CHAPTER LIV.

THE FALL OF THE GERMAN EMPIRE.

The peace of Presburg had been concluded; it had deprived Austria of her

best provinces.

The offensive and defensive alliance between Prussia and France had been

signed; it had deprived Prussia of the principalities of Cleves, Berg,

and Neufchatel.

Germany, therefore, had reason enough in the beginning of 1806 to mourn

and complain, for her princes had been humiliated and disgraced; her

people had to bear with their princes the ignominy of degradation and

dependence.

Germany, however, seemed to be joyful and happy; festivals were being

celebrated everywhere--festivals in honor of the Emperor Napoleon and

his family, festivals of love and happiness.

After the victory Napoleon had obtained at Austerlitz over the two

emperors, after the conclusion of the treaty of Presburg and the

alliance with Prussia, all causes of war with Germany seemed removed,

and Napoleon laid his sword aside in order to repose on his laurels in

the bosom of his family, and, instead of founding new states, to

bring about marriages between his relations and the scions of German

sovereigns--marriages which were to draw closer the links of love and

friendship uniting France with Germany, and to make all Germany the

obedient son-in-law and vassal of the Emperor of France.

In Munich, the wedding-bells which made Napoleon the father-in-law of

a German dynasty, were first rung. In Munich, in the beginning of 1806,

Eugene Beauharnais, Napoleon’s adopted son, was married to the beautiful

and noble Princess Amelia of Bavaria, daughter of Maximilian, Elector of

Bavaria, who, by the grace of Napoleon, had become King of Bavaria, as

Eugene, by the same grace, had become Viceroy of Italy.

All Bavaria was jubilant with delight at the new and most fortunate ties

uniting the German state with France; all Bavaria felt honored and happy

when the Emperor Napoleon, with his wife Josephine, came to Munich to

take part in the wedding-ceremonies. Festivals followed each other in

quick succession in Munich; only happy faces were to be seen there,

only jubilant shouts, laughter, and merry jests were to be heard; and

whenever Napoleon appeared in the streets or showed himself on the

balcony of the palace, the people received him with tremendous cheers,

and waved their hats at the emperor, regardless of the blood and tears

he had wrung but a few days before from another German state.

No sooner had the wedding-bells ceased ringing in Munich than they

commenced resounding in Carlsruhe; for Napoleon wanted there, too, to

become the father-in-law of another German dynasty, and the niece of

Josephine, Mademoiselle Stephanie de Beauharnais, married the heir

of the Elector of Baden, who now, by the grace of Napoleon, became

Grand-duke of Baden.

And to the merry notes of the wedding-bells of Munich and Carlsruhe,

were soon added the joyful sound of the bells which announced to Germany

the rise of a new sovereign house within her borders, and inaugurated

the elevation of the brother-in-law of the Emperor of France to the

dignity of a sovereign German prince. Those solemn bells resounded in

Cleves and Berg, and did homage to Joachim Murat, who, by the grace

of Napoleon, had become Grand-duke of Berg. Prussia and Bavaria had to

furnish the material for this new princely cloak; Prussia had given the

larger portion of it, the Duchy of Cleves, and Bavaria, grateful for so

many favors, had added to it the principality of Berg, so that these

two German states together formed a nice grand-duchy for the son of

the French innkeeper--for Joachim Murat, for the brother-in-law of the

French emperor.

And when the joyful sounds had died away in Munich, Carlsruhe, and the

new grand-duchy of Berg, they resounded again in Stuttgart, for in that

capital the betrothal of Jerome, youngest brother of Napoleon, and of

a daughter of the Elector of Wurtemberg, who now, by the grace of

Napoleon, had become King of Wurtemberg, was celebrated. It is true

Jerome, the emperor’s brother, wore no crown as yet; it is true this

youngest son of the Corsican lawyer had hitherto been nothing but an

“imperial prince of France,” but his royal father-in-law of Wurtemberg

felt convinced that his august brother, Napoleon, would endow the

husband of his daughter in a becoming manner, and place some vacant or

newly-to-be-created crown on his head. Napoleon, moreover, had just then

endowed his elder brother Joseph in such a manner, and made him King

of Naples, after solemnly declaring to Europe in a manifesto, that “the

dynasty of Naples had ceased to reign, and that the finest country on

earth was to be delivered at length from the yoke of the most perfidious

persons.” And in accordance with his word, Napoleon had overthrown the

Neapolitan dynasty, expelled King Ferdinand and Queen Caroline from

their capital, and placed his brother Joseph on the throne of Naples.

