CHAPTER V.

PEPYS’S BOOKS AND COLLECTIONS.

“A snapper-up of unconsidered trifles.”

_Winter’s Tale_, act iv. sc. iii.

Pepys desired that his name might go down to posterity, but he could

little have foreseen the fame that it has attained in the nineteenth

century. The mode he took to keep it alive was the bequeathment of his

library and collections to a time-honoured foundation; and there is

every reason to believe that he would have strongly objected to the

publication of his “Diary.” Now that that book has been published, we

all see the full-length figure of the man; but his character might also

have been read in the Pepysian library at Magdalene College, Cambridge;

and this latter exhibition of him has been much longer before the

public. Comparatively little interest was, however, taken in it until

after the appearance of the deciphered “Diary,” when his name at once

sprang into fame.

The library was left, in the first instance, to the Diarist’s nephew,

John Jackson, but with a special proviso that it should on no account

be dispersed. Pepys refers in his memorandum to “the infinite pains and

time and cost employed in my collecting and reducing the same to the

state it now is” in. He is particularly solicitous “for its unalterable

preservation and perpetual security against the ordinary fate of such

collections, falling into the hands of an incompetent heir and thereby

being sold, dissipated or imbezzled.” Jackson was allowed a certain

latitude in the disposal of the collections after his death. They

were to be placed at one of the Universities, but Cambridge was to be

preferred to Oxford. A private college was to be chosen rather than the

Public Library, and of colleges Trinity or Magdalene were to be given

the preference over the others. Of these two colleges (on the boards

of each of which Pepys’s name had been entered), Magdalene, at which

he received his education, was to have the preference. The college

which did not receive the gift was appointed visitor, and if at the

annual inspection any breach of covenant occurred, the library became

forfeited to it.

A fair room was to be provided for the library, and no other books were

to be added, save those which Jackson might add in distinct presses.

The whole was to be called “Bibliotheca Pepysiana,” and the sole power

and custody over it was to be vested in the master of the college for

the time being.[119]

Magdalene College was founded by Lord Chancellor Audley, who vested for

ever the right of nominating to the mastership in the possessors of

Audley End. At the time that Pepys was a student the buildings were far

from extensive, and consisted of the first court alone. The foundation

of the second court was laid in 1677, and Pepys’s “Correspondence”

contains a letter from Dr. Hezekiah Burton, asking for the contribution

already promised towards the new buildings; and another from John

Maulyverer in 1679, thanking for money lent for the same purpose, and

referring to a bond. A fellow-collegian of Pepys was John Peachell,

afterwards Vicar of Stanwick, Prebendary of Carlisle, and Master of

the College in 1679. He does not appear to have been altogether an

estimable man, for in 1677 (May 3) Pepys felt half ashamed to be

seen in his company because of his red nose; and according to Lord

Dartmouth’s manuscript notes on Bishop Burnet’s “History of his own

Time,” there was cause for this rubicundity, as Archbishop Sancroft

rebuked him for setting an ill example in the University by drunkenness

and other loose behaviour. Dr. Peachell had his good points, however,

for in 1687 he was suspended from his mastership and deprived of his

vice-chancellorship for refusing to admit Alban Francis, a Benedictine

monk, to the degree of Master of Arts without taking the prescribed

oaths. It appears from a letter to Pepys that he greatly feared the

Earl of Suffolk, who was then owner of Audley End, would be content

to have him removed in order to obtain the privilege of nominating a

successor, but he was fortunate in being restored to his office in the

following year.

Pepys never forgot a friend, and a month before this restoration he

induced Lord Dartmouth, on his appointment to the command of the fleet,

to ask Peachell to be his chaplain, with authority over all the other

chaplains. In 1690 the Master of Magdalene died of starvation brought

about by a four days’ fast which he prescribed himself as a penance

after the archbishop’s admonition; and when he afterwards tried to eat

he could not.

