and soonest execute his design: he had every reason to believe that he
should not long enjoy the place of president of the palace, and that he
should most probably be obliged to retire to Braga. Such was the hatred
borne by the people towards the Spaniards, that he very well knew it
would be impossible to engage them in his party, consequently he could
not adopt the measures so successfully taken by his majesty; nor would
the nobles accede to his proposal, they having been the principal means
of placing him on the throne. His only resource then was in the
grandees; the greatest part of whom, so far from having contributed to
the revolution, submitted with a very ill grace to the elevation of the
house of Braganza. Having therefore secured the protection of the
Spanish minister, he addressed himself to the marquis de Villa-Real, to
whom he represented that the new king; naturally timid and suspicious,
would never fail seeking occasions to humble his family, lest his
successor should suffer from such powerful subjects: that the duke
d'Aveiro and himself, though both princes of the blood, were not
employed in any of the great offices of the state, such distinctions
being all bestowed, as rewards, on a tribe of rebels: that all well
thinking people were shocked that a prince like the marquis de
Villa-Real should meet with such contemptuous treatment, and languish in
shameful inactivity in the centre of his province: that his high birth
and great riches placed him above submitting to the authority of a petty
king; and that he had lost in the Spanish monarch the only sovereign,
who, having so many different kingdoms and governments to bestow, could
place him in a situation conformable to the dignity of his birth.
The archbishop, on perceiving that his harangue had made no small
impression on the mind of Villa-Real, proceeded to inform him, that he
had received orders from the king of Spain to promise him the
vice-royalty of Portugal, in reward for his fidelity; he was, however,
far from intending to bestow on him that dignity, having no other view
than to procure the liberty of the duchess of Mantua, and reinstate her
in her former situation; but it was necessary to seduce Villa-Real by
the most brilliant prospects, and he succeeded so well, that he
consented to place himself, together with his son, the duke de Caminha,
at the head of this conspiracy.
Being once secure of the support of these two princes, his next care was
to engage his particular friend, the grand inquisitor, in his interest.
The acquisition of such a man to the party was of the greatest
importance, since his example would be certainly followed by all the
officers of the inquisition; a body of men who are still more formidable
to the good than to the wicked, and who possess the greatest influence
over the minds of the Portugueze. The archbishop alledged reasons of
conscience to induce them to join in his enterprise; and reminded them
of their oath of allegiance to the king of Spain, which ought never to
be violated in favour of a rebel: to these arguments he added the more
powerful one of self interest, representing, that _not one_ amongst them
could reasonably expect to enjoy his present post for any length of time
under a prince who never failed filling all employments with his own
particular friends and favourites.
Several months passed on in increasing the number of conspirators;
amongst whom the leading ones were the commissary de la Cruzada; the
count d'Armamar, the nephew of the archbishop; the count de Ballerais;
don Augustin Emmanuel; Antonio Correa, Vasconcellos' clerk, who was
stabbed by Menezes at the first breaking out of the conspiracy which
placed don John on the throne; and Laurent Pires de Carvalho, keeper of
the royal treasury; all of whom were creatures of Spain, who owed their
places and fortunes to that country, and who could have little hopes of
preserving them but by the restoration of the Castilian government.
The Jews, who reside in great numbers at Lisbon, and conform outwardly
to the Christian religion, were likewise engaged in this conspiracy.
They had lately offered immense sums to his majesty, to engage him to
put a stop to the persecutions of the inquisition, and to allow them the
public exercise of their religion: these offers had been refused, and
the resentment they felt on the occasion was an excellent ground-work
for the archbishop to build his hopes on of inducing them to join his
party. He therefore contrived private meetings with some of the
principals, who were in the greatest trepidation at having so
unseasonably declared themselves; which act of imprudence could not fail
of exposing them to all the malice and cruelty of the inquisition. The
artful prelate took advantage of their fears, and promised them the
protection of the grand inquisitor, whom they well knew to be at his
disposal, if they would consent to his plan; alarming them at the same
time with the probability of their being banished from Portugal by a
prince so devoted to the Catholic faith; whilst, if they could be
prevailed upon to assist in re-establishing the old government, he would
venture to engage in the name of the king of Spain, that they should not
only be allowed liberty of conscience, but a synagogue, and every other
indulgence they could possibly require. Such indeed was the violence and
malignancy of this priest, that he did not blush to league himself with
the enemies of Christ to dethrone his lawful sovereign.