[Footnote: Napoleon rewarded his generals and ministers, besides, with

duchies, which he created for them in Italy, and the rich revenues of

which he assigned to them. Thus Marmont became Duke of Ragusa; Mortier,

Duke of Treviso; Bessieres, Duke of Istria; Savary, Duke of Rovigo;

Lannes, Duke of Montebello; Bernadotte, Prince of Pontecorvo;

Talleyrand, Prince of Benevento; Fouche, Duke of Otranto; Maret, Duke of

Bassano; Soult, Duke of Dalmatia; Berthier, Prince of Neufchatel; Duroc,

Duke of Frioul, etc.]

Hence, the King of Wurtemberg was not afraid; he was sure that Napoleon

would discover somewhere a falling crown for his brother Jerome, and

give to the daughter of the most ancient German dynasty a position

worthy of the honor of her house.

But the joyful bells were not only rung in Germany; they resounded also

from the borders of Holland, which now, by the grace of Napoleon, had

become a kingdom, and to which, again by the grace of Napoleon, a king

had been given, in the person of Louis, another brother of the Emperor

of France. They resounded, too, from Italy, where, in this blessed

year of 1806, so productive of new crowns, on one day, March 30, 1806,

suddenly twelve duchies sprang from the ground and placed as many ducal

crowns on the heads of Napoleon’s friends and comrades.

The year of 1806, therefore, was a blessed and happy year; joy and

exultation reigned everywhere, and Napoleon was the author of all this

happiness.

Still there was in the German empire a city which, in spite of all these

recent festivals and demonstrations of satisfaction, maintained a grave

and gloomy aspect, and apparently took no part whatever in the universal

joy, but lived in its sullen, dull quiet as it had done for centuries.

This city was Ratisbon, the seat of the German Diet, and now the

property and capital of the archchancellor of the German empire, Baron

Dalberg.

For centuries Ratisbon had enjoyed the proud honor of having the

ambassadors of all the German states meet in its old city-hall, for

the purpose of deliberating on the welfare of Germany. From the arched

windows of the large session hall the new laws flitted all over Germany,

and what the gentlemen at Ratisbon had decided on, had to be submitted

to by the princes and people of Germany.

And, just as hundreds and hundreds of years ago, they were still in

session at Ratisbon--the ambassadors of the emperor, of the kings,

electors, dukes, free cities, counts, and barons of the German empire.

There met every day in their old hall the states of Austria, Prussia,

Bavaria, Hanover, Wurtemberg, Baden, Hesse-Darmstadt, Mecklenberg,

Brunswick, and whatever might be the names of the different members of

the great German empire.

They met, but they did not deliberate any longer; they merely guessed

what might be the fate of Germany, how long they would sit there in

gloomy idleness, and when it might please the new protector of Germany,

the Emperor of France, to remember them and say to them: “Go home,

gentlemen, for your time has expired. The German Diet has ceased to

exist, and I will deliver Germany from this burden.”

But neither the Emperor of France nor the sovereigns of Germany seemed

to remember that there was a Diet still in session at the ancient

city-hall of Ratisbon, which formerly had to sanction all treaties of

peace, all cessions of territory, and all political changes whatever, so

that they might be recognized and become valid in the German empire.

Now, the Emperor of Germany had not even deemed it necessary to submit

to the Diet at Ratisbon the treaty of peace concluded with Napoleon

at Presberg for ratification, but had contented himself with merely

notifying the Diet of its conclusion. In the same manner, and on the

same day, the ambassadors of Bavaria and Wurtemberg had risen from

their seats to announce to the Diet that they were now no longer

representatives of electors, but of kings--Bavaria and Wurtemberg, with

the consent of the Emperor of France, having assumed the royal title;

and when these two gentlemen had resumed their seats, the ambassador

of the Elector of Baden rose for the purpose of declaring that he was

representing no longer an electorate, but a grand-duchy--the Elector

of Baden, with the consent of the Emperor of France, having assumed the

grand-ducal title.

