REFORM AND POLITICS. UTOPIAN SCHEMES AND POLITICAL THEORISTS.

THERE is a large class of men, not in Europe alone, but in this country

also, whose constitutional conservatism inclines them to regard any

organic change in the government of a state or the social condition of

its people with suspicion and distrust. They admit, perhaps, the evils

of the old state of things; but they hold them to be inevitable, the

alloy necessarily mingled with all which pertains to fallible humanity.

Themselves generally enjoying whatever of good belongs to the political

or social system in which their lot is cast, they are disposed to look

with philosophic indifference upon the evil which only afflicts their

neighbors. They wonder why people are not contented with their

allotments; they see no reason for change; they ask for quiet and peace

in their day; being quite well satisfied with that social condition which

an old poet has quaintly described:--

"The citizens like pounded pikes;

The lesser feed the great;

The rich for food seek stomachs,

And the poor for stomachs meat."

This class of our fellow-citizens have an especial dislike of theorists,

reformers, uneasy spirits, speculators upon the possibilities of the

world's future, constitution builders, and believers in progress. They

are satisfied; the world at least goes well enough with them; they sit as

comfortable in it as Lafontaine's rat in the cheese; and why should those

who would turn it upside down come hither also? Why not let well enough

alone? Why tinker creeds, constitutions, and laws, and disturb the good

old-fashioned order of things in church and state? The idea of making

the world better and happier is to them an absurdity. He who entertains

it is a dreamer and a visionary, destitute of common sense and practical

wisdom. His project, whatever it may be, is at once pronounced to be

impracticable folly, or, as they are pleased to term it, _Utopian._

The romance of Sir Thomas More, which has long afforded to the

conservatives of church and state a term of contempt applicable to all

reformatory schemes and innovations, is one of a series of fabulous

writings, in which the authors, living in evil times and unable to

actualize their plans for the well-being of society, have resorted to

fiction as a safe means of conveying forbidden truths to the popular

mind. Plato's "Timaeus," the first of the series, was written after the

death of Socrates and the enslavement of the author's country. In this

are described the institutions of the Island of Atlantis,--the writer's

ideal of a perfect commonwealth. Xenophon, in his "Cyropaedia," has also

depicted an imaginary political society by overlaying with fiction

historical traditions. At a later period we have the "New Atlantis" of

Lord Bacon, and that dream of the "City of the Sun" with which Campanella

solaced himself in his long imprisonment.

The "Utopia" of More is perhaps the best of its class. It is the work of

a profound thinker, the suggestive speculations and theories of one who

could

"Forerun his age and race, and let

His feet millenniums hence be set

In midst of knowledge dreamed not yet."

Much of what he wrote as fiction is now fact, a part of the frame-work of

European governments, and the political truths of his imaginary state are

now practically recognized in our own democratic system. As might be

expected, in view of the times in which the author wrote, and the

exceedingly limited amount of materials which he found ready to his hands

for the construction of his social and political edifice, there is a want

of proportion and symmetry in the structure. Many of his theories are no

doubt impracticable and unsound. But, as a whole, the work is an

admirable one, striding in advance of the author's age, and prefiguring a

government of religious toleration and political freedom. The following

extract from it was doubtless regarded in his day as something worse than

folly or the dream of a visionary enthusiast:--

"He judged it wrong to lay down anything rashly, and seemed to doubt

whether these different forms of religion might not all come from God,

who might inspire men in a different manner, and be pleased with the

variety. He therefore thought it to be indecent and foolish for any man

to threaten and terrify another, to make him believe what did not strike

him as true."

Passing by the "Telemachus" of Fenelon, we come to the political romance

of Harrington, written in the time of Cromwell. "Oceana" is the name by

which the author represents England; and the republican plan of

government which he describes with much minuteness is such as he would

have recommended for adoption in case a free commonwealth had been

established. It deals somewhat severely with Cromwell's usurpation; yet

the author did not hesitate to dedicate it to that remarkable man, who,

after carefully reading it, gave it back to his daughter, Lady Claypole,

with the remark, full of characteristic bluntness, that "the gentleman

need not think to cheat him of his power and authority; for what he had

won with the sword he would never suffer himself to be scribbled out of."

