NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES IN 1823-24.
Proceedings in Congress after the Convention of 1818.--Russian Ukase
of 1821.--Russian Title to the North-west Coast of
America.--Declaration of President Monroe, of Dec. 2, 1823.--Protest
of Russia and Great Britain.--Report of General Jessup.--Exclusive
Claim set up by the United States, on the Ground of Discovery by
Captain Gray, and Settlement at Astoria.--Extent of Title by Discovery
of the Mouth of a River.--The United States claim up to 51 deg. N.
L.--British Objections.--Convention of 1790.--Discovery by Captain
Gray a private Enterprise.--Mr. Rush's Reply.--Gray's Vessel a
national Ship for such an Occasion.--Superior Title of Spain.--British
Answer.--Pretensions of Spain never admitted.--Drake's Expedition in
1578.--Mr. Rush's further Reply.--Treaty of 1763, a Bar to Great
Britain westward of the Mississippi.--Exclusive Claim of the United
States to the entire Valley of the Columbia River.--Proposal of the
British Commissioners of the Parallel of 49 deg. to the North-easternmost
Branch of the Columbia, and thence along the Mid-channel of the River
to the Sea.--Counter-proposal of the United States of the Parallel of
49 deg. to the Sea.--Negotiations broken off.
The Convention of 1818 had provided that the country westward of the Stony
Mountains should be free and open, for the term of ten years from the
signature of the treaty, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two
Powers, without prejudice to the territorial claims of either party. Two
years afterwards a committee was appointed by the House of Representatives
in Congress, for an "inquiry as to the situation of the settlements on the
Pacific Ocean, and as to the expediency of occupying the Columbia River;"
and a bill was subsequently brought in "for the occupation of the
Columbia, and the regulation of the trade with the Indians in the
territories of the United States." The bill, however, was suffered to lie
on the table of the House, and although it was again brought before
Congress in the ensuing year, no further steps were taken until the winter
of 1823. (Greenhow, p. 332.)
In the mean time the attention of both Powers was arrested by the
publication of a Russian ukase on 16th September 1821, by which an
exclusive title was asserted in favour of Russian subjects to the
north-west coast of America, as far south as 51 deg. north lat., and all
foreign vessels were prohibited from approaching within one hundred miles
of the shore, under penalty of confiscation. Great Britain lost no time in
protesting against this edict, and Mr. Adams, on the part of the United
States, declined to recognise its validity. A correspondence ensued
between Mr. Adams and M. de Poletica, the Russian Minister at Washington,
which may be referred to in the British and Foreign State Papers for
1821-22. M. de Poletica alleged, as authorising this edict on the part of
the Emperor, first discovery, first occupancy, and, in the last place, a
peaceable and uncontested possession of more than half a century. Both the
other Powers, however, contested the extent to which so perfect a title
could be made out by Russia, and separate negotiations were in consequence
opened between Russia and the other two Powers for the adjustment of their
conflicting claims. The question was additionally embarrassed by a
declaration on the part of President Monroe, on December 2, 1823, that the
"American continents, by the free and independent condition which they had
assumed, were henceforth not to be considered as subjects for colonisation
by any European power." (Greenhow, p. 325.) Against this declaration, both
Russia and Great Britain formally protested. A further ground of
dissension between Great Britain and the United States resulted from an
official paper laid before the House of Representatives in Congress, on
February 16, 1824, by General Jessup, the Quartermaster-General, in which
it was proposed to establish certain military posts between Council Bluffs
on the Missouri, and the Pacific, by which, he adds, "present protection
would be afforded to our traders; and at the expiration of the privilege
granted to British subjects to trade on the waters of the Columbia, we
should be enabled to remove them from our territory, and to secure the
whole trade to our citizens." In the conference which ensued at London on
the following July, the British commissioners remarked that such
observations "were calculated to put Great Britain especially upon her
guard, coming, as they did, at a moment when a friendly negotiation was
pending between the two Powers for the adjustment of their relative and
conflicting claims to the entire district of the country." (Greenhow, p.
337.)
Such proceedings on the part of the Executive of the United States were
not calculated to facilitate the settlement of the points likely to become
subjects of controversy in the approaching negotiations, either at St.