The Diet had received these announcements silently and without

objection; it had been silent, also, when, a few days later, the French

ambassador, M. Bacher, appeared in the session-hall and announced that

Murat, as Duke of Cleves, had become a member of the German empire.

Every ambassador, however, had asked himself silently how it happened

that the new member of the empire did not hasten to avail himself of

his rights, and to send an ambassador to take his seat at the Diet of

Ratisbon.

The Diet, as we have stated already, received all these announcements

in silence, and what good would it have done to it to speak? Who still

respected its voice? Who still bowed to its name?

Only for appearance sake, only for the purpose of conversing with each

other in a low tone about their own misfortunes, their weakness and

impotence, did the ambassadors of the German princes and cities meet

still, and instead of giving laws to Germany, as formerly, they only

communicated to each other their suppositions concerning the fate that

might be in store for Germany and the German Diet at Ratisbon.

The gentlemen were assembled again to-day in the large session-hall, and

all the German states, which elsewhere were bitterly quarrelling with

each other, were sitting peaceably around the large green table and

chatting about the events that had taken place in the German empire, and

might occur in the near future.

“Have you read the new pamphlets which are creating so great a sensation

at the present time?” said Prussia to Saxony, who was seated by her

side.

“No, I never read any pamphlets,” replied Saxony.

“It is worth while, however, to read these pamphlets,” said Prussia,

smiling: “for they treat of an absurd idea in a most eloquent and

enthusiastic manner. Just think of it, they advocate in dead earnest

the idea of placing the German empire, now that the power of Austria has

been paralyzed, under the protection of Bavaria, and of appointing the

new King of Bavaria chief of Germany.”

“The idea is not so bad, after all,” said Saxony, smiling; “the Bavarian

dynasty is one of the most ancient in Germany, and its power is greater

than ever, inasmuch as it may boast of the friendship and favor of

the Emperor of France. The Emperor Napoleon would, perhaps, raise no

objections in case the King of Bavaria should be elected Emperor of

Germany.”

“Oh, no,” whispered Brunswick, Saxony’s neighbor on the left; “I

received late and authentic news yesterday. The Emperor Napoleon intends

completely to restore the German empire of the middle ages, and will

himself assume the imperial crown of Germany.” [Footnote: Hausser’s

“History of Germany,” vol. ii., p. 721.] “What,” exclaimed Hesse, who

had overheard the words, “the Emperor Napoleon wants to make himself

Emperor of Germany?”

And Hesse had spoken so loudly in her surprise that the whole Diet had

heard her words, and every one repeated them in great astonishment,

while every face assumed a grave and solemn air.

“Yes, you may believe that such is the case,” said Bavaria, in an

audible tone; “important changes are in store for us, and I know from

the best source that Minister Talleyrand said the other day, quite

loudly and positively, ‘That the fate of the German empire would be

decided on toward the end of this month.’” [Footnote: Ibid., p. 723.]

“And to-day is already the 23d of May,” said Oldenburg, musingly; “we

may look, therefore, every hour for a decision.”

“Yes, we may do so,” exclaimed Wurzburg; “I know for certain that

they are already engaged in Paris in drawing up a new constitution for

Germany.”

“It might be good, perhaps,” said her neighbor, “if we should also

commence to draw up a new constitution for Germany, and then send it

to Minister Talleyrand, because we are certainly more familiar with

the customs and requirements of the German empire than the statesmen

of France. We ought to consult with the archchancellor, Baron Dalberg,

about this matter. But where is the archchancellor; where is Dalberg?”

“Yes, it is true, the archchancellor has not yet made his appearance,”

exclaimed Oldenburg, wonderingly. “Where can he be? Where is Dalberg?”