Notwithstanding the liberality and freedom of his speculations upon

government and religion in his Utopia, it must be confessed that Sir

Thomas More, in after life, fell into the very practices of intolerance

and bigotry which he condemned. When in the possession of the great seal

under that scandal of kingship, Henry VIII., he gave his countenance to

the persecution of heretics. Bishop Burnet says of him, that he caused a

gentleman of the Temple to be whipped and put to the rack in his

presence, in order to compel him to discover those who favored heretical

opinions. In his Utopia he assailed the profession of the law with

merciless satire; yet the satirist himself finally sat upon the

chancellor's woolsack; and, as has been well remarked by Horace Smith,

"if, from this elevated seat, he ever cast his eyes back upon his past

life, he must have smiled at the fond conceit which could imagine a

permanent Utopia, when he himself, certainly more learned, honest, and

conscientious than the mass of men has ever been, could in the course of

one short life fall into such glaring and frightful rebellion against his

own doctrines."

Harrington, on the other hand, as became the friend of Milton and Marvel,

held fast, through good and evil report, his republican faith. He

published his work after the Restoration, and defended it boldly and ably

from the numerous attacks made upon it. Regarded as too dangerous an

enthusiast to be left at liberty, he was imprisoned at the instance of

Lord Chancellor Hyde, first in the Tower, and afterwards on the Island of

St. Nicholas, where disease and imprudent remedies brought on a partial

derangement, from which he never recovered.

Bernardin St. Pierre, whose pathetic tale of "Paul and Virginia" has

found admirers in every language of the civilized world, in a fragment,

entitled "Arcadia," attempted to depict an ideal republic, without

priest, noble, or slave, where all are so religious that each man is the

pontiff of his family, where each man is prepared to defend his country,

and where all are in such a state of equality that there are no such

persons as servants. The plan of it was suggested by his friend Rousseau

during their pleasant walking excursions about the environs of Paris, in

which the two enthusiastic philosophers, baffled by the evil passions and

intractable materials of human nature as manifested in existing society,

comforted themselves by appealing from the actual to the possible, from

the real to the imaginary. Under the chestnut-trees of the Bois de

Boulogne, through long summer days, the two friends, sick of the noisy

world about them, yet yearning to become its benefactors,--gladly

escaping from it, yet busy with schemes for its regeneration and

happiness,--at once misanthropes and philanthropists,--amused and solaced

themselves by imagining a perfect and simple state of society, in which

the lessons of emulation and selfish ambition were never to be taught;

where, on the contrary, the young were to obey their parents, and to

prefer father, mother, brother, sister, wife, and friend to themselves.

They drew beautiful pictures of a country blessed with peace, indus try,

and love, covered with no disgusting monuments of violence and pride and

luxury, without columns, triumphal arches, hospitals, prisons, or

gibbets; but presenting to view bridges over torrents, wells on the arid

plain, groves of fruit-trees, and houses of shelter for the traveller in

desert places, attesting everywhere the sentiment of humanity. Religion

was to speak to all hearts in the eternal language of Nature. Death was

no longer to be feared; perspectives of holy consolation were to open

through the cypress shadows of the tomb; to live or to die was to be

equally an object of desire.

The plan of the "Arcadia" of St. Pierre is simply this: A learned young

Egyptian, educated at Thebes by the priests of Osiris, desirous of

benefiting humanity, undertakes a voyage to Gaul for the purpose of

carrying thither the arts and religion of Egypt. He is shipwrecked on

his return in the Gulf of Messina, and lands upon the coast, where he is

entertained by an Arcadian, to whom he relates his adventures, and from

whom he receives in turn an account of the simple happiness and peace of

Arcadia, the virtues and felicity of whose inhabitants are beautifully

exemplified in the lives and conversation of the shepherd and his

daughter. This pleasant little prose poem closes somewhat abruptly.