The master at the period of Pepys’s death was Dr. Quadring, and in

the college chest are two letters written by Jackson to him to inform

him of the will of the deceased respecting the library. It was not,

however, until 1724, on the death of Jackson, that the three thousand

volumes of which the library consisted were, with the original

bookcases, removed to the college, and deposited in the new buildings

which Pepys had assisted to build. The old inscription, “Bibliotheca

Pepysiana,” which was set up at the time, is still to be seen on the

front in the second courtyard.

The library is of the greatest interest, and a mere enumeration of some

of the treasures contained in it is enough to whet the appetite of

the least ardent among the lovers of old books. To mention first the

manuscripts:--there are the various papers collected by Pepys for his

proposed “Navalia;” a “vast treasure of papers” lent by Evelyn, but

never returned to their owner; seventeen letters from Henry VIII. to

Anne Boleyn, copied at Rome from the originals in the Vatican, 1682; a

collection of papers relating to Charles II.’s escape from Worcester;

a journal of the proceedings of the Duke of Monmouth in his invading

of England, with the progress and issue of the rebellion attending it,

kept by Mr. Edward Dummer, then serving the train of artillery employed

by his Majesty for the suppression of the same; and a Survey (made by

order of the Admiralty) of buildings and encroachments on the River of

Thames, from London Bridge to Cuckold’s Point, 1684–1687. The Maitland

MS., which contains an excellent collection of Scottish poetry, and

is named after Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington, Lord Privy Seal

and Judge in the Court of Session (b. 1496, d. 1586), who formed it,

is also worthy of special mention. How the two volumes of which it

consists came into Pepys’s possession is not recorded. Selections from

them were printed by Pinkerton in 1786.

Among the choice articles that should have some notice, however

inadequate, are the pocket-book constantly used by Sir Francis Drake,

and that of James II., described as follows by Pepys himself:--“My

Royal master K. James yᵉ 2ᵈ. Pocket Book of Rates and Memorandums

during yᵉ whole time of his serving at yᵉ Seas as Lord High Admiral of

England, vizᵗ., from May, 1663, to his laying down his commission, May,

1673.” Another great curiosity is the original “Libro de Cargos as to

Provisions and Munic̃ons of the Proveedor of the Spanish Armada, 1588,”

with a hole right through, for the purpose of hanging it up in the

ship.

Besides all the papers on naval affairs in the Pepysian Library, there

is a series of fifty volumes of Pepys’s manuscripts in the Rawlinson

Collection in the Bodleian Library. How these papers came into the

possession of Rawlinson is not known.

What gives a special interest to the Library is the fact that it still

remains in exactly the same condition as Pepys left it, the books being

in the original cases, arranged in the order which he had fixed. There

are several entries in the “Diary” relating to the arrangement and

cataloguing of the books; thus on December 17th, 1666, we read:--“Spent

the evening in fitting my books, to have the number set upon each, in

order to my having an alphabet of my whole, which will be of great

ease to me.” He employs his brother John to write out the catalogue

“perfectly alphabeticall,”[120] but he afterwards finishes it off with

his own hand.[121] He was very particular as to the books he admitted

into his catalogue, so when he bought in the Strand “an idle rogueish

French book, ‘L’escholle des filles,’” he resolved, as soon as he had

read it, to burn it, “that it might not stand in the list of books

nor among them, to disgrace them if it should be found.”[122] He had,

at a later time, a similar feeling with regard to Lord Rochester’s

poems, and in a letter dated Nov. 2, 1680, he directs Hewer to leave

the volume in a drawer, as it is written in a style which he thought

unfitted it for mixing with his other books. He adds that as the

author (who had just died) was past writing any more poems so bad in

one sense, he despaired of any man surviving “to write so good in

another.”[123] When I was looking over the Library I made a point of

seeing whether this book had found a place at last on the shelves,

and I discovered it there; but with sad hypocrisy it stood in false

colours, for the lettering on the back was “Rochester’s Life.”