Petersburgh or at London. The instructions which were to guide the
commissioners of the United States were set forth by Mr. Adams, in a
letter to Mr. Rush, the Minister Plenipotentiary at London, of the date of
July 22, 1823, which may be referred to in the British and Foreign State
Papers, 1825-26, p. 498. In the previous negotiations of 1818, as already
observed, Messrs. Gallatin and Rush "_did not assert a perfect right_" to
the country westward of the Stony Mountains, but insisted that their claim
was "_at least good against Great Britain_." The 49th degree of north
latitude had, in pursuance of the Treaty of Utrecht, been fixed
indefinitely as the line between the northern British possessions and
those of France, including Louisiana, now a part of our territories. There
was no reason why, if the two countries extended their claims westward,
the same line should not be continued to the Pacific Ocean. So far as
discovery gave a claim, ours to the whole country on the waters of the
Columbia River was indisputable. Subsequently, however, to these
negotiations, His Catholic Majesty had ceded to the United States, by the
Treaty of Washington, of February 22, 1819, commonly called the Florida
Treaty, "all his rights, claims, and pretensions to any territory" north
of the 42d parallel of north latitude; and Mr. Rush opened the
negotiations by stating, that "the rights thus acquired from Spain were
regarded by the government of the United States as surpassing the rights
of all other European Powers on that coast." Apart, however, from this
right, "the United States claimed in their own right, and as their
absolute and exclusive sovereignty and dominion, the whole of the country
west of the Rocky Mountains, from the 42d to at least as far up as the
51st degree of north latitude." This claim they rested upon their first
discovery of the river Columbia, followed up by an effective settlement at
its mouth: a settlement which was reduced by the arms of Britain during
the late war, but formally surrendered up to the United States at the
return of peace.
Their right by first discovery they deemed peculiarly strong, having been
made, not only from the sea by Captain Gray, but also from the interior by
Lewis and Clarke, who first discovered its sources, and explored its whole
inland course to the Pacific Ocean. It had been ascertained that the
Columbia extended, by the River Multnomah, to as low as 42 degrees north;
and by Clarke's River, to a point as high up as 51 degrees, if not beyond
that point; and to this entire range of country, contiguous to the
original dominion of the United States, and made a part of it by the
almost intermingling waters of each, the United States considered their
title as established by all the principles that had ever been applied on
this subject by the Powers of Europe to settlements in the American
hemisphere. "I asserted," writes Mr. Rush, "that _a nation discovering a
country, by entering the mouth of its principal river at the sea coast,
must necessarily be allowed to claim and hold as great an extent of the
interior country as was described by the course of such principal river
and its tributary streams_; and that the claim to this extent became
doubly strong, where, as in the present instance, the same river had also
been explored from its very mountain-springs to the sea.
"Such an union of titles, imparting a validity to each other, did not
often exist. I remarked, that it was scarcely to be presumed that any
European nation would henceforth project any colonial establishment on any
part of the north-west coast of America, which as yet had never been used
to any other useful purpose than that of trading with the aboriginal
inhabitants, or fishing in the neighbouring seas; but that the United
States should contemplate, and at one day form, permanent establishments
there, was naturally to be expected, as proximate to their own
possessions, and falling under their immediate jurisdiction. Speaking of
the Powers of Europe, who had ever advanced claims to any part of this
coast, I referred to the principles that had been settled by the Nootka
Sound Convention of 1790, and remarked, that Spain had now lost all the
_exclusive colonial rights that were recognised under that convention_,
first, by the fact of the independence of the South American States and of
Mexico, and next, by her express renunciation of all her rights, of
whatever kind, above the 42 degree of north latitude, to the United
States. Those new States would themselves now possess the rights incident
to their condition of political independence, and the claims of the United
States above the 42 parallel, as high up as 60 deg., claims as well in their
own right as by their succession to the title of Spain, would henceforth
necessarily preclude other nations from forming colonial establishments
upon any part of the American continents. I was, therefore, instructed to
say, that my government no longer considered any part of those continents
as open to future colonisation by any of the Powers of Europe, and that
this was a principle upon which I should insist in the course of these
negotiations."
The proposal which Mr. Rush was authorised to make on the part of the
United States was, that for the future no settlements should be made by
citizens of the United States north of 51 deg., or by British subjects south
of 51 deg., inasmuch as the Columbia River branched as far north as 51 deg. Mr.
Adams, however, in his instructions, concludes with these words:--"As,
however, the line already runs in latitude 49 deg. to the Stony Mountains,
should it be earnestly insisted upon by Great Britain, we will consent to
carry it in continuance on the same parallel to the sea."