And the question was whispered from mouth to mouth, “Where is Dalberg?”

Formerly, in the glorious old times of the German empire, it had been

the German emperor who, at the commencement of the sessions of the Diet,

had always asked in a loud voice, “Is there no Dalberg?” And at his

question, the Dalbergs had come forward and placed themselves around the

emperor’s throne, always ready to undertake great things and to carry

out bold adventures.

Now, it was not the emperor who called for his Dalberg, but the Diet

that whispered his name.

And it seemed as if the man who had been called for, had heard these

whispers, for the large doors of the old session-hall opened, and the

archchancellor of the empire, Baron Dalberg, entered. Clad in his full

official costume, he stepped into the hall and approached his seat at

the green table. But instead of sitting down on the high-backed, carved

arm-chair, he remained standing, and his eyes glided greetingly past all

those grave and gloomy faces which were fixed on him.

“I beg the august Diet to permit me to lay a communication before it,”

said the archchancellor of the empire, with a bow to the assembly.

The grave faces of the ambassadors nodded assent, and Dalberg continued,

in a loud and solemn voice: “I have to inform the Diet that, as I am

growing old and feel a sensible decline of my strength, I have deemed it

indispensable for the welfare of Germany and myself to choose already a

successor and coadjutor. Having long looked around among the noble and

worthy men who surround me in so great numbers, I have at length made

my selection and come to such a decision as is justified by the present

state of affairs. The successor whom I have selected is a worthy and

high-minded man, whose ancestors have greatly distinguished themselves

in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries in the service of the German

empire. It is the Archbishop and Cardinal Fesch, uncle of the Emperor of

France.”

A long and painful pause ensued; the members of the Diet looked, as

if stupefied with terror and astonishment, at this man who, himself a

German prince, dared to inform the German Diet that he had invited a

foreigner to share with him the high dignity of a first German elector

and of inheriting it after his death.

Dalberg read, perhaps, in the gloomy mien of the gentlemen the thoughts

which they dared not utter, for he hastened to communicate to the

Diet the motives which had influenced him in making the above named

selection. He told them he had acted thus, not in his own interest, but

in order to maintain the menaced constitution of the German empire, and

to place it under Napoleon’s powerful protection. He then informed them

joyfully that the Emperor of the French had already approved of the

appointment of his uncle, Cardinal Fesch, and promised, moreover, that

he would devote his personal attention to the regeneration of the German

empire and always afford it protection.

The members of the Diet had moodily listened to him; their air had

become more and more dissatisfied and gloomy; and when the elector

paused, not a single voice was heard to propose the vote of thanks which

Dalberg, on concluding his remarks, had asked for, but only a profound,

ominous stillness followed his speech.

This, however, was the only official demonstration which the German Diet

ventured to make against the appointment of Cardinal Fesch, and their

silence did not prevent the consummation of this unparalleled measure.

A foreigner, not even familiar with the German language, now became

coadjutor of the archchancellor of the German empire--a foreigner became

the first member of the German electoral college--a foreigner was to

have the seals of the empire in his hands, keep the laws of Germany in

his archives, and preside at the election of the emperors and at the

sessions of the Diet!

And this foreigner was the uncle of the Emperor of the French, of the

conqueror of the world. But the German Diet was silent and suffered on.

The horizon of Germany became more and more clouded; the Diet continued

its sessions quietly, calmly, and inaudibly in the old city-hall at

Ratisbon.

It was reported everywhere that the Emperor of France was about to give

a new constitution to the German empire, and that the Emperor of Germany

had pledged himself in the treaty of Presburg not to oppose the plans of

Napoleon in relation to Germany.

The Diet paid no attention to these rumors; it remained in session,

and did not interrupt its silence. It remained in session while the

secondary German princes, whose ambassadors were assembled in Ratisbon,

hastened in person to Paris, in order to appear there as humble

supplicants in the anterooms of the emperor and Talleyrand, and to win

the favor of Napoleon and his minister. This favor, they hoped, would

gain for them crowns and states, render them powerful and influential,

and give them a brilliant position. For Talleyrand had secretly

whispered into the ears of all of them: “Those who oppose the emperor’s

plans, and refuse to accept his protection, will be mediatized!”

