the plain and inelegant things they are now, but were frequently

ornamented with precious stones, and almost invariably had a motto

engraved upon them. Pepys’s aunt Wight was “mighty proud” of her

wedding ring, which cost her twelve pounds, and had been lately set

with diamonds.[343]

It is not necessary to remark that there was a considerable laxity

of manners during the period with which we are now dealing, as this

is pretty well known, but one or two passages in the “Diary” may,

perhaps, be alluded to here. On one occasion Mrs. Turner, the wife of a

serjeant-at-law, while dressing herself in her room by the fire, took

occasion to show Pepys her leg, which she was very proud of, and which

he affirms was the finest he had ever seen.[344] At another time, Pepys

went to Lady Batten’s, when he found her and several friends very merry

in her chamber; Lady Penn flung him down upon the bed, and then herself

and the others came down one after another upon him. He might well add,

“and very merry we were.”[345]

This laxity of manners is invariably laid to the demoralizing effect of

the Restoration, but it is evident from this portion of the “Diary,”

which was written before that event, that it was as usual for men to

visit ladies in their bedrooms before Charles II. “returned to take

possession of his birthright,” as it was afterwards. Thus we read that

on February 24th, 1659–60, Pepys took horse at Scotland Yard, and rode

to Mr. Pierce, “who rose, and in a quarter of an hour, leaving his wife

in bed (with whom Mr. Lucy, methought, was very free as she lay in

bed); we both mounted and so set forth about seven of the clock.” This

remark probably offended Lord Braybrooke’s modesty, for it appears for

the first time in Mr. Mynors Bright’s edition.

There are several passages in the “Diary” which are of interest, as

showing how our ancestors travelled. Although travelling by coach was a

very slow operation, much ground could be got over in a short space of

time on horseback. On the 6th of July, 1661, Pepys set out for Brampton

about noon, and arrived there at nine o’clock at night; having ridden

at the rate of about nine miles an hour, with allowance for stoppages

for refreshment.

The first great improvement in coach-building was made soon after the

Restoration, when glass-coaches were introduced. The Comte de Grammont

did not approve of the coach made for the King, and therefore ordered

from Paris an elegant and magnificent calash, which was greatly

admired, and cost him two thousand louis.

There were some who did not appreciate the improved carriages, and

were alive to the evils that were caused by the change. “Another

pretty thing was my Lady Ashly’s speaking of the bad qualities of

glass-coaches, among others the flying open of the doors upon any

great shake; but another was that my Lady Peterborough being in her

glass-coach with the glass up, and seeing a lady pass by in a coach

whom she would salute, the glass was so clear that she thought it had

been open, and so ran her head through the glass!”[346]

It is a curious instance of the survival of terms in popular language

that certain carriages were styled glass-coaches even within living

memory.

Although the hours kept by “society” in Charles II.’s reign were

considerably earlier than those now adopted, and Pepys often went to

bed by daylight,[347] yet people did sit up very late sometimes. On

the 9th of May, 1668, the House of Commons sat till five o’clock in

the morning to discuss a difference that had arisen between them and

the House of Lords. One night Pepys stayed at the office so late that

it was nearly two o’clock before he got to bed,[348] and at another

time the servant got up at the same hour to do the week’s washing.[349]

The watchman perambulated the streets with his bell and called out the

hours, so that when Pepys was sitting up to fill up the entries in the

“Diary,” he often heard the cry “Past one of the clock, and a cold,

frosty, windy morning,”[350] or some similar information.

It is not easy to settle with any great accuracy the respective values

of money at that time and at present, as many things were considerably

cheaper, but others were dearer. Bab May said that _£_300 per annum was

an ample income for a country gentlemen; a remark that was repeated

by Marvell, and increased by him to _£_500. The gentry did not like

this criticism, but it shows at least that money had a much greater

purchasing power then than now. In the winter of 1666–67 the farmers

were very unfortunate, and many were forced to become bankrupts, so

that property previously bringing in _£_1,000[351] suddenly became

worth only _£_500. The wages of a cookmaid were _£_4 a year, which

Pepys thought high,[352] and a coach cost _£_53,[353] but a beaver hat

was charged as high as _£_4 5_s._[354] Twenty-five pounds was paid for

a painted portrait, and _£_30 for a miniature, and _£_80 for a necklace

of pearls. Cherries were sold at two shillings a pound,[355] oranges

at six shillings a dozen, and dinners at an ordinary varied from seven

shillings to a guinea.

There are so many little items in the “Diary” which are of interest as

illustrating old customs, some of which still exist, and others which

have died out, that it would be quite impossible to allude here even

to a fraction of them. One or two instances, therefore, gathered at

random, must be sufficient. Pepys on several occasions mentions the

custom of “beating the bounds” in the various parishes on Ascension

Day or Holy Thursday, when a boy was in some cases beaten, or, as in

Dorsetshire, tossed into a stream, in order to impress very forcibly

upon his memory the locality of the parish boundaries. At one time

he writes, “This day was kept a holy-day through the town; and it

pleased me to see the little boys walk up and down in procession with

their broomstaffs in their hands, as I had myself long ago gone,”[356]

and at another, “They talked with Mr. Mills about the meaning of

this day, and the good uses of it; and how heretofore, and yet in

several places, they do whip a boy at each place they stop at in their

procession.”[357] Allusion has already been made to the mixed motives

that drew Pepys to church, and how he often attended more to the pretty

faces in the congregation than to the words of the preacher. He had

high authority for his conduct in the demeanour of the court, and he

himself tells us how, while Bishop Morley (of Winchester) was preaching

on the song of the angels, and reprehending the mistaken jollity of

the court, the courtiers “all laugh in the chapel when he reflected on

their ill actions and courses.”[358]

