THE RECEPTION OF THE AMBASSADORS.
A motley crowd of gentlemen in uniforms and glittering gala-dresses had
filled the anterooms of the French embassy ever since the arrival of
General Bonaparte and Josephine. All these high-born representatives of
German sovereigns and states hastened to do homage to the French lady
and to commend themselves to the benevolence and favor of the victorious
general of the republic. But the doors of the general and of his wife
were as difficult to open as those of the French ambassadors, Bonnier,
Jean Debry, and Roberjot. General Bonaparte had received the Austrian
ambassadors, and returned their visit. But nobody else had been admitted
to him during the first day. The ambassadors, therefore, flocked the
more eagerly on this second day after his arrival to the anterooms of
the French ambassadors, for every one wanted to be the first to win for
his sovereign and for his state the good-will of the French conqueror.
Every one wished to obtain advantages, to avert mischief, and to beg for
favors.
Happy were they already who had only succeeded in penetrating into the
anterooms of the French embassy, for a good deal of money had to be
spent in order to open those doors. In front of them stood the footmen
of the ambassadors with grave, stern countenances, refusing to admit any
but those who had been previously recommended to them, or who knew now
how to gain their favor by substantial rewards. [Footnote: The employes
of the French embassy, from the first secretary down to the lowest
footman and cook, received handsome gifts at the hands of the German
delegates, for every one was anxious to secure the goodwill of
the French representatives; and in obedience to the old trick of
diplomatists, they tried to gain the favor of the masters by means of
that of their servants. The latter made a very handsome thing out of
it.--Vide Hausser, vol. ii., p. 163.] And when they finally, by means
of such persuasive gifts, had succeeded in crossing the threshold of
the anteroom, they found there the clerks and secretaries of the French
gentlemen, and these men again barred the door of the cabinet occupied
by the ambassadors themselves. These clerks and secretaries had to be
bribed likewise by solicitations, flatteries, and money; only, instead
of satisfying them with silver, as in the case of the doorkeepers, they
had to give them heavy gold pieces.
Having finally overcome all these obstacles--having now penetrated into
the presence of the French diplomatists--the ambassadors of the German
powers met with a haughty reserve instead of the kindness they had hoped
for, and with sarcastic sneers in lieu of a warm reception. It was
in vain for Germany thus to humble herself and to crouch in the dust.
France was too well aware of her victories and superiority, and the
servility of the German aristocracy only excited contempt and scorn,
which the French gentlemen did not refrain from hurling into the faces
of the humble solicitors. The greater the abjectness of the latter, the
more overbearing the haughty demeanor of the former, and both gained the
firm conviction that France held the happiness and quiet of Germany in
her hands, and that France alone had the power to secure to the German
princes the possession of their states, to enlarge their dominions, or
to deprive them thereof, just as she pleased, and without paying any
deference to the wishes of the Germans themselves.
To-day, however, all these distinguished men--the counts and barons of
the empire, the bishops and other ecclesiastical dignitaries--had not
appeared for the purpose of conquering the favor of the three French
stars--to-day a new constellation had arisen on the sky of Rastadt,
and they wanted to stare at it--they wanted to admire Bonaparte and
Josephine.
But Bonaparte took hardly any notice of the crowd assembled in the
anteroom. His hands folded on his back, he was pacing his room,
and listening with rapt attention to the accounts the three French
ambassadors were giving him concerning the policy they had pursued up to
the present time.
“We have done every thing in our power to spread republican notions
hereabouts,” said Jean Debry, at the conclusion of his lengthy remarks.
“We have sent agents to all of these small German states for the purpose
of enlightening the people about their dignity, their rights, and the
disgrace of submitting to miserable princes, instead of being free and
great under the wholesome influence of republican institutions.”