The books were numbered consecutively throughout the Library, and,

therefore, when re-arranged, they needed to be all renumbered. All

hands were pressed into this service; and we read that on the 15th of

February, 1667–68, Pepys himself, his wife, and Deb Willett, were busy

until near midnight “titleing” the books for the year, and setting them

in order. They all tired their backs, but the work was satisfactory,

though, on the whole, not quite so much so as the previous year’s job

had been.

On account of this constant changing, each book contains several

numbers, sometimes as many as six; and the last, which is the one by

which the books are still found, is in red ink.

The books are arranged in eleven curious old mahogany bookcases,

which are mentioned in the “Diary,” under date August 24th, 1666, and

which gave the Diarist so much pleasure, when they were sent home

quite new by Mr. Sympson, the joiner and cabinet-maker. The presses

are handsomely carved, and have handles fixed at each end; the doors

are formed of little panes of glass; and, in the lower divisions, the

glass windows are made to lift up. The books are all arranged in

double rows; but, by the ingenious plan of placing small books in front

of large ones, the letterings of all can be seen. Some have tickets on

the outside, and this practice is mentioned in the “Diary,” where we

read: “To my chamber, and there to ticket a good part of my books, in

order to the numbering of them for my easy finding them to read as I

have occasion.”[124]

The word “arranged” has been several times used in this chapter; but it

must not be understood as implying any kind of classification, for the

books are merely placed in order of size. This arrangement, however,

has been very carefully attended to; and, in one instance, some short

volumes have been raised to the required height by the help of wooden

stilts, gilt in front.

The classification was to be found in the catalogues; and, as Pepys

increased in substance, he employed experts to do this work for him.

One of these was Paul Lorrain, the author of several tracts and

sermons, who was employed in copying manuscripts, and making catalogues

of books and prints. A letter from this man, written on October 12th,

1700, to explain the nature of the work he then had in hand, is printed

in the correspondence of Pepys.

There are numerous entries in the “Diary” relating to the binding of

certain books; and a single glance at the Library as it now exists

would show any one experienced in the matter that Pepys paid great

attention to this most important point in the proper preservation

of a library. As early as May 15th, 1660, he showed this taste by

buying three books solely on account of the binding; and on January

18th, 1664–65, he went to his bookseller to give directions for the

new binding of a great many of his old books, in order that his whole

studyful should be uniform. Nearly all the books are bound in calf,

although some are in morocco and some in vellum.

Pepys came to the resolution in the year 1667 that he would not have

any more books than his cases would hold; so when, on the 2nd of

February, 1667–68, he found that the number of books had much increased

since the previous year, he was forced to weed out several inferior

ones to make room for better. He had previously written: “Whereas,

before, my delight was in multitude of books, and spending money in

that, and buying alway of other things, now that I am become a better

husband, and have left off buying, now my delight is in the neatness

of everything.”[125] This plan he continued to practise throughout his

life, generally to the improvement of the character of his library, but

not always so.

When I was allowed the privilege of looking through the Library, I

came upon a list of books headed “Deleta, 1700.” The entries in this

list are most curious. To each title is added a note, such as these:

“Ejected as a duplicate,” “Removed to a juster place,” “To give way to

the same reprinted,” “To give way to a fairer edition.”

As the “Diary” is full of notices of books purchased, I felt

interested to know which of them had been weeded out after they had

been bought, and which had been thought worthy to remain on to the end.

The following is the result of these inquiries in a few instances,

chosen from the poets:--On the 8th of July, 1664, Pepys went to his

bookseller about some books; from his shop he went on to the binder,

to give directions as to the binding of his “Chaucer;” “and thence to

the clasp-makers, to have it clasped and bossed.” Reposing in a quiet

corner of the Pepysian Library is Speght’s edition of 1602, which is

the identical copy referred to, and here, therefore, we have an example

of the books that remained. It is in a plain calf cover, unlettered,

“full neat enough,” with brass clasp and bosses.