[Footnote: Mediatized position of the small German states, when their

princes were under an emperor.] Every one of these secondary German

princes hoped, therefore, that the others would be mediatized, and that

he would receive the possessions of his neighbors.

Every one, therefore, was most jealous in protesting his entire

submission to the emperor’s will, and in trying to gain as much as

possible by flattery, bribery, and humble supplication. It seemed

as though in Paris, in the anterooms of the emperor and his minister

Talleyrand, a market-booth had been opened, in which dice were being

thrown for German states and German crowns, or where they were sold at

auction to the highest bidder! [Footnote: Enormous bribes were paid by

the German princes to win the favor of the prominent functionaries of

the French empire, in order to be saved by their influence from being

mediatized, and to obtain as valuable additions to their territories as

possible. Diplomatic gifts were not even secretly distributed, but the

business was carried on as publicly as if the persons concerned in it

had been on ‘change. Everybody knew that the Prince of Salm-Kyrburg had

bought of one of the French ministers two hundred thousand bottles of

champagne at an enormous rate; that Labesnardiere, Talleyrand’s first

secretary, had received half a million of francs from Hesse Darmstadt;

and that the Duke of Mecklenburg had promised him one hundred and twenty

thousand Fredericks d’ors if he should retain his sovereignty.--Vide

Montgaillard, “Histoire de France,” vol. x., p. 115.]

The Diet heard only rumors, vague rumors, about these proceedings, and

remained quietly in session. It met every day and waited.

And at length, on the 1st of August, 1806, the large doors of the hall,

in which the ambassadors of the German empire were assembled, opened,

and the minister of the French emperor appeared in their midst, and

approached in solemn earnest the green table, on which hitherto Germany

alone had had the right to depose her notes and declarations, and on

which hitherto the German Diet alone had written laws for Germany.

But Bacher, the French minister, came to force a new law upon the German

Diet--the law of the French emperor.

The representative of the French emperor addressed the German Diet in

a solemn tone, and as the vast session-hall echoed the loud, imperious

voice of the foreigner, it seemed as if he called up from their graves

the ghosts of past centuries, and as if they then placed themselves like

a protecting gray cloud before the menaced Diet.

“The German constitution,” said the minister of France--“the German

constitution is now but a shadow; the Diet has ceased to have a will

of its own. Hence his majesty, the Emperor of France and Italy, is

not obliged to recognize the existence of this German constitution any

longer; a new confederation of German princes will be formed under his

protection, and his majesty will assume the title of Protector of the

Confederation of the Rhine. In order to maintain peace, he declared

formerly that he would never extend the boundaries of France beyond the

Rhine, and he has faithfully kept his word.” [Footnote: “Memoires d’un

Homme d’Etat,” vol. ix., p. 160.]

And after Bacher had uttered these words, sixteen members of the Diet,

twelve princes, and four electors, rose from their seats. The first of

the German electors, the archchancellor of the empire, Charles Theodore

von Dalberg, was their speaker, and he explained to the Diet, in the

name of his fifteen colleagues, their intentions and views.

“The last three wars have demonstrated,” he exclaimed, “that the German

empire is rotten and virtually destroyed; hence we German princes of the

south and west of Germany will sever our connection with a constitution

which has ceased to exist, and place ourselves under the protection

of the Emperor of the French, who is anxious to secure the welfare and

prosperity of Germany. We have formed a confederation among ourselves,

and the Emperor of the French will be the head and protector of this

league, which will be called the Confederation of the Rhine. Solemnly

and forever do we, princes of the German Confederation of the Rhine,

renounce the German empire and the German Diet, acknowledging none but

the Emperor of the French as our head and protector.”

“Yes, we renounce the German empire and the German Diet,” exclaimed the

sixteen princes, in one breath. “We renounce them now and forever!”