This instance may, perhaps, be quoted as the only one, of the
inquisition and synagogue's acting in concert, and joining heartily
together to promote the same cause.
The conspirators, after having deliberated on several different plans,
for ensuring the success of their enterprise, at last adopted one
proposed by the archbishop, who had consulted the principal Spanish
minister on the occasion. It was, therefore, unanimously agreed, that on
the fifth of August, the Jews should not only set fire to the four
corners of the palace, but to several other houses in the city, by which
means the people would be sufficiently employed in their different
quarters, without attending to what passed in the palace, whither the
conspirators were to repair immediately, on pretence of endeavouring to
extinguish the flames; but, in the midst of the hurry and confusion
occasioned by so dreadful an event, they were to seek an opportunity of
approaching the king, and stabbing him to the heart, whilst the duke de
Caminha should secure the person of the queen, together with those of
the young princes, her sons, in order to take the same advantage of
their situation, which had been taken of the princess of Mantua, to
enforce the surrender of the citadel. Fire-works were at the same time
to be employed in burning the fleet; and the archbishop, together with
the grand inquisitor, and the officers of the holy brotherhood, were to
parade through the streets, to prevent any commotions amongst the
people; who would never venture to take an active part in the business,
from their natural dread of drawing upon themselves the indignation of
the inquisition. The marquis de Villa-Real was to be appointed governor
of the kingdom, till the Spanish monarch should make known his
intentions relative to the measures to be taken on so important an
occasion.
There was, however, no certainty of the people declaring in their
favour: it was, therefore, deemed necessary to be provided with troops
to enforce their obedience. They, accordingly, decided on applying to
the count-duke to engage him to send a considerable fleet on the coast;
which would then be in readiness to enter the port on the first breaking
out of the conspiracy; and immediately on receiving intelligence of
their success, he was to be requested to march troops to the frontiers,
to subdue all, and every one, who should be tempted to make any further
resistance. This plan, however, was easier imagined than executed, it
being extremely difficult for the conspirators to hold any secret
correspondance with the prime minister; the king having placed guards on
the frontiers, in consequence of the discovery he had made of the
princess of Mantua's having written to Madrid, with the strictest orders
not to allow any one to quit the kingdom, without his express
permission. Any attempt to corrupt these guards might be attended with
danger, since those who betrayed their sovereign, might likewise betray
them, and deliver up their letters, relating, at the same time, the
methods employed to tempt them from their duty.
The absolute necessity of speedily acquainting the prime-minister with
their intentions, without whose assistance their plot must infallibly
fall to the ground, induced them to confide in a rich Lisbon merchant,
who was treasurer to the custom-house, and whose extensive trade
throughout the whole of Europe caused his majesty to grant him the
particular privilege of corresponding with Castille. This man, whose
name was Baëse, publicly professed the Christian religion; but being one
of those who in Portugal are termed _new_ Christians, he was generally
suspected of secretly observing the rites of the Jewish church. A very
large sum was offered to engage him in the conspiracy, which, joined to
the exhortations of those amongst the Jews who were in the secret,
prevailed upon him to accept their proposals, and to undertake conveying
their letters to the count-duke d'Olivares.[23]
Baësa being charged with the pacquet, directed it to the marquis
d'Aïamonte, governor of the first frontier town in Spain, in the full
persuasion that, being once safely out of Portugal, there could be no
farther cause of apprehension; but, the marquis who was nearly related
to the queen of Portugal, and was actually carrying on a negociation
with the new king, no sooner perceived the great seal of the inquisition
of Lisbon, than he broke open the letters, dreading lest they should
contain something relative to his secret correspondence with the king
and queen of Portugal; and on discovering the plan of a conspiracy on
the point of breaking out, which was to destroy the king and the whole
of the royal family, he immediately sent back the pacquet to his
majesty, whose astonishment was inexpressible, when, on perusing these
letters, he perceived that the princes of his blood, an archbishop, and
several grandees of his court, all of whom had demonstrated the greatest
joy on his advancement, were conspiring not only to deprive him of the
crown, but to put an end to his existence.