This evident attempt to do honour to the memory of

“That renownmed Poet

Dan Chaucer, well of English undefyled,

On Fame’s eternall beadroll worthie to be fyled,”

is an incident of the more interest, in that Chaucer is almost the

only great poet that Pepys was able to appreciate. Sir John Minnes,

the wit, taught him to love England’s grand old singer. These two men

were constantly brought together in the fulfilment of business duties,

and Pepys writes “among other things Sir J. Minnes brought many fine

expressions of Chaucer, which he doats on mightily.” To this he adds as

his own opinion, “and without doubt he is a very fine poet.”[126]

That this is not a mere passing remark is evident, for on August 10th,

1664, he actually quotes a line from “Troilus and Cressida,” a most

unusual practice with this “matter-of-fact” man. He goes to visit the

famous Cocker, and has an hour’s talk with him on various matters.

“He (Cocker) says that the best light for his life to do a very small

thing by (contrary to Chaucer’s words to the Sun, ‘that he should lend

his light to them that small seals grave’)[127] it should be by an

artificial light of a candle, set to advantage, as he could do it.”

I very much fear that the quotation did not spring up into Pepys’s own

mind, but that it was suggested by Cocker, who was “a great admirer,

and well read in all our English poets.” More than thirty years after

this, Pepys still remained one of Chaucer’s warmest admirers, and we

have it on the best authority that we owe Dryden’s modernization of the

“Character of a Good Parson” to his recommendation.[128]

To return, however, to the Pepysian Library. On the 7th of July, 1664

(the day before he went to the binder about Chaucer), Pepys bought

“Shakespeare’s Plays.” This probably was the third edition, which had

just appeared; though it might have been either the first folio of

1623, or the second folio of 1632; but whichever of these three it

happened to be, it was replaced in after years by the fourth folio of

1685, which is now in the collection. Although “Paradise Lost” was

first published in 1667, we find no notice either of it or of its

author in the “Diary.”

[Illustration: JOHN MILTON.

Engraved by _H. Meyer_ from a Drawing by Mʳ. Cipriani, in the

Possession of the Rev: Dʳ. Disney.

_Published April 16, 1810, by T. Cadell & W. Davies, Strand London._]

The Library contains the collected edition, in three folio volumes,

of Milton’s Works, published at London by John Toland in 1698, but

stated in the title-page to be published at Amsterdam. Pepys probably

thought it wise to have nothing to do with any of the publications of

so dangerous a man as Milton before the period of the Revolution; and

a curious letter from Daniel Skinner to Pepys, dated from Rotterdam,

November 19th, 1676, shows that a man might be injured in his public

career by the rumour that he had the works of Milton in his possession.

Skinner agreed with Daniel Elzevir, the last of that learned race, to

print at Amsterdam certain of Milton’s writings which the poet had left

to him. In the meantime a surreptitious edition of some State Letters

appears, or as Skinner puts it, “creeps out into the world.” When Sir

Joseph Williamson, the Secretary of State, is informed of this, and is

asked to give a licence for the proposed authentic edition, he replies

that “he could countenance nothing of that man’s (Milton) writings.”

Upon this, Skinner gives up his scheme, and lends the papers to

Williamson, but he gets shabby treatment in return, for on his arrival

in Holland he finds that those likely to employ him have been warned

against him as a dangerous character.[129]

The last instance of Pepys’s weeding-out process shall be “Hudibras,”

and it is the most curious of all. On the 26th of December, 1662, we

read in the “Diary:” “To the Wardrobe. Hither come Mr. Battersby;

and we falling into a discourse of a new book of drollery, in verse,

called ‘Hudebras,’ I would needs go find it out, and met with it at the

Temple: cost me 2_s._ 6_d._ But when I came to read it, it is so silly

an abuse of the Presbyter Knight going to the warrs, that I am ashamed

of it; and by and by meeting at Mr. Townsend’s at dinner, I sold it

to him for 18_d._” The book is dated 1663, and could only have been

published a few days when Pepys bought and sold it at a loss of one

shilling.

