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THE BURNING OF CHAMBERSBURG.
by
REV. B. S. SCHNECK, D. D.
* * * * *
NOTICE.
Since the appearance of the first edition of this work, kind friends and
strangers from abroad have been prompted to send contributions for the
sufferers of our town, sometimes specifying who shall be the recipients,
sometimes leaving it discretionary with myself, and sometimes designating
the particular denomination of Christians to whose most needy members the
gifts should be applied. In order to afford an opportunity to _all_, to
avail themselves of such methods as may be most acceptable, I will here
say, that contributions to the General Relief Committee may be sent to the
Treasurer, _G. R. Messersmith_, Esq., Cashier of the Bank of Chambersburg.
Those wishing to make the pastors of the different churches (all of which
have suffered very greatly) to be the almoners of their bounty, can send
as follows:
First Reformed Church, Rev. P. S. Davis.
Second " " (German), Rev. B. S. Schneck.
Presbyterian, Rev. S. J. Niccolls.
Lutheran, German (without a pastor). Money can be sent to Rev. F. W.
Conrad.
Methodist, Rev. Mr. Barnhart.
United Brethren in Christ, Rev. J. Dickson.
Roman Catholic, Rev. John Gerdeman.
Bethel (Church of God), Mr. W. G. Mitchell.
THE BURNING OF CHAMBERSBURG.
BY REV. B. S. SCHNECK, D. D.
Single copies sent by mail, free of postage, at the usual
retail price, 40 & 60 cts.
By the dozen, in cloth, $5 40
(If sent by express, the receiver pays charges--if by mail,
72 cents per dozen copies added to the above price,) or 6 12
By the dozen, in paper, 3 60
Postage per dozen copies, 40c., 4 00
By the hundred, in cloth, 40 00
" " " in paper covers, 26 67
_No books given on commission._
Agents wishing to canvass particular sections or counties, can apply to
the author at Chambersburg.
_Agents wanted_ for a number of counties in the eastern and western
portion of Pennsylvania, and also for Ohio, Indiana, etc.
A _German_ edition, in a condensed form, will shortly leave the press,
which will retail at 30 cents in paper, and 50 cents in cloth.
By the dozen, in paper, $2 70
Postage per dozen copies, 30
By the dozen, in cloth, 4 50
Postage, 60
By the hundred, in paper, 20 00
" " " in cloth, 33 33
OPINIONS OF THE PRESS.
The following are a few of the notices given by the public press to this
work in its first edition:
"It is invaluable as the only account of the most fiendish act of the war
that is in a form to be preserved."--Colonel A. K. MCCLURE, in the
Chambersburg "_Franklin Repository_," Sept. 28, 1864.
"To readers of every class we take great pleasure in commending this
truthful narrative as a valuable contribution to the history of the
war.... The incidents of the burning are detailed by Dr. Schneck with a
vividness which makes his account of that barbarous transaction as graphic
as it is authentic."--Editor of Washington "_National Intelligencer_,"
Oct. 6.
"The source from which it proceeds carries with it sufficient authority as
to the correctness of its statements. It will be read generally with
interest and will doubtless receive a large circulation."--"_German
Reformed Messenger_," Oct. 5.
"This little book should be read by every Pennsylvanian. The scenes
therein so simply and yet so touchingly depicted, have no parallel for
horror in any war among civilized nations except our own."--Pittsburg
"_Evening Chronicle_," Oct. 14.
"I rejoice that this little book has met so rapid a sale, though I
anticipated nothing less, as it is certainly one of the most thrilling
narratives I have ever read. I shall send for a number of copies to be
distributed here."--Rev. Dr. W. B. SPRAGUE, Albany, N. Y., in a letter to
the author, Nov. 1, 1864.
* * * * *
[Illustration: MAP OF THE PORTION OF CHAMBERSBURG
Burnt by order of General Early, July 30, 1864.]
THE BURNING OF CHAMBERSBURG, PENNSYLVANIA.
by
REV. B. SCHNECK., D. D.,
An Eye-Witness and a Sufferer.
With Corroborative Statements from the
Rev. J. Clark, Hon. A. K. Mcclure, J. Hoke, Esq., Rev. T. G. Apple,
Rev. B. Bausman, Rev. S. J. Niccolls, and J. K. Shryock, Esq.
In Letters to a Friend.
Second Edition, Revised and Improved,
With a Plan of the Burnt Portion of the Town.
Philadelphia:
Lindsay & Blakiston.
1864.
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1864, by
Lindsay & Blakiston,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States
for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.
Stereotyped by J. Fagan & Son.
Printed by Sherman & Co.
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.
The first edition of this work having been exhausted in a single month, my
worthy and enterprising publishers have encouraged the preparation of a
second without delay.
It is hardly necessary to say, that the first edition was prepared under
exceedingly unfavorable circumstances. Mind and body were in a state of
exhaustion. For a month, and longer, the hours of each day were so much
taken up with new and exciting cares and duties, as to unfit one in great
measure for either mental or physical effort. Hence the unpretending
little book was ushered into existence with a felt sense of its
deficiencies.