His privy council was immediately summoned and the resolutions taken
therein were, in a few days afterwards, put into execution. Eleven
o'clock in the night of the fifth of August being, according to the
intercepted letters, appointed by the conspirators to commence their
operations, his majesty, under pretence of a general review in the great
court of the palace, called in all the troops quartered in the
neighbourhood, at ten o'clock that same morning. He also gave with his
own hands, and in secret, several sealed notes to those of his courtiers
whom he knew to be the most attached to his person, with strict orders
not to open their respective billets till twelve at noon, when the
commands contained therein must be punctually and immediately obeyed.
About the same hour, the king, pretending business, sent for the
archbishop and the marquis de Villa-Real into his cabinet, where their
persons were instantly seized; whilst the captain of the guard arrested
the duke de Caminha in the public market-place at the same moment. The
sealed billets being then opened, the persons to whom they were
addressed, in obedience to their contents, separately seized on a
conspirator, and conveyed him to prison, there to be strictly guarded
till farther orders; and such was the prudence of the measures taken on
this occasion, and so faithfully were they executed, that, in less than
an hour the forty-seven conspirators were secured, without even the
smallest effort being made towards effecting their escape.
The people, on the first report of the conspiracy, crowded tumultuously
to the palace, and loudly demanded that the traitors should be instantly
delivered up to them. But, though the king was delighted with the
affection displayed by his subjects, he felt uneasy at such a multitude,
being thus suddenly assembled; fearing such commotions might become
habitual, and end, as is always the case, in sedition. He, therefore,
after expressing his acknowledgments for their solicitude for the
welfare of his person, and assuring them the traitors should meet with
the punishment due to their crimes, gave orders to the magistrates to
disperse them. This prince, however, lest the resentment of the people
should abate, and, as it frequently happens, their furious rage towards
the criminals turn to sentiments of commiseration, on reflecting on
their wretchedness, thought proper to make public that the design of
the conspirators was not only to assassinate him, with the whole of the
royal family, but to set fire to the city, when every thing which
escaped the fury of the flames must naturally become the prey of the
rebels: that Spain, to prevent any future conspiracies, and to wreak its
vengeance on the Portugueze, had resolved on peopling the town with a
colony of Castilians, and to transport all the citizens to the mines in
America, where they would be buried alive in those dreadful abysses, in
which they had already destroyed so many miserable human beings.
Judges were next appointed for the trial of the conspirators; these were
chosen from the sovereign chamber, but on account of the archbishop of
Braga, the marquis de Villa-Real and the duke de Caminha, it was thought
proper to give them two grandees of the kingdom as coadjutors.
The commissaries on this occasion received orders from his majesty, not
to produce the intercepted letters, unless absolutely necessary to the
conviction of the criminals, lest the court of Spain should suspect the
manner by which he had obtained possession of those letters, and
discover his correspondence with the marquis d'Aïamonte. Fortunately,
however, such proofs were not requisite, Baësa having contradicted
himself so palpably in his answers to the principal interrogatories,
that he was put to the torture, and the miserable wretch no sooner felt
the first pangs, than his courage failed him, and he confessed all the
particulars of the plot. He owned the design of assassinating the king;
declared that the office of the inquisition was well stored with arms,
and that they only waited for an answer from the count-duke to put their
plan into execution.
The greater part of the other conspirators, on being put to the torture,
confirmed the deposition of the Jew; but the archbishop, the grand
inquisitor, the marquis de Villa-Real and the duke de Caminha, in order
to avoid so dreadful a punishment, confessed their guilt. The two latter
were condemned to lose their heads, and the rest to be hanged and
quartered; whilst his majesty himself was to pronounce sentence on the
ecclesiastics.