Warned by his previous experience, he would not buy the second part

when it came out, but borrowed it “to read, to see if it be as good as

the first, which the world cry so mightily up, though it hath not a

good liking in me, though I had tried but twice or three times reading

to bring myself to think it witty.”[130]

He still remained uneasy, and tried to appreciate the fashionable

poem, so that on December 10th, 1663, he thought it well to buy both

parts and place them in his library. Twenty years after this he was

still doing his best to find “where the wit lies,” for we find by the

“Tangier Diary” that he read the first two books on board ship during

the voyage out.[131]

The edition of “Hudibras” in the Library is that of 1689, so that the

earlier editions must have been exchanged for it.

It does not say much for the literary taste of the man who tried in

vain to appreciate “Hudibras,” that he found Cotton’s “Scarronides, or

Virgile Travestie,” “extraordinary good.”[132]

The Library contains many very valuable volumes; as, for instance,

there are nine Caxtons, and several Wynkyn de Wordes and Pynsons, but

the chief interest centres in the various collections.

First and foremost among these are the five folio volumes of old

English Ballads, which contain the largest series of broadside ballads

ever brought together; the next in size being the well-known Roxburghe

Collection, now in the British Museum.

Pepys has written on the title-page of his volumes: “Begun by Mr.

Selden: Improved by yᵉ addition of many Pieces elder thereto in Time,

and the whole continued down to the year, 1700, When the Form till

then peculiar thereto, vizᵗ., of the Black Letter, with Picturs, seems

(for cheapness sake) wholly laid aside, for that of the White Letter,

without Pictures.”

The Ballads are arranged under the following heads:--1. Devotion and

Morality. 2. History, true and fabulous. 3. Tragedy, viz. murders,

executions, judgements of God. 4. State and Times. 5. Love, pleasant.

6. Love, unfortunate. 7. Marriage, cuckoldry. 8. Sea: love, gallantry,

and actions. 9. Drinking and good fellowship. 10. Humorous frolics and

mirth. The total number of Ballads is 1800, of which 1376 are in black

letter. Besides these there are four little duodecimo volumes, lettered

as follows: Vol. 1. Penny Merriments. Vol. 2. Penny Witticisms. Vol. 3.

Penny Compliments; and Vol. 4. Penny Godlinesses.

Other collections are lettered “Old Novels,” “Loose Plays,” and

“Vulgaria.” There are six folio volumes of tracts on the Popish Plot,

four quarto volumes of Sea Tracts, and a collection of News-Pamphlets

for six years, that is, from January 1st, 1659–60, to January 1st,

1665–66, the time of the commencement of the Gazettes. Pepys was the

first person to collect prints and drawings in illustration of London

topography. These he left to his nephew, who added to the collection,

and two thick folio volumes therefore came to the College with the

other treasures.

Pepys’s collections have a special interest, because he collected his

books himself, knew all about them, and registered them with loving

care. His various catalogues and indexes are marvels of neatness,

and living as he did in a pre-bibliographical age, he deserves the

greatest credit for the judgment exercised in their production. In the

fifth volume of the little collection of books on Shorthand, there is

an index of authors, with dates of publication and references to the

volume in which each will be found; and the following, which is the

title of one of the appendixes to the catalogue, will show how much

labour was willingly expended in the production of these helps to

research: “A chronological Deductions of the Variations of Stile (to

be collected from yᵉ Alphabet of my books) in yᵉ language of England

between ann. 700 & yᵉ attempt last made towards its refinement by Sir

Philᵖ Sidney in his ‘Arcadia,’ between 1580 and 1590.”

Neatness and the love of accuracy were ruling passions with Pepys,

and when a catalogue was filled up with additional entries he had it

re-arranged and copied out. On “A Catalogue and Alphabet to my books

of Geography and Hydrography, 1693–95,” is the following memorandum:

“Before this Index be transcribed far to collect and alphabet the

particulars contained in the List of additional Books inserted at

the end, and that being done To incorporate both them and the four

particular Indexes preceding into the Principal, and so as to unite the

whole.”

This is an interesting list: “Bibliotheca Nautica, 1695. Catalogue of

Authors (the perfectest I can arrive at) upon the art and practice

of Navigation, with a Chronological Catalogue of the most eminent

Mathematicians of this Nation, Antient and Modern, to the year 1673.”