An honest effort at improvement has been made in the present edition. No
small portion of redundant matter has been left out, thus affording room
for various statements which were not at hand before. I may here direct
special attention to the masterly "Vindication of the Border" by Mr.
Apple, the spirited contribution from the facile pen of Mr. Bausman, and
the excellent article by Mr. Shryock. I have with forethought chosen to
introduce other witnesses, besides myself, to testify in regard to the
matter in hand, rather than to have the public rely upon my testimony
only.
The list of names, with the amount of losses by those who owned houses,
were to have been omitted in this edition; but so numerous were the
protests from valued friends against such a course, that it has been
allowed to remain. The space occupied by these details has, however, been
reduced nearly one half, partly by employing smaller type, and partly by
condensing the matter.
The engraving prefixed to the present edition, representing the burnt
portion of the town, will, it is hoped, be acceptable to the reader. A
steel plate engraving of the ruins of the town would have been given, if
any satisfactory representation in so small a compass could have been
furnished. But the judgment of the artist decided against its feasibility,
and in favor of that herewith presented.[1]
B. S. S.
CHAMBERSBURG, Oct. 31st, 1864.
THE BURNING OF CHAMBERSBURG.
LETTER I.
MY DEAR FRIEND:
Your request to give you a succinct and, as far as may be, detailed
account of the terrible calamity with which our town was visited on the
30th day of July, is received. You are pleased to say, that not only my
long residence in the place, but the fact that I had, as on former
occasions, so also during the present one, remained at home, gives me a
right to speak on the subject, without fear of cavil or sneer from those
who are ready, either from ignorance or something worse, to misrepresent
the facts in the case, or apply the ill-timed weapons of ridicule and
sarcasm against statements which have appeared in print.[2] Passing by
your other remarks, which I may be permitted to set down as emanating from
personal partiality, I shall proceed to give you, as perfectly as I can,
and as briefly as the subject will allow, a somewhat detailed account of
the terrible disaster, with an honest endeavor to avoid all special
pleading and overdrawn statements, dealing only in simple matters of fact,
as far as I have been able to gather them, either from personal knowledge
or unquestionable authority.
The Military Situation on the Border.
Before proceeding directly to the narration of the terrible catastrophe,
it may be well to glance at the military situation on our border. This
seems the more necessary from the fact, that a very large portion of the
public prints have been misled into the belief, and consequently have
unwittingly led their readers to believe that, "if the citizens of
Chambersburg had turned out to resist the enemy, the burning and pillage
of the town could have been averted," inasmuch as the rebel force,
according to some statements, was very trifling, "scarcely numbering two
hundred men." You, my dear friend, are laboring under this erroneous
belief yourself. Allow me, therefore, to turn your attention to the
following facts, which are well established, and which can be corroborated
by any amount of evidence.
General Couch, the commander of this military division, had under his
control a company of about one hundred men at Mercersburg, sixteen miles
southwest from here, and a section of a battery of artillery in this
place. This was the entire military force in the Cumberland Valley, under
the control of our military commander, at the time. Several Pennsylvania
regiments which had previously been organized for the defence of the
border, through the efforts of our vigilant Governor, had been summoned
by the General Government to Washington and the Potomac Army. One hundred
men and two small cannon--that was all.
But you ask: "Was not General Averill near enough to have prevented the
rebels from executing their nefarious design upon your town? and, if so,
why did not General Couch inform him of the situation of affairs, and urge
him forward?" The answer is at hand. General Couch _did_ attempt to inform
General Averill in time of the fact that the enemy, with a force about
three thousand strong, had crossed the Potomac west of Williamsport, and
was moving by way of Mercersburg and St. Thomas directly on Chambersburg.
Averill was encamped one mile from Greencastle (ten from Chambersburg) on
Friday night, July 29. The first two messengers with despatches from
General Couch, could not find him. The third messenger succeeded
accidentally in finding him after midnight in a field. Averill only now
discovered that he had been flanked by the enemy, and expressed himself
greatly surprised and chagrined to the messenger at this state of things.
Whether he was to blame, it is not for me to say. It is sufficient for my
purpose just now to know that, beyond two small cannon and one hundred
men, we were _without any military protection_. And could the few hundred
citizens of the place, most of them without firearms, be expected to make
a resistance against such a force, and with six cannon planted on the
hills overlooking the town? To ask the question is to answer it.