The king thereupon assembled his council, and addressing his ministers,
declared, that he had reason to fear the execution of so many people of
distinction might be attended by dangerous consequences: that the
principal conspirators being of the first families in the kingdom, their
relations would naturally become secret enemies, and that the passion of
revenge would naturally give birth to another conspiracy: that the
execution of the comte d'Egmont in Flanders, and that of the Guises in
France, had been fatal to the causes in support of which they had been
employed; but that the generous pardon he thought of granting to some
amongst them, together with a punishment, perhaps more severe than
death, which he should inflict on others, would interest every heart in
his favour, and force even the conspirators, their relations and
friends, to look up to him in future with gratitude. His majesty,
however, added, that though his inclinations led him to pursue lenient
measures, he had, nevertheless, assembled his council, to be informed of
their opinion, and to follow that which should appear to be the best.
The marquis de Ferreira first spoke on this occasion, and voted for the
speedy execution of the criminals; alledging in the strongest terms that
sovereigns, in cases of this nature, should be guided by justice alone;
that clemency might probably be attended by dangerous consequences,
since the pardon of traitors would be much sooner attributed to
weakness of character in a prince than to real goodness; that a
government which permitted such crimes to pass off with impunity, would
infallibly be despised, and would likewise encourage the relations of
the delinquent not only to attempt to liberate them from prison, but to
carry their designs still farther; that an example of severity was
absolutely necessary on his accession to the crown, were it only to
intimidate others from forming plots of the same nature; in short, that
these men were not only traitors to the king himself, but to the state,
which they were on the point of overturning; and that his majesty ought
sooner to consider the justice he owed to his people, by bringing them
to condign punishment, than attend to the dictates of his own feeling
heart, in a case where the preservation of his majesty's person and the
public security must ever be inseparable. This opinion being unanimously
supported by all the members of the council, the king gave up his
judgment to theirs, and the sentence was put in execution on the
following day. The archbishop of Lisbon being anxious to preserve the
life of one of his friends, addressed himself to the queen to obtain
his pardon, and asked this favour in full confidence that the services
he had rendered to the house of Braganza were of such a nature, that no
demand of his could possibly be refused. But her majesty, who was
perfectly convinced of the necessity, and indeed the justice of
punishing such traitors, and who clearly perceived how much a
distinction in favour of one would irritate the friends and relations of
the remaining conspirators (since in this case, and indeed in many
others, clemency would become injustice) was decided on this occasion to
make the natural gentleness of her disposition yield to the superior
motives of impartial justice; and turning towards the prelate, with an
air and tone of voice which forbad all reply, "Archbishop," said she,
"the only favour you can possibly expect from me is, that I should
forget you have ever spoken to me on the subject."
The king, however, out of respect to the clergy of Portugal, and indeed
to obtain the favour of the court of Rome, which from regard to the
house of Austria, had hitherto refused to receive his ambassadors,
mitigated the sentence pronounced on the archbishop of Braga and the
grand inquisitor, and condemned them to perpetual imprisonment. The
arch-bishop's illness and death were soon after announced to the
public: such events, it is well known, frequently happen to certain
state prisoners, who, from political motives, are not suffered to perish
on a scaffold.
The manner by which the king of Portugal became acquainted with this
conspiracy, was for a long time unknown to the court of Spain, nor did
the Spanish monarch discover the person who dispatched the archbishop's
letters to Lisbon, till another conspiracy was forming against himself.
The king of Portugal, as has been already mentioned, kept up a constant
correspondence with the enemies of Spain; his ports were open to the
French and Dutch fleets; he had a resident both at Barcelona and with
the insurgents in Catalonia; and he left no means untried to cause
confusion in the very heart of Spain, in order to occupy the mind of
Philip the IVth, in a way to give him no time to attend to the affairs
of Portugal.