Some papers show how all this was arrived at, thus: “Memorandum,

to look over yᵉ Epistles and Prefaces to all the Bookes in this

Collection, of which I am not maister, and yᵉ other allsoe, and

apply what is usefull through yᵉ whole.” Mr. Mount, “son-in-law and

successor to the late Mr. Fisher, master of the ancient shopp and our

only magazine of English Books of Navigation at the Postern on Tower

Hill,” prepared a list, and tried to answer Pepys’s queries. The

Diarist was well known to all the booksellers, and he doubtless was a

good customer, although he must have troubled them sometimes with his

fastidiousness. A note intended for Mr. Mount may be looked upon as a

good sample of many more such memorandums, “To get me the ‘Invention of

yᵉ Art of Navigation,’ a fair one for yᵉ dirty one I bought of him.”

Robert Scott, the famous bookseller of Little Britain, when sending

Pepys four scarce books, the total cost of which was only _£_1 14_s._,

writes, “But without flattery I love to find a rare book for you.”

Herringman, of the “Blue Anchor,” at the New Exchange in the Strand,

Joseph Kirton, of St. Paul’s Churchyard, who was ruined by the Fire of

London, and Bagford, the title-robber, were some among the booksellers

with whom Pepys had dealings.

Pepys was not a producer of _marginalia_, but some of his books contain

an occasional note of interest; thus, in Cotton’s “Compleat Gamester”

(1674), “cocking” is described at page 206 as a “game of delight

and pleasure,” and Pepys added a manuscript note in the margin, “of

barbarity.” Not only does this give us Pepys’s opinion of the sport

very pithily, but it also illustrates a passage in the “Diary,” where

he describes his visit to the cock-fighting in Shoe Lane, and says he

soon had enough of it.[133]

All the books in the Library have a bookplate in the inside cover.

These are of different design, two having Pepys’s portrait (one large

and the other small), and one having S. P. and two anchors interlaced.

Dr. Diamond writes in “Notes and Queries,” that he once met with

a large quantity of these bookplates in four varieties. Two were

beautifully engraved by Faithorne, as is supposed, and two were by

White. Some of them had a rough margin, and others were cut close up to

the mantle on the arms.[134]

The motto which Pepys adopted, _Mens cujusque is est quisque_, was

criticized by some of the Admirals in 1690, and the Diarist desired

his friend Hewer to point out to them, through Mr. Southerne, that it

was a quotation from Cicero’s “Somnium Scipionis,” and that the thought

was derived from Plato and wrought upon by St. Paul. The whole passage

is, “Tu vero enitere, et sic habeto te non esse mortalem, sed Corpus

hoc. Nec enim is est quem forma ista declarat; sed _mens cujusque is

est quisque_, non ea figura quæ digito monstrari potest.”

In concluding this notice of the Pepysian Library, it will be necessary

to say a few words about the Musical collections. Pepys was not a mere

amateur in music, but understood both theory and practice thoroughly,

and he found consolation from it when troubles came upon him.[135] On

November 2nd, 1661, he tried “to make a song in praise of a liberal

genius,” which he took his own to be, but the result did not prove to

his mind; and on March 20th, 1668, he endeavoured to invent “a better

theory of music than hath yet been abroad.”

We have references in the “Diary” to four songs which he composed, and

a notice of one which he only attempted.[136] On January 30th, 1659–60,

he sang Montrose’s verses on the execution of Charles I. beginning,--

“Great, good, and just, could I but rate,”

which he had set to music. He composed “Gaze not on Swans,” on the 11th

of February, 1661–62; but his grand achievement was the setting to

music of the song,

“Beauty retire; thou doest my pitty move,

Believe my pitty, and then trust my love,” &c.,

from Davenant’s Second Part of “The Siege of Rhodes,” (act iv. sc.