Although inferior in artistic skill to "Paul and Virginia" or the "Indian

Cottage", there is not a little to admire in the simple beauty of its

pastoral descriptions. The closing paragraph reminds one of Bunyan's

upper chamber, where the weary pilgrim's windows opened to the sunrising

and the singing of birds:--

"Tyrteus conducted his guests to an adjoining chamber. It had a window

shut by a curtain of rushes, through the crevices of which the islands of

the Alpheus might be seen in the light of the moon. There were in this

chamber two excellent beds, with coverlets of warm and light wool.

"Now, as soon as Amasis was left alone with Cephas, he spoke with joy of

the delight and tranquillity of the valley, of the goodness of the

shepherd, and the grace of his young daughter, to whom he had seen none

worthy to be compared, and of the pleasure which he promised himself the

next day, at the festival on Mount Lyceum, of beholding a whole people as

happy as this sequestered family. Converse so delightful might have

charmed away the night without the aid of sleep, had they not been

invited to repose by the mild light of the moon shining through the

window, the murmuring wind in the leaves of the poplars, and the distant

noise of the Achelous, which falls roaring from the summit of Mount

Lyceum."

The young patrician wits of Athens doubtless laughed over Plato's ideal

republic. Campanella's "City of the Sun" was looked upon, no doubt, as

the distempered vision of a crazy state prisoner. Bacon's college, in

his "New Atlantis," moved the risibles of fat-witted Oxford. More's

"Utopia," as we know, gave to our language a new word, expressive of the

vagaries and dreams of fanatics and lunatics. The merciless wits,

clerical and profane, of the court of Charles II. regarded Harrington's

romance as a perfect godsend to their vocation of ridicule. The gay

dames and carpet knights of Versailles made themselves merry with the

prose pastoral of St. Pierre; and the poor old enthusiast went down to

his grave without finding an auditory for his lectures upon natural

society.

The world had its laugh over these romances. When unable to refute their

theories, it could sneer at the authors, and answer them to the

satisfaction of the generation in which they lived, at least by a general

charge of lunacy. Some of their notions were no doubt as absurd as those

of the astronomer in "Rasselas", who tells Imlac that he has for five

years possessed the regulation of the weather, and has got the secret of

making to the different nations an equal and impartial dividend of rain

and sunshine. But truth, even when ushered into the world through the

medium of a dull romance and in connection with a vast progeny of errors,

however ridiculed and despised at first, never fails in the end of

finding a lodging-place in the popular mind. The speculations of the

political theorists whom we have noticed have not all proved to be of

"such stuff

As dreams are made of, and their little life

Rounded with sleep."

They have entered into and become parts of the social and political

fabrics of Europe and America. The prophecies of imagination have been

fulfilled; the dreams of romance have become familiar realities.

What is the moral suggested by this record? Is it not that we should

look with charity and tolerance upon the schemes and speculations of the

political and social theorists of our day; that, if unprepared to venture

upon new experiments and radical changes, we should at least consider

that what was folly to our ancestors is our wisdom, and that another

generation may successfully put in practice the very theories which now

seem to us absurd and impossible? Many of the evils of society have been

measurably removed or ameliorated; yet now, as in the days of the

Apostle, "the creation groaneth and travaileth in pain;" and although

quackery and empiricism abound, is it not possible that a proper

application of some of the remedies proposed might ameliorate the general

suffering? Rejecting, as we must, whatever is inconsistent with or

hostile to the doctrines of Christianity, on which alone rests our hope

for humanity, it becomes us to look kindly upon all attempts to apply

those doctrines to the details of human life, to the social, political,

and industrial relations of the race. If it is not permitted us to

believe all things, we can at least hope them. Despair is infidelity and

death. Temporally and spiritually, the declaration of inspiration holds

good, "We are saved by hope."

The Works of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume VII, Complete The Conflict with Slavery, Politics and Reform, the Inner Life, and Criticism · 第 43 / 83 题