THE FRIEND OF PEACE.
The king, with his wonted punctuality, had reached Berlin precisely at
the specified time, and when Count Haugwitz arrived at the palace he
was immediately conducted to the king, who was waiting for him in his
cabinet.
Count Haugwitz exchanged a rapid glance with Baron Kockeritz, who was
standing in a bay window, and then approached the king, who was pacing
the room with slow steps and a gloomy air.
He nodded to the minister, and silently continued his promenade across
the room for some time after his arrival. He then stepped to his desk,
which was covered with papers and documents, and sitting down on a plain
cane chair in front of it, he invited the gentlemen to take seats by his
side.
“The courier reached you in time, I suppose?” he said, turning to Count
Haugwitz.
“Your majesty, your royal letter reached me while holding a conference
with the ambassadors of Russia and Great Britain, and just when I
was about to inform them of your majesty’s resolution to join the
coalition.”
“You had not done so, then?” asked the king, hastily. “It was your first
conference, then?”
“Yes, your majesty, it was our first conference. I invited the
ambassadors immediately after my return to call on me.”
“It took you, then, two weeks to travel from Minden to Berlin!”
“Yes, your majesty, two weeks.”
“And yet these gentlemen are in favor of an advance of the army!”
exclaimed the king, vehemently. “Yes, if all of my soldiers were
encamped directly on the frontier of Holland and had their base of
supplies there! But in order to send a sufficient army to Holland, I
should have to withdraw a portion of my soldiers from the provinces of
Silesia and Prussia. They would have to march across Westphalia, across
the same Westphalia where it took you with your carriage two weeks to
travel from Minden to Berlin. And my soldiers have no other carriages
but their feet. They would stick in that dreadful mire by hundreds and
thousands; they would perish there of hunger, and that march would cost
me more men than a great, decisive battle. I had given you my word that
I would join the coalition, Count Haugwitz; I had even authorized you to
negotiate with the ambassadors of Russia and Great Britain, but on the
road to Wesel I was obliged to change my mind. Ask Baron Kockeritz what
we had to suffer on the first day of our journey, and how far we had got
after twelve hours’ travelling.”
“Yes, indeed, it was a terrible trip,” said General von Kockeritz,
heaving a sigh. “In spite of the precautions of the coachman, his
majesty’s carriage was upset five times in a single day, and finally
it stuck so firmly in the mud that we had to send for assistance to the
neighboring villages in order to set it going once more. We were twelve
hours on the road, and made only three German miles during that time.”
“And we had to stop over night in a miserable village, where we scarcely
found a bed to rest our bruised and worn-out limbs,” said the king,
indignantly. “And I should expose my army to such fatigues and
sufferings! I should, heedless of all consideration of humanity, and
solely in obedience to political expediency, suffer them to perish in
those endless marshes, that would destroy the artillery and the horses
of the cavalry. And all that for what purpose? In order to drag Prussia
violently into a war which might be avoided by prudence and by a
sagacious reserve; in order to hasten to the assistance of other powers
not even threatened by France, and only in return to draw upon ourselves
her wrath and enmity!”
“But at the same time the sympathies of all Europe,” said General von
Kockeritz, eagerly. “Your majesty has permitted me to speak my mind at
all times openly and honestly, and I must therefore persist in what I
previously said to you. Now or never is the time for Prussia to give
up her neutrality, and to assume a decided attitude. France has placed
herself in antagonism with all law and order, and with all treaties
consecrated by centuries of faithful observance; she is threatening all
monarchies and dynasties, and is trying to win over the nations to her
republican ideas. And at the head of this French Republic there is a
young general, whose glory is filling the whole world, who has attached
victory to his colors, and who intoxicates the nations by his republican
phrases of liberty and fraternity, so that, in their mad joy, they
overturn thrones, expel their sovereigns, and awake them from their
ecstasy under the republican yoke of France. Your majesty, I believe it
to be the duty of every prince to preserve his people from such errors,
and, jointly with his people, to raise a bulwark against the evil
designs of France. Austria and Russia have already begun this holy
task; their heroic armies have driven back on all sides the hosts of the
overbearing French, who have been compelled to abandon their conquests
in Italy and Switzerland. If your majesty should join England, occupy
Holland, restore that country to its legitimate sovereign, and menace
the northern frontier of France, while Austria is menacing her southern
frontier, the arrogance of the republic would be tamed, the overflowing
torrent would be forced back into its natural bed, and Europe would have
at last peace and tranquillity.”