In reading over the two preceding paragraphs it occurred to me that the
impression might have been made on your mind, that I wished to find fault
with the General Government for removing from us all military protection
on our border. I have no wish to do so in this letter. I am no military
man, and hence am not so positive in my opinions as many other men, who
are doubtless far more capable of forming a judgment in such matters. I
merely mention the simple facts as they are patent to all who had the best
opportunities of knowing the true state of things. So, too, in regard to
both the Generals named. There is, since the burning of our town, a very
strong feeling of disapprobation in our community and elsewhere against
both, especially against General Couch. I cannot as yet share this
feeling. I know how apt we are, especially when smarting under severe
personal losses or grievances, to look around for some object upon which,
or some person on whom, to lay the blame. For my part, I would rather err
on the side of charity than on the side of unjust fault-finding and
denunciation. I prefer, until better advised, to endorse the views of my
friend Colonel A. K. McClure, himself one of the sufferers, and well
posted in such matters. He says:
"General Averill possibly might have saved Chambersburg, and I know that
General Couch exhausted himself to get Averill to fall back from
Greencastle to this point. I do not say that General Averill is to blame,
for he was under orders from General Hunter, and not subject to General
Couch. He had a large force of the enemy in his front, and until it is
clearly proved to the contrary, I must believe that he did his whole
duty."
These two sentences are guardedly worded. "General Averill _possibly_
might have saved Chambersburg." The enemy, under McCausland, Bradley
Johnson, and Gilmore, let it be recollected, had at least three thousand
cavalry, with artillery at command, eight hundred of the latter being in
town, the rest within supporting distance. Johnson's command occupied the
high eminence one mile west of the town with a battery. No better position
could have been desired. They were flushed at the prospect of plunder and
pillage; their horses were fresh and sleek; their men resolute and
defiant. On the other hand, Averill and his men had been worn out and
jaded by long and heavy marches in Western Virginia for a number of
consecutive weeks. Their horses were run down, and many of them ready to
die, so that two hundred and fifty of these last could not be taken any
farther, but were left here to recruit. It is therefore only _possible_,
scarcely probable, that, even if Averill's force of less than two thousand
five hundred men had been here, a successful resistance could have been
made under these circumstances. But Averill and his men were not here
until several hours after the work of destruction was accomplished, and
the enemy, gloating over his vengeful deeds, was miles away on the Western
Turnpike, towards McConnellsburg.
Judge then, dear sir, how keenly we must feel the unjust reproaches heaped
upon us by professed friends, after our houses are in ruins, our goods
despoiled, and our hearts saddened at every step we take in beholding
continuous squares of desolation in our once beautiful town. And
reproaches _for what_? Because a picket guard of one hundred soldiers and
a small number of citizens did not successfully resist more than three
thousand[3] veteran cavalrymen, with cannon eligibly planted to lay waste
the town without even coming into it. That commanding position once
gained by the enemy, and the town was at his mercy, no matter what force
of cavalry or infantry might have been in Chambersburg.
Reproaches--and from _whom_ and _whence_? From certain newspaper editors
of New York; that same New York, which, with its population of half a
million, could not quell its rabble mob last year, without having a part
of the Potomac Army brought thither to guard some of the very newspaper
offices from which those reproaches upon a helpless town in a neighboring
State are now so unjustly heaped; those identical newspapers which have
ever and anon sent forth paragraphs of bitter invective against
Pennsylvania in general, and Chambersburg in particular, for the "ill
treatment of the New York militia" at the hands of our citizens.[4] New
York is a great State, and counts its noble and good men by hundreds of
thousands; but like every large State with large towns and cities, she
also counts her thousands of depraved creatures in human shape. And I
speak from personal knowledge, for they were quartered for weeks near my
late residence, when I say that of all the soldiers who were in this
community since the commencement of this war, none have left behind them
such a bad moral odor as have many of these men. Drunkenness, wanton
destruction of property, thieving, fighting and stabbing each other, (in
some cases to death outright,) were frequent occurrences. And yet such men
are not only allowed to vilify and abuse the people whom their misconduct
has outraged, but certain New York sheets take up their cause and pour
forth wormwood and gall upon the town, the community, and the State. Let a
virtuous public pronounce its verdict.
Let me illustrate what kind of "defenders" these two regiments of New York
militia were. On their arrival in the town, and whilst marching through it
on their way to camp, about one mile south from here, some of the men
received the hearty cheers of our citizens with sneering remarks about the
necessity of coming "all the way from New York to protect Pennsylvania!"
Just as if the protection of the border was not at the same time a
protection of other States--perhaps, in certain contingencies, even of New
York. But mark the sequel. They went to camp the same day of their
arrival, with liberal supplies of everything. The border was known to be
imperiled a second time, and a large portion of our citizens were armed
and marched out with these regiments. During the night our scouts brought
information to camp that the rebels were moving from the Potomac this way.
And now a scene of confusion ensued which beggars description. In the
greatest conceivable consternation, these "defenders" made for
Chambersburg in "double-quick," and took seats in the cars, "homeward
bound." Two interesting little circumstances, in connection with this
_allegro_ movement, must be added, of which hundreds of our citizens were
eye-witnesses. The first is, that these "defenders," in their hasty
retreat, did not forget to provide for themselves as _safe_ a retreat as
possible. To this end they ordered our citizen soldiers to keep in the
rear--in military phrase, "to cover their retreat" until the militia-men
had reached the cars in safety! The other little circumstance is, that in
their hasty retreat, they left the whole of their camp equipage behind. At
daylight the following morning you might have seen a score of wagons from
the town returning with loads of tents, boxes, trunks, packages, and all
sorts of military fixtures, and conveying them to the cars, in which they
were sent as far as Shippensburg, by military orders. As the militia
thought proper to hasten on farther to the north instead of protecting
their own property, the wary rebels took unmolested possession of the
whole of it on the same day!