On the other hand the British plenipotentiaries, on their part, totally
declined the proposal, and totally denied the principles under which it
had been introduced. "They said that Great Britain considered the whole of
the unoccupied parts of America as being open to her future settlements,
in like manner as heretofore. They included within these parts, as well
that portion of the north-west coast lying between the 42d and 51st degree
of latitude, as any other parts. The principle of colonisation on that
coast, or elsewhere, on any portion of those continents not yet occupied,
Great Britain was not prepared to relinquish. Neither was she prepared to
accede to the exclusive claim of the United States. She had not, by her
convention with Spain of 1790, or at any other period, conceded to that
Power any exclusive rights on that coast, where actual settlements had not
been formed. She considered the same principles to be applicable to it now
as then. She could not concede to the United States, who held the Spanish
title, claims which she had felt herself obliged to resist when advanced
by Spain, and on her resistance to which the credit of Great Britain had
been thought to depend.
"Nor could Great Britain at all admit, the plenipotentiaries said, the
claim of the United States, as founded on their own first discovery. It
had been objectionable with her in the negotiation of 1818, and had not
been admitted since. Her surrender to the United States of the post at
Columbia River after the late war, was in fulfilment of the provisions of
the first article of the Treaty of Ghent, without affecting questions of
right on either side. Britain did not admit the validity of the discovery
by Captain Gray. He had only been on an enterprise of his own, as an
individual, and the British government was yet to be informed under what
principles or usage, among the nations of Europe, his having first
entered or discovered the mouth of the River Columbia, admitting this to
have been the fact, was to carry after it such a portion of the interior
country as was alleged. Great Britain entered her dissent to such a claim;
and least of all did she admit that the circumstance of a merchant vessel
of the United States having penetrated the coast of that continent at
Columbia River, was to be taken to extend a claim in favour of the United
States along the same coast, both above and below that river, over
latitudes that had been previously discovered and explored by Great
Britain herself, in expeditions fitted out under the authority and with
the resources of the nation. This had been done by Captain Cook, to speak
of no others, whose voyage was at least prior to that of Captain Gray. On
the coast only a few degrees south of the Columbia, Britain had made
purchases of territory from the natives before the United States were an
independent power; and upon that river itself or upon rivers that flowed
into it, west of the Rocky Mountains, her subjects had formed settlements
coeval with, if not prior to, the settlement by American citizens at its
mouth."
Such was the tenor of the opening of the negotiations. Mr. Rush, in
resuming the subject, stated that it "was unknown to his government that
Great Britain had ever even advanced any claim to territory on the
north-west coast of America, by the right of occupation, before the Nootka
Sound controversy. It was clear, that by the Treaty of Paris, of 1763, her
territorial claims to America were bounded westward by the Mississippi.
The claim of the United States, under the _discovery_ by Captain Gray, was
therefore, at all events, sufficient to over-reach, in point of time, any
that Great Britain could allege along that coast, on the ground of _prior
occupation or settlement_. As to any alleged settlements by her subjects
on the Columbia, or on rivers falling into it, earlier, or as early, as
the one formed by American citizens at Astoria, I knew not of them, and
was not prepared to admit the fact. As to the discovery itself of Capt.
Gray, it was not for a moment to be drawn into question. It was a fact
before the whole world. The very geographers of Great Britain had adopted
the name which he had given to this river."
Having alluded to the fact of Vancouver having found Captain Gray there,
Mr. Rush proceeded to meet the objection that the discovery of the
Columbia River was not made by a national ship, or under national
authority. "The United States," he said, "could admit of no such
distinction; could never surrender, under it or upon any ground, their
claim to this discovery. The ship of Captain Gray, whether fitted out by
the government of the United States, or not, was a _national ship_. If she
was not so in a technical sense of the word, she was in the full sense of
it, _applicable to such an occasion_. She bore at her stern the flag of
the nation, sailed forth under the protection of the nation, and was to be
identified with the rights of the nation."