“First of all, every one ought to think of himself,” said the king,
sharply. “Prussia has hitherto enjoyed peace and tranquillity, and I
believe it to be my principal task to preserve these blessings to my
country. I am no ruler hankering after glory and honors; I do not want
to make any conquests, nor to acquire any new territory, but I will
content myself with the humble renown of having fulfilled my duties as
a ruler to the best of my ability, and according to the dictates of
my conviction, as the father and friend of my people. Hence I have not
dared to identify my name with that of my great ancestor, Frederick
the Second, and call myself Frederick the Third, for a name imposes
obligations, and I know very well that I am no hero and genius, like
Frederick the Great. I assumed, therefore, the name of Frederick
William, as the successor of my peaceable father, Frederick William the
Second. It is true, Frederick William the Second has waged a war against
France, but precisely that war has satisfied me that a war with
France may involve Prussia in the greatest dangers and calamities. I
participated in the campaign of 1792, gentlemen, and I must honestly
confess that I feel little inclination to resume a war which, at best,
will only produce sacrifices for us, and no reward whatever.”
“There is a reward, however, your majesty,” said Count Haugwitz,
solemnly. “It is the preservation of the thrones, and of monarchical
principles. We cannot fail to perceive that the thrones are being
menaced, and those republics of America, France, and Italy are teaching
the nations very dangerous lessons--the lessons of self-government and
popular sovereignty. That insatiable General Bonaparte has attached
these two words to his colors, and if the princes do not combat him with
united strength, and try to take those colors from him, he will soon
carry them into the midst of all nations, who will rapturously hail him,
and desire to follow the example of France.”
“I have no fears for myself,” said the king, calmly; “but even if I
should be so unfortunate as to be obliged to doubt the love and fidelity
of my people, the thought of my personal safety and of the fate of my
dynasty ought not to exert a decisive influence upon my resolutions
concerning the welfare of my country. I told you before, I want to
be the father of my country; a good father always thinks first of the
welfare of his children, and tries to promote it; only when he has
succeeded in doing so he thinks of himself.”
“A good father ought to strive, first of all, to preserve himself to his
children,” exclaimed Count Haugwitz. “An orphan people is as unfortunate
as are orphan children. Your people need you, sire; they need a wise and
gentle hand to direct them.”
“And yet you want to put the sword in my hand, and that I should lead my
people to war and carnage,” said the king.
“In order to make peace bloom forth from war and carnage,” said Count
Haugwitz, gravely. “The bloody monster of war is stalking now through
the whole world, and, as it cannot be avoided, it is better to attack
it, and to confront it in a bold manner. Russia, Austria, and England
are ready to do so, and they stretch out their hands toward you. Refuse
to grasp them, and, for the doubtful and dangerous friendship of France,
you will have gained three powerful enemies.”
“And if I grasp their hands I shall not advance the interests of Prussia
by shedding the blood of my people, but only those of Austria and
Russia,” replied the king. “If France should be greatly weakened, or
even entirely annihilated, serious dangers would arise for Prussia, for
Austria and Russia would unite in that case, for the purpose of menacing
our own security. They would easily and quickly find compensations for
themselves, and Austria especially would profit by the losses of France;
for she would recover the Netherlands, which Prussia is to conquer now
by the blood of her soldiers, and acquire, perhaps, even Bavaria. But
what compensation would fall to the share of Prussia? Or do you believe,
perhaps, Austria, from a feeling of gratitude toward us, would cede
to Prussia a portion of her former hereditary possessions in the
Netherlands? No, no--no war with France! Let Russia and Austria fight
alone; they are strong enough for it. I say all this after mature
deliberation, and this is not only my opinion, but also that of
distinguished and experienced generals. General von Tempelhof, too, is
of my opinion, and confirmed it in a memorial which I asked him to draw
up for me.”
“Your majesty requested the Duke of Brunswick, also, to write a memorial
on the intended coalition against France,” said General von Kockeritz,
hastily. “On our arrival I received this memorial and read it, according
to your majesty’s orders. The duke persists in the opinion that it
is necessary for the honor, glory, and safety of Prussia to join the
coalition, and to oppose France in a determined manner. Your majesty, I
must confess that I share the view maintained by the duke.”
“So do I!” exclaimed Count Haugwitz, “and so do all your subjects. Sire,
your whole people ardently desire to chastise this arrogant France, and
to sweep these hosts of Jacobins from the soil of Germany. Oh, my king
and lord, only make a trial, only raise your voice and call upon the
people to rally around your standards, and to wage war against France!