I think you will agree with me in the remark that these men had not much
capital to boast of in the way of bravery, although Pennsylvanians should
not perhaps complain, when these "defenders" did no worse for _us_ than
they did for _themselves_, namely, beat a hasty retreat, and leave all
their valuables to the enemy, even before they had a sight of him.
I would not have troubled you with this unpleasant chapter, if it were not
necessary, in order to understand the animus of the splenetic course of
the papers referred to. These editors, under the pretext of "defending the
citizens of New York," have most unaccountably, unjustly, and without the
shadow of provocation, except it be the desolation and ruin of hundreds of
homes and hearths, assailed and sneered at a deeply afflicted community,
which has poured out of its former means to the soldiers of our armies at
home and abroad without stint and with cheerful alacrity, and by night
and by day watched and ministered at the sick and dying beds of our
soldiers without distinction of nation or State.
Yours, &c.
LETTER II.
MY DEAR FRIEND:
You are aware that the late incursion of the enemy was not the first visit
we had from our Southern "friends." In the fall of 1862 we had Stuart's
cavalry raid, and in 1863 the invasion by Lee's army. Since the first of
July of the present year, up to the time of McCausland's advent, the
entire community, especially the farmers, were kept in constant
uneasiness. Twice before had they been robbed of horses, wagons, and
grain. The wheat harvest had just commenced, and now the enemy was again
on the border. During the first three weeks of July, the farmers felt it
necessary to remove their most valuable personal property. Merchants
packed up and sent away, at least a portion of their goods, eastward. But
in each case the rebels did _not_ come, and some degree of apathy in the
community was the result. But this did not last long. On the morning of
July 29th, unmistakable evidence of the crossing of squads of rebel
cavalry over the Potomac, reached us. The citizens of Chambersburg, with
very few exceptions, remained. Indeed, early in the evening we were
assured that a considerable force of our troops were on their way from
Harrisburg, which, however, like many previous assurances, telegrams, and
rumors, was not realized. Our scouts soon reported the near approach of
the rebels, and by three o'clock on the morning of Saturday, the 30th, the
citizens who had gone out with their arms and a section of the battery,
having satisfied themselves of the overpowering strength of the enemy,
fell back to town. Three shells were now thrown over the town by the
rebels from the hills beyond, and as these did not elicit any reply, eight
hundred and thirty-one of their number came to town, their skirmishers
simultaneously investing every street and alley, gradually moving forward,
and then halting until the signal or forward command was again given. We
were once more in subjection to rebel rule. The centre of the town was
filled with them. They called together several of the citizens who were on
the street, requesting them to collect some of the prominent inhabitants,
with a view to entering into negotiations. To this end the Court-House
bell was rung. The summons to the citizens was very partially obeyed. It
was felt that nothing could be done by negotiation, and that they must
submit to pillage--the most they anticipated. The few who did come
together were approached by Captain Fitzhugh, one of McCausland's staff,
who produced and read a written order, signed by General Jubal Early,
directing the command to proceed to Chambersburg, demand a tribute of
$100,000 in gold, or $500,000 in Northern currency, and, on the failure to
secure this sum, to proceed to burn the town, in retaliation for the
burning of six or eight houses specified as having been burned in certain
counties in Virginia by General Hunter. The citizens stated that it was
utterly impossible to pay the sum named either in gold or currency, and
that the demand could not be made in good faith. They further remonstrated
against the monstrosity of burning a whole town of six thousand
inhabitants, in retaliation for the six or eight houses named. So utterly
incredulous were they as to the threat being actually carried out, that
they expressed their incredulity without reserve. Captain Fitzhugh replied
with a clinching oath, that these orders would be carried out very
quickly. He immediately issued his orders to his men, a barrel of kerosene
and matches were secured, and in less than twenty minutes the town was
fired in a dozen places, and they continued the incendiary work for about
one hour. I may here say, that most of the store-goods had been removed,
and a few prominent citizens had left, but that no families, women, or
children had departed. The burning was executed in a most ruthless and
unrelenting manner.[5]
"A squad of men would approach a house, break open the door, and kindle a
fire, with no other notice to the inmates, except to get out of it as soon
as they could. In many cases, five, ten, fifteen minutes were asked to
secure some clothing, which _were refused_. Many families escaped with
only the clothing they had on, and such as they could gather up in their
haste. In many cases they were _not allowed to take these_, but were
threatened with instant death if they did not cast them away and flee.