There is comparatively little in the “Diary” about the Nonconformists,

although in the early part of his career Pepys was more favourable

to their claims than to those of the conforming clergy. He was once

induced to give five shillings to a parson among the fanatics, who said

a long grace like a prayer, and was in great want, although he would

willingly have done otherwise. His aunt James, “a poor, religious,

well-meaning, good soul,” told him that the minister’s prayers had

helped to cure him when he was cut for the stone.[359]

We have a curious peep into a rustic church which Pepys and his cousin

Roger attended on the 4th of August, 1662: “At our coming in, the

country people all rose with so much reverence; and when the parson

begins, he begins ‘Right worshipful and dearly beloved,’ to us.”

There are several allusions in the “Diary” to various punishments in

vogue at the time. In 1663, the parish of St. Olave’s was supplied

with a new pair of stocks “very handsome,” and one Sunday, a poor boy

who had been found in a drunken state by the constable, was led off

“to handsel them.”[360] It was formerly the custom to punish offenders

on the spot where their crimes had been committed; thus, on February

18th, 1659–60, two soldiers were hanged in the Strand for their mutiny

at Somerset House. The bodies of the criminals were frequently allowed

to hang in some conspicuous spot until they rotted away; and on April

11th, 1661, Pepys and “Mrs. Anne” “rode under the man that hangs upon

Shooter’s Hill, and a filthy sight it is to see how his flesh is shrunk

to his bones.” London must have exhibited a ghastly appearance when

the heads of traitors were stuck up on the city gates, on Temple Bar,

Westminster Hall, and other public places. The heads and the limbs were

covered with pitch, and remained in their elevated position for years,

until in many cases they were blown down by the wind. Pepys once found

the head of a traitor at the top of one of the turrets of Westminster

Abbey.[361] Some of Charles I.’s judges received an easier punishment.

William Monson, the “degraded” Earl of Castlemaine, Sir Henry Mildmay,

and Robert Wallop were sentenced to imprisonment for life, and to be

drawn on sledges with ropes round their necks from the Tower to Tyburn

and back, on the anniversary of the late King’s execution. Pepys met

the three sledges on Tower Hill on the 27th of January, 1661–62.

If called upon in the character of a judge to sum up the case

against the people of England in respect to their manners after the

Restoration, I think it would be but fair to say that these were better

than those of their rulers. It was not until after the Revolution, when

the vices of Charles’s court had had time to pollute the children of

the men who brought him back, that the lowest depths of immorality were

reached.

FOOTNOTES:

[311] “Diary,” March 26, 1662.

[312] Nov. 1, 1663.

[313] April 4, 1665.

[314] Sept. 13, 1665.

[315] Nov. 14, 1661.

[316] Sept. 9, 1662; Dec. 28, 1667.

[317] “Diary,” Feb. 26, 1660–61.

[318] Dec. 25, 1666.

[319] Dec. 25, 1662.

[320] June 20, 1665.

[321] March 14, 1667.

[322] “Diary,” March 5, 1667–68.

[323] Oct. 9, 1660. This is one of the additions in Mr. Mynors Bright’s

edition.

[324] Smith’s “Life, Journals, &c., of Pepys,” vol. ii. p. 202.

[325] “Diary,” Dec. 3, 1661.

[326] “Diary,” Oct 31, 1663.

[327] “Diary,” Nov. 22, 1666.

[328] July 27, 1665.

[329] Jan. 21, 1660–61.

[330] “Diary,” Jan. 17, 1664–65.

[331] June 3, 1667.

[332] “Spectator,” No. 129.

[333] “Diary,” Sept. 15, 1667.

[334] Oct. 30, 1663.

[335] Nov. 3, 1663.

[336] Nov. 13, 1663.

[337] “Diary,” July 18, 1664.

[338] Sept. 3, 1665.

[339] Sept. 17, 1660.

[340] March 27, 1667.

[341] March 18, 1663–64.

[342] “Diary,” Jan. 17, 1667–68.

[343] Dec. 4, 1668.

[344] Jan. 3, 1664–65.

[345] April 12, 1665.

[346] “Diary,” Sept. 23, 1667.

[347] June 12, 1662; July 1, 1662.

[348] Jan. 30, 1664–65.

[349] March 12, 1659–60.

[350] Jan. 16, 1659–60.

[351] “Diary,” Feb. 27, 1666–67.

[352] March 26, 1663.

[353] Oct. 24, 1668.

[354] June 27, 1661.

[355] “When cherries were first introduced into England they cost as

much as 20_s._ a pound.”--Buckle’s “Common-place Book,” vol. ii. p. 395.

[356] “Diary,” May 23, 1661.

[357] April 30, 1668.

[358] Dec. 25, 1662.

[359] May 30, 1663.

[360] “Diary,” April 12, 1663.

[361] Oct. 21, 1660.

[Illustration: Decoration]

[Illustration: Decoration]

Samuel Pepys and the World He Lived In · 第 11 / 13 章