And they noisily pushed aside the high-backed arm-chairs, on which the

representatives of their states had sat for centuries, and left the

session-hall in a solemn procession, headed by the archchancellor of the

empire. [Footnote: The members of the Confederation of the Rhine were

Bavaria, Wurtemberg, Baden, the archchancellor with his territory,

Berg, Hesse-Darmstadt, Nassau-Weilburg, Nassau-Usingen,

Hohenzollern-Hechingen, Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, Salm-Salm,

Salm-Kyrberg, Isenburg, Aremberg, Lichtenstein, and Von der Leyen.]

The remaining members of the Diet gazed on them in profound silence,

and when the door closed behind the disappearing princes of the

Confederation of the Rhine, it seemed as though strange sounds

and whisperings filled the old hall, and as though low sighs and

lamentations resounded from the walls where the portraits of the

emperors were hanging.

The remaining members of the Diet were filled with awe; the sixteen

vacant chairs struck terror into their souls; they rose silently from

their seats and left the hall with hasty steps.

But on the following day the German Diet met again. It wanted to consult

and deliberate as to what ought to be done in relation to the desertion

of sixteen of its members.

And it consulted and deliberated for six days without coming to any

decision. But on the sixth day a stop was put to the debates.

On the 6th of August a special envoy of the Emperor of Germany

appeared at the city-hall of Ratisbon while the Diet was in session. He

approached the green table and saluted the small remnant of the great

assembly, and producing a large letter bearing the emperor’s privy seal,

said in a loud and solemn voice: “In the name of the emperor!”

And the members of the Diet rose from their seats to listen

reverentially to the imperial message which his majesty had addressed to

the German Diet in an autograph letter. He had commissioned his envoy to

read the letter to the Diet, and the minister read as follows:

“Feeling convinced that it is impossible for us to exercise our imperial

rights any longer, we deem it our duty to renounce a crown which was of

value to us only so long as we enjoyed the confidence of the electors,

princes, noblemen, and states of the German empire, and so long as

we were able to fulfil the duties they imposed upon us. Hence we are

obliged to declare by these presents in the most solemn manner, that,

considering the ties which united us with the German empire as broken by

the Confederation of the Rhine, we hereby give up the imperial crown

of Germany; at the same time we release by these presents the electors,

princes, and states, as well as the members of the supreme court and

other magistrates from the duties which they owed to us as legal head

of the German empire. Given under our own hand and seal. Francis the

Second, Emperor of Austria, and ruler of the hereditary states of

Austria.” [Footnote: “Memoires d’un Homme d’Etat,” vol. ix., p. 160.]

A long and awful silence greeted the reading of this letter, which put

an end to the ancient German empire after an existence of one thousand

and six years, from Charlemagne, crowned in 800, to Francis II.,

dispossessed in 1806.

The members of the German Diet then rose in their seats; they were as

silent and shy as night-owls startled from their dark hiding-places by

a stray sunbeam. They left the old session-hall at Ratisbon in gloomy

silence, and when the door closed behind them, the German Diet had been

buried, and the lid on its coffin had been closed.

The last night-owls of the deceased German empire hurried in mournful

silence from the session-hall at Ratisbon, where the old portraits

henceforth watched alone over the grave of the German empire.

When they stepped out into the market-place, a carriage just rolled past

the city-hall, and the gentleman seated in it leaned smilingly out of

the coach-door, and saluted kindly and affably the pale, grave, and sad

men who came from the city-hall.

This gentleman was Count Clement Metternich, who was going to Paris as

special envoy of the Emperor of Austria for the purpose of offering to

the Emperor of France on his birthday the congratulations of the Emperor

of Austria. [Footnote: Ibid., p. 168.]

On the 6th of August the German empire had died and was buried!

On the 15th of August the Emperor of the French celebrated his birthday;

and the princes of the Confederation of the Rhine, the Emperor of

Austria, the King of Prussia, and all the sovereigns who had been

members of the late German empire, celebrated the great day in the most

solemn manner.

Napoleon had a new victory--a victory which laid the whole of Germany at

his feet. He had buried the German empire, but stood on the grave of the

august corpse as its lord and master.

THE BATTLE OF JENA.

Louisa of Prussia and Her Times: A Historical Novel · 第 54 / 63 章