Sick and aged people had to be carried to the fields. The corpse of at
least one person who had recently died, was hastily interred in the
garden, and children, separated from their parents, ran wildly screaming
through the streets. Those whose stupor or eagerness to save something,
detained them, emerged with difficulty from the streets filled with the
sheeted flames of their burning homes. I should say here, that no
provocation had been given; not a shot was fired on them in entering the
town, and not until the full crisis was reached, did desperation, in a few
instances, lead to desperate acts.
"As to the result, I may say that the entire heart or body of the town is
burned. Not a house or building of any kind is left on a space of about an
average of two squares of streets, extending each way from the centre,
with some four or five exceptions, where the buildings were isolated. Only
the outskirts are left. The Court-house, Bank, Town Hall, German Reformed
Printing Establishment, every store and hotel in the town, and every mill
and factory in the space indicated, and two churches, were burnt. Between
three and four hundred dwellings were burned, leaving at least twenty-five
hundred persons without a home or a hearth. In value, three-fourths of the
town was destroyed. The scene of desolation must be seen to be
appreciated. Crumbling walls, stacks of chimneys, and smoking embers, are
all that remain of once elegant and happy homes.
"As to the scene itself, it beggars description. My own residence being in
the outskirts, and feeling it the call of duty to be with my family, I
could only look on from without. The day was sultry and calm, not a breath
stirring, and each column of smoke rose black, straight, and single; first
one, and then another, and another, and another, until the columns blended
and commingled; and then one vast and lurid column of smoke and flame
rose perpendicularly to the sky, and spread out into a vast crown, like a
cloud of sackcloth hanging over the doomed city; whilst the roar and the
surging, the crackling and crash of falling timbers and walls, broke upon
the still air with a fearful dissonance, and the screams and sounds of
agony of burning animals, hogs, and cows, and horses, made the welkin
horrid with sounds of woe. It was a scene to be witnessed and heard once
in a lifetime."
To you and other friends, more or less familiar with Chambersburg, it will
be interesting to specify a little more particularly the localities which
have been laid waste. Beginning on East Market street, the one leading
from Gettysburg to Pittsburg, directly through the centre of the town from
east to west, the burning commenced simultaneously with the Court-house
and Mansion-house (Printing Establishment of the German Reformed Church).
Facing the west from the Franklin railroad, the first building to the
right is the residence of the Misses Denny, in a somewhat isolated
position. This stands in its freshness and beauty, solitary and alone.
Passing down two squares to the centre of the town, not one building and
only two or three stables or barns remain on either side of this street of
private residences, my own with all of my library and manuscripts, among
the number. Passing further on westward for more than three squares in
length, to the top of "New England Hill," five or six more or less
isolated houses remain. The large Franklin Hotel, the Arcade Buildings,
John B. Cook's houses and tannery, Riley's Hotel, the late Matthew
Gillan's large dwelling, J. M. Wolfkill's store and dwelling, G. W.
Brewer's and Mrs. Joseph Chambers's beautiful residences, are among the
many valuable properties on this street, in ruins.
Then from North Main street (the street from Carlisle to Greencastle),
beginning with Mr. Benjamin Chambers's new residence, at the Falling
Spring, and Mr. W. G. Reed's, on the corner, and from here on every house
on both sides up the square, on to the centre, across it to Queen street,
and up to Washington street, with the exception of Rev. Dr. Fisher's, Mr.
Reineman's, Lehner's, and Feltman's dwellings, every house, shop, stable,
&c., is gone. This street, as you know, contained more than three-fourths
of all our stores, ware-rooms, and shops of business. Then comes Queen
street, at the intersection of Second street, beginning at Brandt's (now
Brown's) hotel, which was only partially destroyed, sweeping every
building (except Mrs. Brandt's dwelling), on both sides down to the creek,
over two squares, including Dr. Culbertson's, N. Snider's, Barnard
Wolff's, Mr. Wallace's, and other valuable dwellings and stores. Between
eleven and twelve squares of the best part of the town are, therefore, in
ruins, among them houses of many, inhabitants, whom you knew in former
years as among your dearest friends, and in comfortable or affluent
circumstances, many of them now reduced to penury and want.
After I had written the preceding pages, I found a minute and well-written
statement of the subject now in hand in the "Franklin Repository," of this
place, of August 24. I take pleasure in giving the following extracts from
the same, instead of my own, as the matter was evidently prepared with
judgment and care, under the supervision of its editor, Colonel McClure.
He says:
"It seems inexplicable to persons and journals at a distance that General
Couch, a Major-General commanding a department, with his border repeatedly
invaded, should have no troops. The natural inclination is to blame the
commander, for it is reasonable to suppose that he would endeavor to have
an adequate command, and also that ample authority would be given him to
have sufficient force. Just where the blame belongs, we do not choose now
to discuss; but we do know that it was no fault of General Couch that he
was unable to defend Chambersburg. He organized a Provost Guard regiment,
some twelve hundred strong, expressly for duty in his department; the men
were enlisted under a positive assurance, based on the order authorizing
the organization, that they were to be kept on duty in the department.