2). Mrs. Knipp sang the song so well that the composer is forced to

exclaim, that it seems to be a very fine song, and Captain Downing,

“who loves and understands music,” “extols it above everything he had

ever heard.”[137] Further evidence of the pride of the composer is seen

in the fact that he had his portrait painted with the music of “Beauty

retire” in his hand.

On April 6th, 1666, he began “putting notes” to Ben Jonson’s song,

“It is decreed--nor shall thy fate, O Rome!

Resist my vow, though hills were set on hills,”

but he did not finish it until November 11th, 1666. He thought himself

that it was even better than “Beauty retire,” but the opinion of others

is not given.

In the Pepysian Library is a volume of music, entitled, “Songs and

other Compositions, Light, Grave and Sacred, for a single voice

adjusted to the particular compass of mine; with a thorough base on

yᵉ ghitare, by Cesare Morelli,” which contains, among others, “Beauty

retire,” “It is decreed,” and “To be or not to be.” We find in the

“Diary” that on November 13th, 1664, Pepys was learning to recite this

speech of Hamlet.

In the present day, when few instruments besides the piano are heard

in private houses, it is somewhat surprising to find how many were

familiar to our ancestors in the seventeenth century, and a note of

some of these will perhaps be thought interesting.

The lute was a favourite instrument when Pepys was young, and a

good lutenist was in high esteem among his fellows. Lady Wright’s

butler gave Pepys a lesson or two, and in the first two years of the

“Diary,” there are several references to the hours the Diarist spent

in practising; but for a time he was unable to play, as his lute was

in pawn. Various forms of the violin were much used by Pepys, who rose

by candlelight on the 3rd of December, 1660, and spent his morning in

fiddling, till it was time to go to the office.

He and Mr. Hill were engaged for an hour or two in stringing a theorbo;

and, on another occasion, he had it mended at a cost of twenty-six

shillings. The flute and flageolet were always handy, as he could put

them in his pocket, and use them as occasion required, particularly if

he were in the neighbourhood of an echo. He mentions the guitar twice

in the “Diary,” but did not play on it, as he thought it a bauble. He

afterwards altered his opinion, for he expressly charges Morelli, the

arranger of his musical papers, to set a certain French song to the

guitar; and, as may be seen above, many others were treated in the same

way.[138] He is at one time angry with The. Turner because she will

not give him a lesson on the harpsichord; and afterwards he buys a

spinet.[139]

I here end the portion of this book which deals with the life of Pepys

himself.

The “Correspondence” discovers a more dignified character than the

“Diary,” but we cannot say for certain whether, if we had a diary of

the later years, we should not read such a confession as this on the

27th of January, 1666–67:--“Went down and sat in a low room (at Sir

Philip Warwick’s), reading ‘Erasmus de scribendis epistolis,’ a very

good book, especially one letter of advice to a courtier, most true and

good, which made me once resolve to tear out the two leaves that it was

writ in, but I forbore it.”

FOOTNOTES:

[119] Harl. MS. 7,031, pp. 208, 209. “Samuel Pepys, his disposition and

settlement of his Library.”

[120] “Diary,” Jan. 8, 1666–67.

[121] Feb. 4, 1666–67.

[122] Feb. 8, 1667–68.

[123] Smith’s “Life, &c., of Pepys,” vol. i. p. 247.

[124] “Diary,” Dec. 19, 1666.

[125] “Diary,” Aug. 10, 1663.

[126] “Diary,” June 14, 1663.

[127] “Allas! what hath this lovers the agylte?

Dispitous Day, thyn be the pyne of Helle!

For many a lover hastow slayn, and wilt;

Thi pourynge in wol nowher lat hem dwelle:

What? profrestow thi light here for to selle?

_Go selle it hem that smale seles grave_,

We wol the nought, as nedeth no day have!”

_Troylus and Cryseyde_, book iii. ll. 1408–14.

[128] This is so interesting a fact that I think Dryden’s letter to

Pepys on the subject may well appear in full at this place:--

“July 14, 1699.

“Padron Mio,

“I remember last year when I had the honour of dining with you, you

were pleased to recommend to me the character of Chaucer’s “Good

Parson.” Any desire of yours is a command to me, and accordingly I

have put it into my English, with such additions and alterations as I

thought fit.