You will see them rally enthusiastically around the Prussian eagles and
fervently bless their courageous king. And when you begin this struggle,
sire, you and your army will have a formidable, an invincible ally.
That ally is PUBLIC OPINION, sire! Public opinion requires this war, and
public opinion is no longer something dumb and creeping in the dark, but
something that has a voice, and that raises it in ringing, thundering
notes in the newspaper and magazine. One of these voices spoke a few
weeks ago in the Political Journal, as follows: ‘Can our monarch
abandon the German empire? Can he look on quietly while France is making
preparations for attacking Prussia as soon as her turn shall come? It
is only necessary for us to think of Italy, Switzerland, and Holland
in order to appreciate the friendship of France.’ [Footnote: “Political
Journal.” Berlin, 1798.] This voice has re-echoed throughout Prussia,
and everyone is looking up to the throne of your majesty anxiously and
hopefully; every one is satisfied that you will draw the sword for the
honor and rights of Germany. Sire, at this moment I am nothing but the
voice of your people, and therefore I implore your majesty to take
a bold and manful resolution. Draw the sword for Prussia’s honor and
Germany’s safety.”
“I implore your majesty likewise to do so,” exclaimed General von
Kockeritz. “I dare to implore your majesty, in the name of your people.
Oh, sire, take a bold and manly resolution! Draw the sword for Prussia’s
honor and Germany’s safety.”
The king had risen and paced the room with violent steps. His features,
usually so quiet and gentle, were not uneasy and agitated; a gloomy
cloud covered his brow, and a painful expression trembled on his lips.
He seemed to carry on a violent and desperate inward struggle, and his
breath issued painfully and gaspingly from his breast. Finally, after
a long pause, he approached the two gentlemen who had risen and were
looking at him with evident anxiety.
“I am unable to refute all these reasons,” said the king, sighing, “but
an inward voice tells me that I ought not to break my word, and commence
hostilities. If the welfare of the state requires it, however, I shall
join the coalition, but only on condition that the Austrians attack
Mentz in force, take the fortress by assault, and thereby cover the left
flank of my base of operations. [Footnote: The king’s own words.--Vide
“Memoiren zur Geschichte des Preuss. Staats.” By Col. Massenbach. Vol
iii., p. 88.] And now we will close our consultation for to-day. Go,
Count Haugwitz, and resume your negotiations with the ambassadors of
Russia and Great Britain. As for you, General von Kockeritz, I beg you
to bring me the memorial of the Duke of Brunswick, and then you may
return to your house and take some rest, of which you doubtless stand
greatly in need after the fatigues you have undergone.”
He greeted the gentlemen with a hasty nod and turned his back to them,
without paying any attention to the deep and reverential bows with which
the minister and the general withdrew toward the door.
When the two gentlemen had reached the anteroom, they satisfied
themselves by a rapid glance that they were alone, and that nobody was
able to hear them.
“He was quite angry,” whispered General von Kockeritz; “he only yielded
with the utmost reluctance; and, believe me, my friend, the king will
never forgive us this victory we have obtained over him; it may produce
the worst results and endanger our whole position.”
“It is true,” said Count Haugwitz, sighing, “the king dismissed us in a
more abrupt and harsh manner than ever before. It would have been better
for us to yield, and let the king have his own way. Who knows but he is
right, and an alliance with France, perhaps, would be more advantageous
than this coalition with Austria and Russia? It startles me somewhat
that Austria should be so anxious to obtain the accession of Prussia
to the coalition, for Austria certainly would feel no inclination to
propose any alliance that might prove profitable to Prussia. It may be
best for Prussia, after all, to side with France.”
“But public opinion would execrate such an alliance,” said General von
Kockeritz, sighing. “Public opinion--”
“My dear friend,” interrupted Count Haugwitz, angrily, “public opinion
is like the wind, changing its direction every day. Success alone
influences and decides public opinion, and if France should vanquish
the three powers, the same public opinion which now urges us to join
the coalition would condemn us. Public opinion should not induce us to
endanger our position and our power over the king for its sake. And I
tell you, I am uneasy about this matter. The king was greatly irritated;
he seemed angry with us, because he felt that he is not entirely
free and independent, and that he has granted us some power over his
decisions.”
“We should yield even now,” said General von Kockeritz, anxiously. “We
should confess to the king that his reasons have convinced us, that we
have been mistaken--”
“So that he would feel with twofold force that not his own free will,
but our altered opinion, decided his action?” asked the minister. “No,
we must give the king a chance to decide the whole question by his
own untrammelled authority, and to prove that he alone is the ruler of
Prussia’s destinies. You can give him the best opportunity for so doing,
for you have a pretext to return to him at once. Did not the king order
you to bring him the memorial of the Duke of Brunswick?”