They were ordered to General Grant after the battles of the Wilderness. He
organized six regiments of one hundred days' men before the advent of
McCausland, and they were ordered to Washington as soon as they were ready
to move. We are assured that Governor Curtin, fully two weeks before the
burning of Chambersburg, formally pledged the State to make provision for
arming, organizing, and paying the entire militia force of the border for
home defence, if the General Government would simply give the uniforms;
and we believe that General Couch pressed it upon the Washington
authorities to uniform the entire force of the southern counties, assuring
them that the people were willing to defend themselves if encouraged by
granting them uniforms, so as to save them from inhuman butchery, but it
was denied. We do not speak advisedly as to General Couch's correspondence
with the Washington authorities; we give no statements at his instance, or
based upon information received from him or his officers; but we do write
whereof we know, when we say that every effort was made to carry these
measures into effect, and that they were not sanctioned at Washington.
While we do not assume to fix the responsibility of this terrible
disaster, we do mean that it shall not fall upon a commander who was shorn
of his strength and left helpless with his people.
The Rebels Enter Chambersburg
"The rebels having been interrupted in their entrance into the town until
daylight, they employed their time in planting two batteries in commanding
positions, and getting up their whole column, fully three thousand strong.
About 4 o'clock on Saturday morning they opened with their batteries and
fired some half a dozen shots into the town, but they did no damage.
Immediately thereafter their skirmishers entered by almost every street
and alley running out west and southwest; and finding their way clear,
their cavalry, to the number of eight hundred and thirty-one, came in
under the immediate command of General McCausland. General Bradley Johnson
was with him, and also the notorious Major Harry Gilmore.
Plundering Promptly Commenced.
"While McCausland and Gilmore were reconnoitring around to get a deal with
the citizens for tribute, his soldiers exhibited the proficiency of their
training by immediate and almost indiscriminate robbery. Hats, caps,
boots, watches, silverware, and everything of value, were appropriated
from individuals on the streets without ceremony; and when a man was met
whose appearance indicated a plethoric purse, a pistol would be presented
to his head with the order to "deliver," with a dexterity that would have
done credit to the freebooting accomplishments of an Italian brigand.
Tribute Demanded.
"General McCausland rode up to a number of citizens and gave notice that
unless five hundred thousand dollars in greenbacks, or one hundred
thousand dollars in gold were paid in half an hour, the town would be
burned; but no one responded to his call. He was promptly answered that
Chambersburg could not and would not pay any ransom. He had the Court
House bell rung to convene the citizens, hoping to frighten them into the
payment of a large sum of money, but no one attended. Infuriated at the
determination of our people, Major Gilmore rode up to a group of citizens,
consisting of Thomas B. Kennedy, William McLellan, J. McDowell Sharpe, Dr.
J. C. Richards, William H. McDowell, W. S. Everett, Edward G. Etter, and
M. A. Foltz, and ordered them under arrest. He said that they would be
held for the payment of the money, and if not paid he would take them to
Richmond as hostages, and also burn every house in town. While he was
endeavoring to force them into an effort to raise him money, his men
commenced the work of firing, and they were discharged when it was found
that intimidation would effect nothing.
Burning of Chambersburg.
"The main part of the town was enveloped in flames in ten minutes. No time
was given to remove women or children, the sick, or even the dead. No
notice of the kind was communicated to any one; but the work of
destruction was at once commenced. They divided into squads and fired
every other house, and often every house, if there was any prospect of
plunder. They would beat in the door with iron bars or heavy plank, smash
up furniture with an axe, throw fluid or oil upon it, and ply the match.
They almost invariably entered every room of each house, rifled the
drawers of every bureau, appropriated money, jewelry, watches and any
other valuables, and often would present pistols to the heads of inmates,
men and women, and demand money or their lives. In nearly half the
instances they demanded owners to ransom their property, and in a few
cases it was done and the property burned. Although we have heard of a
number of persons, mostly widows, who paid them sums from twenty-five to
two hundred dollars, we know of but few cases where the property was saved
thereby. Few houses escaped rifling--nearly all were plundered of
everything that could be carried away. In most cases houses were entered
in the rudest manner, and no time whatever was allowed for the families to
escape, much less to save anything. Many families had the utmost
difficulty to get themselves and children out in time, and not one-half
had so much as a change of clothing with them. They would rush from story
to story to rob, and always fire the building at once in order to keep the
family from detecting their robberies. Feeble and helpless women and
children were treated like brutes--told insolently to get out or burn; and
even the sick were not spared. Several invalids had to be carried out as
the red flames licked their couches. Thus the work of desolation continued
for two hours; more than half of the town on fire at once, and the wild
glare of the flames, the shrieks of women and children, and often louder
than all, the terrible blasphemy of the rebels, conspired to present such
a scene of horror as has never been witnessed by the present generation.
