II.

The abolitionists of the North have been grossly misrepresented. In

attacking the system of slavery, they have never recommended any measure

or measures conflicting with the Constitution of the United States.

They have never sought to excite or encourage a spirit of rebellion among

the slaves: on the contrary, they would hold any such attempt, by

whomsoever made, in utter and stern abhorrence.

All the leading abolitionists of my acquaintance are, from principle,

opposed to war of all kinds, believing that the benefits of no war

whatever can compensate for the sacrifice of one human life by violence.

Consequently, they would be the first to deprecate any physical

interference with your slave system on the part of the general

government.

They are, without exception, opposed to any political interposition of

the government, in regard to slavery as it exists in the states. For,

although they feel and see that the canker of the moral disease is

affecting all parts of the confederacy, they believe that the remedy lies

with yourselves alone. Any such interference they would consider

unlawful and unconstitutional; and the exercise of unconstitutional

power, although sanctioned by the majority of a republican government,

they believe to be a tyranny as monstrous and as odious as the despotism

of a Turkish Sultan.

Having made this disclaimer on the part of myself and my friends, let me

inquire from whence this charge of advocating the interference of the

general government with the sovereign jurisdiction of the states has

arisen? Will you, gentlemen, will the able editors of the United States

Telegraph and the Columbian Telescope, explain? For myself, I have

sought in vain among the writings of our "Northern Enthusiasts," and

among the speeches of the Northern statesmen and politicians, for some

grounds for the accusation.

The doctrine, such as it is, does not belong to us. I think it may be

traced home to the South, to Virginia, to her Convention of 1829, to the

speech of Ex-President Monroe, on the white basis question.

"As to emancipation," said that distinguished son of your state, "if ever

that should take place, it cannot be done by the state; it must be done

by the Union."

Again, "If emancipation can ever be effected, it can only be done with

the aid of the general government."

Gentlemen, you are welcome to your doctrine. It has no advocates among

the abolitionists of New England.

We aim to overthrow slavery by the moral influence of an enlightened

public sentiment;

By a clear and fearless exposition of the guilt of holding property in

man;

By analyzing the true nature of slavery, and boldly rebuking sin;

By a general dissemination of the truths of political economy, in regard

to free and slave labor;

By appeals from the pulpit to the consciences of men;

By the powerful influence of the public press;

By the formation of societies whose object shall be to oppose the

principle of slavery by such means as are consistent with our obligations

to law, religion, and humanity;

By elevating, by means of education and sympathy, the character of the

free people of color among us.

Our testimony against slavery is the same which has uniformly, and with

so much success, been applied to prevailing iniquity in all ages of the

world, the truths of divine revelation.

Believing that there can be nothing in the Providence of God to which His

holy and eternal law is not strictly applicable, we maintain that no

circumstances can justify the slave-holder in a continuance of his

system.

That the fact that this system did not originate with the present

generation is no apology for retaining it, inasmuch as crime cannot be

entailed; and no one is under a necessity of sinning because others have

done so before him;

That the domestic slave-trade is as repugnant to the laws of God, and

should be as odious in the eyes of a Christian community, as the foreign;

That the black child born in a slave plantation is not "an entailed

article of property;" and that the white man who makes of that child a

slave is a thief and a robber, stealing the child as the sea pirate stole

his father!

We do not talk of gradual abolition, because, as Christians, we find no

authority for advocating a gradual relinquishment of sin. We say to

slaveholders, "Repent now, to-day, immediately;" just as we say to the

intemperate, "Break off from your vice at once; touch not, taste not,

handle not, from henceforth forever."

Besides, the plan of gradual abolition has been tried in this country and

the West Indies, and found wanting. It has been in operation in our

slave states ever since the Declaration of Independence, and its results

are before the nation. Let us see.

The Works of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume VII, Complete The Conflict with Slavery, Politics and Reform, the Inner Life, and Criticism · 第 20 / 83 题