The new monarch had already partly succeeded in sowing the seeds of
rebellion in the breast of his brother-in-law, the duke de
Medina-Sidonia; and their mutual confident the marquis d'Aïamonte, a
Castilian nobleman, had completed his seduction. This latter was nearly
related to the queen of Portugal and the duke; and the situation of his
estate at the mouth of the Guadiana, near the frontiers of Portugal,
greatly favoured his secret correspondence with that court. Naturally
ambitious, he wished to raise his fortunes, and flattered himself his
own elevation would be the consequence of that of the two houses of
Braganza and Medina-Sidonia. He was a man of a daring, enterprising
character, discontented with the conduct of the prime minister, and
possessed of that perfect indifference for life so necessary to all
those who engage in great and difficult undertakings.
Immediately on the discovery of the archbishop of Braga's conspiracy;
the marquis d'Aïamonte wrote secretly to the duke de Medina-Sidonia to
congratulate him on the escape of his sister the queen of Portugal, and
the rest of the royal family; insinuating at the same time, how nearly
it concerned him, that the new monarch should preserve a crown, which
must necessarily descend to his own nephews; and that Portugal, from its
vicinity to Castile, would ensure him a retreat on any emergency;
especially during the ministry of the count-duke whose arrogance and
despotic system of politics had no other object than to seek occasions
of humbling the grandees. He added, too, it was far from certain that
the minister, though his relation, would long permit him to enjoy the
government of so large a province in the neighbourhood of Portugal; that
this subject was worthy his serious reflections; and that if the duke
was willing to be more fully acquainted with his sentiments on the
occasion, he would immediately send him a faithful friend, to whom he
might safely confide his most secret thoughts.
The duke de Medina-Sidonia, naturally proud and vain, and whose jealousy
had been secretly raised by the regal dignity of his brother-in-law,
presently perceived that the marquis's letter was only a cover for much
deeper designs; he therefore instantly sent off a certain Louis de
Castille, his confident, to confer with him on the subject. The marquis
on opening his credentials, did not scruple to unbosom himself; and
after having reminded him of the ease with which the duke of Braganza
had mounted the throne of Portugal; he added, that it was impossible for
the duke of Medina-Sidonia to make choice of a more favourable juncture
to secure the fortunes of his house, and to render it for ever
independent of the crown of Spain. He next represented, that the long
war with France and Holland had nearly exhausted the king's forces, the
greater part of which were necessarily employed in Catalonia; that this
was the favourable moment for stirring up a rebellion in Andalusia, and
carrying the war into the very centre of the kingdom; that the people,
ever lovers of novelty, and loaded with taxes, would submit with
pleasure to a change of government; and that the duke de Medina-Sidonia
was not less beloved in Castille, than Braganza in Portugal. It would,
however, be necessary to engage his lieutenant-governors in his
interest, though without entrusting them with his secret; that he had
nothing to do, but to place his partizans in the most important posts;
he would then have no difficulty in securing the galleons which were
daily expected from India; and that the king of Portugal would aid and
assist him in his design, by sending a great fleet into Cadiz,
consisting not only of his own vessels, but those of his allies, having
on board land forces, which would presently subdue all and every one
ill-advised enough to make impotent efforts in support of their
allegiance to the king of Spain.
The account of this conversation fired the duke with ambition, and his
head grew giddy at the idea of a crown. His post of lord high admiral,
and governor of Castille, placed the sea and land forces under his
command. He was the proprietor of considerable towns, and extensive
domains, all of which invested him with almost absolute power; and he
was thus induced to believe, in the first effervescence of his ambitious
projects, that it depended on himself alone to become master of a crown,
and to own no superior in the province of Andalusia.
Louis de Castille was immediately sent once more to the marquis
d'Aïamonte, with assurances of his entering perfectly into his views;
and also to consult with him on the measures to be pursued relative to
the court of Portugal. The duke, in the mean time, employed himself in
securing the interest of his friends and followers, and increasing their
number: he frequently let drop hints unfavourable to the government, and
expressed sentiments of compassion for the soldiers, who did not receive
their pay, and for the people, who were sinking under the burthen of
taxes.