No one was spared save by accident. The widow and the fatherless cried and
plead in vain that they would be homeless and helpless. A rude oath would
close all hope of mercy, and they would fly to save their lives. The old
and infirm who tottered before them were thrust aside, and the torch
applied in their presence to hasten their departure. In a few hours, the
major portion of Chambersburg, its chief wealth and business, its capital
and elegance, were devoured by a barbarous foe; three millions of property
sacrificed; three thousand human beings homeless and many penniless; and
all without so much as a pretence that the citizens of the doomed town, or
any of them, had violated any accepted rule of civilized warfare. Such is
the deliberate, voluntary record made by General Early, a corps commander
in the insurgent army.
Incidents of the Burning.
We find it impossible to make room for all the many touching incidents
which occurred in the burning of the town. The house of Mr. James Watson,
an old and feeble man of over eighty, was entered, and because his wife
earnestly remonstrated against the burning, they fired the room, hurled
her into it and locked the door on the outside. Her daughters rescued her
by bursting in the door before her clothing took fire. Mr. Jacob Wolfkill,
a very old citizen, and prostrated by sickness so that he was utterly
unable to be out of bed, plead in vain to be spared a horrible death in
the flames of his own house; but they fired the building. Through the
superhuman efforts of some friends he was carried away safely. Mrs.
Lindsay, a very feeble lady of nearly eighty, fainted when they fired her
house, and was left to be devoured in the flames: but fortunately a
relative reached the house in time, and lifting her in a buggy, pulled her
away while the flames were kissing each other over their heads on the
street. Mrs. Kuss, wife of the jeweller on Main Street, lay dead; and
although they were shown the dead body, they plied the torch and burned
the house. Mrs. J. K. Shryock had Mrs. Kuss's sick babe in her arms, and
plead for the sake of the dead mother and sick child to spare that house,
but it was unavailing. The body of Mrs. Kuss was hurriedly buried in the
garden, and the work of destruction went on. When the flames drove Mrs.
Shryock away with the child, she went to one of the men and presenting the
babe, said, "_Is this revenge sweet?_" A tender chord was touched, and
without speaking he burst into tears. He afterwards followed Mrs. Shryock,
and asked whether he could do anything for her; but it was too late. The
houses of Messrs. McLellan, Sharpe and Nixon, being located east of the
Franklin Railroad, and out of the business part of the town, were not
reached until the rest of the town was in flames, and the roads were
streaming with homeless women and children. Mr. McLellan's residence was
the first one entered, and he was notified that the house must be burned.
Mrs. McLellan immediately stepped to the door, and laying one hand on the
rebel officer, and pointing with the other to the frantic fugitive women
and children passing by, said to him: "_Sir, is not your vengeance
glutted? We have a home and can get another; but can you spare no homes
for those poor, helpless people and their children? When you and I and all
of us shall meet before the Great Judge, can you justify this act?_" He
made no reply, but ordered his command away, and that part of the town
was saved. Mr. Holmes Crawford, an aged and most worthy citizen, was taken
into an alley while his house was burning, and his pockets rifled. He was
thus detained until it was impossible for him to get out by the street,
and he had to take his feeble wife and sit in the rear of his lot until
the buildings around him were burnt down. Father McCullom, Catholic priest
of this place, was robbed of his watch. Colonel Stumbaugh was arrested
near his home early in the morning, and, with a pistol presented to his
head, ordered to procure some whiskey. He refused, for the very good
reason that he had none and could get none. He was released, but
afterwards re-arrested by another squad, the officer naming him, and was
insulted in every possible way. He informed the officer that he had been
in the service, and that if General Battles was present, they would not
dare to insult him. When asked why, he answered, "I captured him at
Shiloh, and treated him like a soldier." A rebel Major present, who had
been under Battles, upon inquiry, was satisfied that Colonel Stumbaugh's
statement was correct, ordered his prompt release, and withdrew the entire
rebel force from that part of Second Street, and no buildings were burned.
Mr. John Treher, of Loudon, was robbed by the rebels of $200 in gold and
silver, and $100 in currency. Mr. D. R. Knight, an artist, started out to
the residence of Mr. McClure when he saw Norland on fire, and on his way
he was robbed of all his money by a squad of rebels. He reached the house
in time to aid in getting the women away. Rebel officers had begged of
him, before he started, to get the women out of town as fast as possible,
as many rebel soldiers were intoxicated and they feared the worst
consequences.
Colonel McClure's beautiful residence, one mile from the centre of the
town, was evidently marked out for destruction, for no other house between
it and the burnt portion of the town was fired. The Colonel was known as a
prominent man in National and State affairs, and, after the raid of
General Jenkins and the succeeding invasion by General Lee's army, he had
spoken of Jenkins and his men in no complimentary terms in the paper of
which Colonel McClure is chief editor. And although no house in the
community was more coveted by rebel officers to be quartered in than his,
and for the reason, doubtless, that every comfort and luxury could be had
in it, and although Mrs. McClure had, with her well known generosity and
kindness of heart, ministered to the necessities and comforts of the sick
and wounded insurgents, which were left during General Lee's invasion, for
which she has since received the most touching acknowledgments from some
of them--yet, his property was doomed, irrevocably doomed to be burnt.