"The extent of this interior country attaching to this discovery was
founded," Mr. Rush contended, "upon a principle at once reasonable and
moderate: reasonable, because, as discovery was not to be limited to the
local spot of a first landing-place, there must be a rule both for
enlarging and circumscribing its range; and none more proper than that of
taking the water-courses which nature has laid down, both as the fair
limits of the country, and as indispensable to its use and value;
moderate, because the nations of Europe had often, under their rights of
discovery, carried their claims much farther. Here I instanced, as
sufficient for my purpose, and pertinent to it, the terms in which many of
the royal charters and letters patent had been granted, by the Crown of
England, to individuals proceeding to the _discovery_ or _settlement_ of
new countries on the American continent. Amongst others, those from
Elizabeth in 1578, to Sir Humphery Gilbert, and in 1584, to Sir Walter
Raleigh: those from James I. to Sir Thomas Yates, in 1606 and 1607, and
the Georgia charter of 1732. By the words of the last, a grant is passed
to all territories along the sea-coast, from the River Savannah to the
most southern stream 'of another great river, called the Alatamaha, and
westward from the heads of the said rivers in a direct line to the South
Seas.' To show that Britain was not the only European nation, who, in her
territorial claims on this continent, had had an eye to the rule of
assuming water-courses to be the fittest boundaries, I also cited the
charter of Louis XIV. to Crozat, by which 'all the country drained by the
waters emptying directly or indirectly into the Mississippi,' is declared
to be comprehended under the name, and within the limits of Louisiana."
In respect to the title derived by the United States from Spain, Mr. Rush
contended that, "if Great Britain had put forth no claims on the
north-west coast, founded _on prior occupation_, still less could she ever
have established any, at any period, founded _on prior discovery_. The
superior title of Spain on this ground, as well as others, was indeed
capable of demonstration." _Russia had acknowledged it in 1790_, as the
State Papers of the Nootka Sound controversy would show. The memorial of
the Spanish Court to the British minister on that occasion expressly
asserted, that notwithstanding all the attempted encroachments upon the
Spanish coasts of the Pacific Ocean, Spain had preserved her possessions
there entire,--possessions which she had constantly, and before all
Europe, on that and other occasions, declared to extend to as high at
least as the 60th degree of north latitude. The very first article of the
Nootka Sound Convention attested, I said, the superiority of her title;
for whilst by it the nations of Europe generally were allowed to make
settlements on that coast, it was only for the purposes of trade with the
natives, thereby excluding the right of any exclusive or colonial
establishments for other purposes. As to any claim on the part of Britain
under the voyage of Captain Cook, I remarked that this was sufficiently
superseded (passing by every thing else) by the Journal of the Spanish
expedition from San Blas in 1775, kept by Don Antonio Maurelle, for an
account of which I referred the British plenipotentiaries to the work of
Daines Barrington, a British author. In that expedition, consisting of a
frigate and a schooner, fitted out by the Viceroy of Mexico, the
north-west coast was visited in latitude 45, 47, 49, 53, 55, 56, 57, and
58 degrees, not one of which points there was good reason for believing
had ever been explored, or as much as seen, up to that day, by any
navigator of Great Britain. There was, too, I said, the voyage of Juan
Perez, prior to 1775; that of Aguilar, in 1601, who explored that coast in
latitude 45 deg.; that of De Fuca in 1592, who explored it in latitude 48 deg.,
_giving the name_, which _they still bore_, to the straits in that
latitude, without going through a much longer list of other early Spanish
navigators in that sea, whose discoveries were confessedly of a nature to
put out of view those of all other nations. I finished by saying, that in
the opinion of my government, the title to the United States to the whole
of that coast, from latitude 42 deg. to as far north as latitude 60 deg., was
therefore superior to that of Great Britain or any other Power; first,
through the proper claim of the United States by discovery and settlement,
and secondly, as now standing in the place of Spain, and holding in their
hands all her title."
The British plenipotentiaries, in their reply, repeated their animated
denials of the title of the United States, as alleged to have been
acquired by themselves, enlarging and insisting upon their objections to
it, as already stated. Nor were they less decided in their renewed
impeachments of the title of Spain. They said that it was well known to
them what had formerly been the pretensions of Spain to absolute
sovereignty and dominion in the South Seas, and over all the shores of
America which they washed: but that these were pretensions which Britain
had never admitted: on the contrary, had strenuously resisted them. They
referred to the note of the British minister to the Court of Spain, of May
16, 1790, in which Britain had not only asserted a full right to an
uninterrupted commerce and navigation in the Pacific, but also that of
forming, with the consent of the natives, whatever establishments she
thought proper on the north-west coast, in parts not already occupied by
other nations. This had been the doctrine of Great Britain, and from it,
nothing that was due in her estimation to other Powers, now called upon
her in any degree to depart.