“Good Heaven! that is true; the king is waiting for the memorial!”
exclaimed the general, in terror. “In my anxiety, I even forgot his
orders.”
“Hasten, my friend, to bring it at once to him,” said Count Haugwitz,
“and with your leave I shall take a little rest in the room which the
king has been kind enough to assign to you here in the palace. He will
perhaps countermand the instructions he has just given me.”
A few minutes afterward General von Kockeritz, with the memorial in his
hands, reentered the cabinet of the king, who was still slowly pacing
the room, without noticing the arrival of his adviser.
“Your majesty,” said the general, timidly, “here is the memorial of
Ferdinand, duke of Brunswick.”
“Just lay it on my desk there,” said the king, continuing his promenade.
General von Kockeritz stepped to the desk and placed the memorial on it.
Just at that moment the king had arrived at the desk too, and paused in
front of the general. He fixed a long and mournful glance upon him and
slowly shook his head.
“You have deserted me also,” said the king, sighing. “You may be right,
gentlemen. I have yielded to your more profound sagacity for the time
being, but an inward voice tells me that it is wrong to break the peace
because France at the present time is being threatened on all sides, and
because her armies have been defeated.”
“Your majesty alone has to decide the whole question,” said Kockeritz,
solemnly. “Your conviction is our law, and we submit in dutiful
obedience to your majesty’s more profound sagacity. It is for you to
command, and for us to obey.”
A sudden gleam beamed in the eyes of the king, and a deeper blush
mantled his cheeks. The general saw it, and comprehended it very well.
“Moreover,” he added, with downcast eyes and with an air of confusion,
“moreover, I have to make a confession to your majesty in my own name
and in that of Count Haugwitz. While trying to win your majesty by our
arguments for the war and for the coalition, it has happened to us that
we were converted by the arguments your majesty adduced against the war
and against the coalition, and that your majesty convinced us of the
fallacy of our opinion. It is, perhaps, very humiliating to admit
that our conviction has veered around so suddenly, but your majesty’s
convincing eloquence--”
“No, not my poor eloquence, but the truth has convinced you,” exclaimed
the king, joyfully, “and I thank you for having the truly manly and
noble courage to admit that you were mistaken and have changed your
mind. I am grateful to Count Haugwitz, too, and I shall never forget
this generous and highly honorable confession of yours. It is a new
proof for me that you are faithful and reliable friends and servants of
mine, men who are not ashamed of acknowledging an error, and who care
more for the welfare of the state than for carrying their own point.
I therefore withdraw my previous instructions. I shall not join the
coalition. Hasten to Haugwitz, my friend. Tell him to go forthwith to
the Russian ambassador and inform him that my army will not assist the
forces of the coalition, and that I shall take no part whatever in
the war against France. Haugwitz is to say the same to the English
ambassador, and to inform him that I shall not claim the subsidy of six
million dollars, which England offered to pay me for my auxiliary army.
Six million dollars! I believe General Tempelhof was right when he said
the siege of a second-rate fortress would cost a million dollars, and
in Holland we should have to take more than ten fortresses from the
stubborn and intrepid French. This would cost as more than ten million
dollars, and, moreover, we should have to use up the powder and
ammunition destined for our own defence. Those six million dollars that
England would pay me would not cover our outlay; I should be obliged
to add four million dollars more, and to shed the blood of my brave
and excellent soldiers without obtaining, perhaps, even the slightest
advantage for Prussia. Hasten, general, to communicate my fixed and
irrevocable resolution to Count Haugwitz. Prussia remains neutral, and
takes no part whatever in the war against France!”
“I hasten to carry out your majesty’s orders,” exclaimed General von
Kockeritz, walking toward the door, “and I know that Count Haugwitz will
submit to the royal decision with the same joyful humility and obedience
as myself.”
The king’s eyes followed him with an expression of genuine emotion.
“He is a faithful and honest friend,” he said, “and that is, indeed,
a rare boon for a king. Ah, I have succeeded, then, in averting this
bloody thunder-cloud, once more from Prussia, and I shall preserve the
blessings of peace to my people. And now, I believe, I may claim some
credit for the manner in which I have managed this delicate affair, and
repose a little from the cares of government. I will go to Louisa--her
sight and the smiles of my children will reward me for having done my
duty as a king.”