SECTION OF THE INDIAN PRESS ACT OF 1910

Whenever it appears to the Local Government that any printing

press in respect of which any security has been deposited as

required by Section 3 is used for the purpose of printing or

publishing any newspaper, book, or other document containing any

words, signs or visible representations which are likely to have

a tendency directly, or indirectly, whether by inference,

suggestion, allusion, metaphor, implication or otherwise:

(a) To incite to murder or to any offense under the Explosives

Substances Act of 1908, or to any act of violence or

(b) To seduce any officer, soldier, or sailor in the Army or

Navy of His Majesty from his allegiance or his duty or

(c) To bring into hatred or contempt His Majesty or the

Government established by the law in British India, or the

Administration of Justice in British India or any native Prince

or Chief under the suzeranity of His Majesty or any class or

section of His Majesty's subjects in British India or to excite

disaffection towards His Majesty or the said Government or any

such Prince or Chief or

(d) To put any person in fear or to cause any annoyance to him

and thereby induce him to deliver to any person any property or

valuable security, or to do any act which he is not legally

bound to do or to omit any act which he is legally entitled to

do or

(e) To encourage or incite any person to interfere with the

administration of the law or with the maintenance of law and

order or

(f) To convey any threat of injury to a public servant, or to

any person in whom the public servant is believed to be

interested, with a view to inducing that person to do any act or

to forbear to do any act connected with the exercise of his

public functions the Local Government may, by notice in writing

to the keeper of such printing press, stating or describing the

words, signs or visible representations which in its opinion are

of the nature described above, declare the security deposited in

respect of such Press and all copies of such newspaper, book, or

other document wherever found to be forfeited to His Majesty.

EXPLANATION I: In clause c the expression disaffection includes

disloyalty and all feelings of enmity.

EXPLANATION II: Comments expressing the disapproval of the

measures of the Government of any such native Prince or Chief as

aforesaid with a view to obtain their alteration by lawful means

or of the administration or other action of the Government or

any such native Prince or Chief or of the administration of

Justice in British India without exciting or attempting to

excite hatred, contempt, or disaffection, do not come under the

scope of clause c.

Can any people make headway in the art of self-government who are

governed by a foreign bureaucracy aided by an army of Indian Czars

regulating the very minutest details of their life? You know that this

over government of India is a direct result of your rule. Before you

came the Indian village was a self-governed unit. (See statements of

Monroe, Elphinstone, Metcalfe, and Lawrence.) Even now the people in the

Native States are in this respect better off than the people of British

India. The Education Minister of your Cabinet, Mr. H. A. L. Fisher has,

after a visit to India, placed it on record that "the inhabitants of a

well governed Native State are, on the whole, happier and more contented

than the inhabitants of British India. They are more lightly taxed; the

pace of the administration is less urgent and exacting. They feel that

they do things for themselves instead of having everything done by a

cold and alien benevolence." Yet if an Indian leader were to point this

out and ask the Indian masses to improve their lot by demanding and

winning for themselves the right to manage their own affairs, and by

driving out those influences that stand in their way, he would be

persecuted and imprisoned or transported.

The first axiom for political progress is that the people should

throw away their attitude of submission to oppression, tyranny,

high-handedness, and conditions of slavery whether imposed by a national

or a foreign Government. They have a right to revolt if they have the

means to do so successfully. But in any case, they have a right to

discuss, agitate and organize for changes. This they cannot do unless

they have a free press, a free platform, and the right of free

association. In India the first is denied by the Press Act, the second

by the comprehensive sections of the Penal Code, and the third by the

so-called "Seditious Meetings Act." What little was left has been done

away with under the extensive powers taken and exercised by the

Executive under the plea of war exigency by the "Defense of India Act."

While every other part of the Empire, including the "Mother Country" is

discussing political and economic changes of an extremely radical

character, such as the establishment of a more effective Imperial

Parliament and Preferential Tariffs after the war, not to speak of

constructive programmes for education, and industrial rejuvenation, the

Indian leaders are "officially" advised to be mum, and any effort to

rouse the country to a consciousness of its rights and duties is

characterized as perverted, ill-timed, and inconsistent with loyalty.

The advocates of "Home Rule" are being openly hampered in their

propaganda. Papers advocating home rule have been persecuted, and

leaders have been prohibited from entering provincial areas. But what is

worse is that the Criminal Investigation Department have been instructed

to take down the names of all those who have enlisted in the cause,

either as active or passive workers. A deputation of representatives of

the press that waited on the Viceroy to lay their grievances before him

has been lectured on the impropriety of thus raising the question at

this juncture and has otherwise been treated with shocking discourtesy.

In conclusion, let me ask you, sir, to notice the coercive methods by

which the War Loan is being raised in India. Poor underpaid subordinate

officials are being forced to purchase Government stock. They will

surely purchase the stock and win the good-will of their officers, but

just as surely they will squeeze the cost out of the people. That will

be strictly in accord with the standards of loyalty set up by your

officials!

Mr. David Lloyd George, I have addressed this letter to you, because at

this moment you seem to be the only British statesman possessed of

imagination. Exercise your imagination, sir, a little and save India for

the Empire; win the gratitude and blessings of a fifth of the human

race--of a people who were one of the first pioneers of civilization in

the world, who laid the foundations of culture, which you profess to be

so very anxious to save. Remember that the Indians were rich,

prosperous, free, self-governing, civilized and great, both in peace and

war, when not only Britain but even "Greece and Rome were nursing the

tenants of the wilderness." The Indians have lost their freedom because

they oppressed the people under them and as surely as night follows day,

the British will lose all that makes them great to-day, if they continue

to oppress and exploit the subject races within their Empire. The world

cannot be safe for democracy unless India is self-governed. Nor can

there be any lasting peace in the world, so long as India and China are

not strong enough to protect themselves.

Pardon me, sir, if I have disturbed you at such a critical moment;

though it is folly to presume that you could be disturbed in the

slightest degree by such a letter. I have written it out of a sense of

duty as sacred as that which inspires you in your herculean task; and if

you are inclined to think harshly of me for this letter, just try to put

yourself in my position and decide what then would be your point of

view.

LAJPAT RAI.

New York City, June 13, 1917.

Transcriber Notes:

Passages in italics were indicated by _underscores_.

Small caps were replaced with ALL CAPS.

Throughout the dialogues, there were words used to mimic accents of

the speakers. Those words were retained as-is.

Errors in punctuations and inconsistent hyphenation were not corrected

unless otherwise noted.

Page 11, "Deva Bhumi" was replaced with "Deva Bhumi".

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