As to the alleged prior discoveries of Spain all along that coast, Britain
did not admit them but with great qualification. She could never admit
that the mere fact of Spanish navigators having first seen the coast at
particular points, even where this was capable of being substantiated as
the fact, without any subsequent or efficient acts of sovereignty or
settlement on the part of Spain, was sufficient to exclude all other
nations from that portion of the globe. Besides, they said, even on the
score of prior discovery on that coast, at least as far up as 48 deg. north
latitude, Britain herself had a claim over all other nations. "Here they
referred to Drake's expedition in 1578, who, as they said, explored that
coast on the part of England, from 37 deg. to 48 deg. N., making formal claim to
these limits in the name of Elizabeth, and giving the name of New Albion
to all the country which they comprehended. Was this, they asked, to be
reputed nothing in the comparison of prior discoveries, and did it not
even take in a large part of the very coast now claimed by the United
States, as of prior discovery on their side?"
Mr. Rush in reply contended, "as to Drake, although Fleurieu, in his
introduction to Marchand, did assert that he got as far north as 48 deg., yet
Hakluyt, who wrote about the time that Drake flourished, informs us that
he got no higher than 43 deg., having put back at that point from extremity
of cold. All the later authors or compilers, also, who spoke of his
voyage, however they might differ as to the degree of latitude to which he
went, adopted from Hakluyt this fact, of his having turned back from
intensity of weather. The preponderance of probability, therefore, I
alleged, as well as of authority was, that Drake did not get beyond 43 deg.
along that coast. At all events, it was certain that he had made no
settlements there, and the absence of these would, under the doctrine of
great Britain, as applied by her to Spain, prevent any title whatever
attaching to his supposed discoveries. They were moreover put out of view
by the treaty of 1763, by which Great Britain agreed to consider the
Mississippi as the western boundary upon that continent."
He concluded with re-asserting formally, "the full and exclusive
sovereignty of the United States over the whole of the territory beyond
the Rocky Mountains washed by the Columbia River, in manner and extent as
stated, subject, of course, to whatever existing conventional arrangements
they may have formed in regard to it with other Powers. Their title to
this whole country they considered as not to be shaken. It had often been
proclaimed in the legislative discussions of the nation, and was
afterwards public before the world. Its broad and stable foundations were
laid in the first uncontradicted discovery of that river, both at its
mouth and its source, followed up by an effective settlement, and that
settlement the earliest ever made upon its banks. If a title in the United
States, thus transcendant, needed confirmation, it might be sought in
their now uniting to it the title of Spain. It was not the intention of
the United States, I remarked, to repose upon any of the extreme
pretensions of that Power to speculative dominion in those seas, which
grew up in less enlightened ages, however countenanced in those ages; nor
had I, as their plenipotentiary, sought any aid from such pretensions; but
to the extent of the just claims of Spain, grounded upon her fair
enterprise and resources, at periods when her renown for both filled all
Europe, the United States had succeeded, and upon claims of this character
it had, therefore, become as well their right as their duty to insist."
The British plenipotentiaries, in conclusion, with a view as they said of
laying a foundation of harmony between the two governments, proposed that
the third article of the Convention of 1818 should now terminate. That
"the boundary line between the territories respectively claimed by the
two Powers, westward of the Rocky Mountains, should be drawn due west,
along the 49th parallel of latitude, to the point where it strikes the
north-easternmost branch of the Columbia, and thence down along the middle
of the Columbia to the Pacific Ocean: the navigation of this river to be
for ever free to the subjects or citizens of both nations." They remarked,
"that in submitting it, they considered Great Britain as departing largely
from the full extent of her right, and that, if accepted by the United
States, it would impose upon her the necessity of breaking up four or five
settlements, formed by her subjects within the limits that would become
prohibited, and that they had formed, under the belief of their full
rights as British subjects to settle there. But their government was
willing, they said, to make these surrenders, for so they considered them,
in a spirit of compromise, on points where the two nations stood so
divided."
Mr. Rush, in reply, declared his utter inability to accept such a
proposal, and in return consented, "in compliance with this spirit, and in
order to meet Great Britain on ground that might be deemed middle, to vary
so far the terms of his own proposal, as to shift the southern line as low
as 49 deg. in place of 51 deg." "I desired it," he writes, "to be understood,
that this was the extreme limit to which I was authorised to go; and that,
in being willing to make this change, I, too, considered the United States
as abating their rights, in the hope of being able to put an end to all
conflict of claims between the two nations to the coast and country in
dispute."
The British commissioners declined acceding to this proposal, and as
neither party was disposed to make any modification in their ultimatum,
the negotiation was brought to a close.