Captain Smith, son of Governor Smith of Virginia, with a squad of men,
passing by all the intervening houses, entered the devoted mansion with
the information to Mrs. McClure, then and for some time before an invalid,
that the house must be burned by way of retaliation. Ten minutes were
given her in which to leave the house, and in less than ten minutes the
flames were doing their work of destruction, and Mrs. McClure and the
other members of the family at home, started on foot, in the heat of one
of the hottest days I have ever known, in order to escape the vengeance of
the chivalry. Whilst the flames were progressing in the house as well as
the large and well-filled barn, the Captain helped himself to Mrs.
McClure's gold watch, silver pitcher and other valuables. The gold watch
and other articles were easily concealed, but the silver pitcher was
rather unwieldy, and could not be secreted from profane eyes as he rode
back through town from the scene of his triumph. He resolved, therefore,
to give a public display of his generosity. He stopped at the house of the
Rev. James Kennedy, and handed the pitcher to his wife, with the request,
"Please deliver this to Mrs. Colonel McClure, with the compliments of
Captain Smith."
Humane Rebel Officers.
Fiendish and relentless as were McCausland and most of his command, there
were notable exceptions, who bravely maintained the humanities of war in
the midst of the infuriated freebooters who were plying the torch and
securing plunder. Surgeon Abraham Budd was conversing with several
citizens when the demand for tribute was made, and he assured all present
that the rebel commander would not burn Chambersburg. In the midst of his
assurances, the flames burst forth almost simultaneously in every part of
the town. When he saw the fire break out, he wept like a child, and
publicly denounced the atrocities of his commander. He took no part in it
whatever, save to aid some unfortunate ones in escaping from the flames.
Captain Baxter, formerly of Baltimore, peremptorily refused to participate
in the burning, but aided many people to get some clothing and other
articles out of the houses. He asked a citizen, as a special favor, to
write to his friends in Baltimore and acquit him of the hellish work.
Surgeon Richardson, another Baltimorean, gave his horse to a lady to get
some articles out of the burning town, and publicly deplored the sad work
of McCausland. When asked who his commanding officer was, he answered,
"Madam, I am ashamed to say that General McCausland is my commander!"
Captain Watts manfully saved all of Second street south of Queen, and with
his command aided to arrest the flames. He said that he would lose his
commission rather than burn out defenceless people; and other officers and
a number of privates displayed every possible evidence of their humanity.
After the rebels had left, the following note was received by Rev. S. J.
Niccolls, Presbyterian pastor, written on an envelope with a pencil:
REV. MR. NICCOLLS:
Please write my father and give him my love. Tell him, too, as Mrs.
Shoemaker will tell you, that I was most strenuously opposed to the
burning of the town.
B. B. BLAIR,
Chaplain, and son of Thomas P. Blair, Shippensburg, Pa.
That there was a most formidable opposition to burning the town in
McCausland's command was manifested in various ways. In the morning before
daylight, when McCausland was at Greenawalt's, on the turnpike west of
Chambersburg, a most boisterous council was held there, at which there
were earnest protests made to McCausland against burning anything but
public property. McCausland was greatly incensed at some of his officers,
and threatened them with most summary vengeance if they refused to obey
orders.[6] Many, however, did openly disobey, and went even so far as to
give the utmost publicity to their disobedience.
The Order to Burn Chambersburg.
Captain Fitzhugh exhibited to J. W. Douglas, Esq., an attorney of this
place, a written order, with the name of Jubal A. Early to it, directing
that Chambersburg should be burned, in retaliation for the burning of six
houses in Virginia by Hunter. The burning of Chambersburg was therefore by
an order from one of the corps commanders of General Lee's army, instead
of the work of a guerrilla chief, thus placing the responsibility squarely
upon the shoulders of General Lee. We have in support of this the
statement of Rev. Mr. Edwards, Episcopal clergyman of Hagerstown, who was
taken as a hostage after Chambersburg had been destroyed. He was brought
to General Early's headquarters at Williamsport, and there paroled to
effect his exchange. General Early there informed him that he had directed
Chambersburg to be burned, in retaliation for the destruction of property
in Virginia by Grant, Meade, and Hunter, and that the account was now
squared.
Retribution.
Several of the thieves who participated in burning Chambersburg were sent
suddenly to their last account. An officer, whose papers identify him as
Major Bowen, 8th Virginia cavalry, was conspicuous for his brutality and
robberies. He got too far south of the firing parties to be covered by
them, and in his desire to glut his thievish propensities, he was
isolated. He was captured by several citizens, in the midst of his brutal
work, and was dispatched promptly. When he was fired at and slightly
wounded, he took refuge in the burning cellar of one of the houses, and
there, with the intense heat blistering him, he begged them to spare his
life; but it was in vain. Half the town was still burning, and it was
taxing humanity rather too much to save a man who had added the boldest
robbery to atrocious arson. He was shot dead, and now sleeps near the
Falling Spring, nearly opposite the depot.