“Having translated as many fables from Ovid, and as many novels from

Boccace, and tales from Chaucer, as will make an indifferent large

volume in folio, I intend them for the press in Michaelmas term next.

In the mean time my Parson desires the favour of being known to you,

and promises if you find any fault in his character, he will reform

it. Whenever you please, he shall wait on you, and for the safer

conveyance, I will carry him in my pocket, who am

“My _Padron’s_ most obedient servant,

“JOHN DRYDEN.

“For Samuel Pepys, Esq.,

At his house in York Street, These.”

“For Samuel Pepys, Esq.,

At his house in York Street, These.”

In Pepys’s answer, dated on the same day, he writes:

“You truly have obliged me, and, possibly, in saying so, I am more in

earnest than you can readily think, as verily hoping from this your

copy of one ‘Good Parson’ to fancy some amends made me for the hourly

offence I bear with from the sight of so many lewd originals.”--Smith’s

“Life, &c., of Pepys,” vol. ii. pp. 254–55.

[129] Smith’s “Life, &c., of Pepys,” vol. i. pp. 169–81.

[130] “Diary,” Nov. 28, 1663.

[131] Smith’s “Life, &c., of Pepys,” vol. i. p. 343.

[132] “Diary,” March 2, 1663–64.

[133] “Diary,” Dec. 21, 1663.

[134] “Notes and Queries,” 1st S. vi. 534.

[135] “The little knowledge in music which I have, never was of more

use to me than it is now, under the molestations of mind which I have

at this time more than ordinary to contend with.”--Smith’s “Life, &c.,

of Pepys,” vol. i. p. 199.

[136] “Diary,” Nov. 30, 1667.

[137] “Diary,” Dec. 6, 1665; Feb. 23, 1665–66; Nov. 9, 1666.

[138] Letter dated Sept. 25, 1679, in Smith’s “Life, &c., of Pepys,”

vol. i. p. 200.

[139] References to the “Diary” where the several instruments are

mentioned:--

_Lute_, Jan. 25, 31, Feb. 4, March 18, 1659–60; Oct. 21, Nov. 9, 21,

1660; May 26, 1662.

_Viol_, Jan. 4, March 4, 6, Feb. 17, 1662–63; Sept. 28, 1664.

_Lyre viol_, Nov. 17, 1660; Oct. 16, Nov. 20, 1666.

_Bass viol_, July 5, 1662; April 17, 1663.

_Arched viol_, Oct. 5, 1664.

_Treble_, April 23, 1660.

_Violin_, March 6, 1659–60; April 6, 10, Nov. 21, 1660; April 23, June

6, 1661; June 15, 1663.

_Theorbo_, March 5, 1569–60; Nov. 24, Dec. 30, 1660; Oct. 9, 28, Dec.

7, 1661; Aug. 21, 1663; July 30, 1666.

_Guitar_, June 8, 1660; July 27, 1661.

_Cittern_, June 5, 1660; Jan. 17, 1660–61.

_Bandore_, Oct. 15, 1662.

_Recorder_, April 8, 1668.

_Flageolet_, Jan. 16, 30, Feb. 8, 9, 27, 1659–60; May 14, June 21,

1660; June 5, 1661; Jan. 20, 1667–68.

_Triangle_, March 18, 1662–63; April 1, 15, June 21, 1663.

_Triangle virginal_, June 14, 1661.

_Virginals_, Dec. 8, 1660; Sept. 2, 1666.

_Spinet_ (espinette), April 4, July 10, 13, 1668.

_Harpsichord_, March 17, 1659–60; Feb. 26, 1660–61; April 31, June 18,

1661; Sept. 9, 1664; April 4, 1668.

_Dulcimer_, June 23, 1662.

_Trumpet marine_, Oct. 24, 1667.

[Illustration: Decoration]

[Illustration: Decoration]

Samuel Pepys and the World He Lived In · 第 5 / 13 章