“We have, moreover, even here, excellent spies among the ambassadors,”
said Roberjot, “and through them we have skilfully fanned the flames
of that discord which seems to be the bane of Germany. It is true, they
hold secret meetings every day in order to agree on a harmonious line of
policy, but discord, jealousy, and covetousness always accompany them
to those meetings, and they are therefore never able to agree about any
thing. Besides, these German noblemen are very talkative, hence we
find out all their secrets, and it is an easy task for us to foil
every scheme of theirs. Every one of them is anxious to enlarge his
possessions; we therefore give them hopes of acquiring new territory at
the expense of their neighbors, and thereby greatly increase the discord
and confusion prevailing among them. We fill the ambassadors of
the secondary princes, and especially those of the ecclesiastical
sovereigns, with distrust against the more powerful German states, and
intimate to them that the latter are trying to aggrandize themselves at
their expense, and that they have asked the consent of France to do
so. We inform the first-class governments of the desire of the smaller
princes to enlarge their dominions, and caution them against placing
implicit trust in their representations. Thus we sow the seeds of
discord among these princely hirelings, and endeavor to undermine the
thrones of Germany.”
“Germany must throw off all her princes like ripe ulcers,” exclaimed
Bonnier, scornfully. “These numerous thrones beyond the Rhine are
dangerous and fatal to our sublime and indivisible French Republic--bad
examples spoiling good manners. Every throne must disappear from the
face of the earth, and freedom and equality must shine throughout the
whole world like the sun.”
“You are right,” said Bonaparte, gravely. “It is our duty to disseminate
our principles among these Germans, who are living in slavery as yet,
and to assist the poor serfs in obtaining their liberty. Germany must
become a confederate republic, and discord is the best sword wherewith
to attack these princely hirelings. But what does the Swedish
ambassador--whose name I noticed on the list of applicants for
interviews with myself--here among the representatives of the German
princes?”
“He pretends to participate in the congress of peace because Sweden
warranted the execution of the treaty of Westphalia,” exclaimed Jean
Debry, shrugging his shoulders.
“Bah! that is a most ridiculous pretext,” said Bonnier, gloomily. “This
M. Fersen is a royalist. The political part played by this diplomatist
at the court of Louis Capet, and afterward continued by him, is only
too well known. He now tries to dazzle us by his kindness merely for the
purpose of laying a trap for the French Republic.”
“Ah, we shall show to the gentleman that the Republic has got an open
eye and a firm hand, and that it discovers and tears all such meshes and
traps,” said Bonaparte, impetuously. “But we have done business enough
for to-day, and I will go and receive the ambassadors who have been
waiting here for a long while in the ante-room.”
He saluted the three gentlemen with a familiar nod, and then repaired to
the reception-room, the doors of which were opened at last to admit the
German ambassadors.
It was a brilliant crowd now entering in a solemn procession through the
opened folding-doors. The ambassadors of every German sovereign were
in attendance; only the representatives of Austria and Prussia, whom
Bonaparte had received already in a special audience, were absent.
This German peace delegation, which now entered the room to do homage
to the French general, was a very large one. There were first the
ambassadors of Bavaria and Saxony, of Baden and Wurtemberg, of Hanover
and Mecklenburg; then followed the host of the small princes
and noblemen, by whose side the ecclesiastical dignitaries, the
representatives of the electors and bishops, were walking in. [Footnote:
The whole German peace delegation consisted of seventy-nine persons, and
all these seventy-nine distinguished men, the ambassadors of emperor,
kings, and princes, tried to gain the favor of the ambassadors of
France: and the three gentlemen, representing the great Republic, seemed
more powerful and influential than all the representatives of Germany.]
Bonaparte stood proudly erect in the middle of the room, his gloomy
glances inspecting the gentlemen, who now commenced stationing
themselves on both sides of the apartment. A master of ceremonies, who
had been previously selected for the meetings of the peace congress, now
walked solemnly through the ranks and announced in a ringing voice the
name, rank, and position of every ambassador.
“His excellency Count Fersen,” he shouted just now, in a solemn manner,
“ambassador of his majesty the King of Sweden and Duke of Pomerania.”
Count Fersen had not yet finished his ceremonious obeisance, When
Bonaparte rapidly approached him.
“Just tell me, sir,” he exclaimed, bluntly; “what is the name of the
minister whom Sweden has now in Paris?”
Count Fersen looked in evident surprise and confusion at the pale face
of the general, whose flaming eyes were fixed upon him with an angry
expression.
“I do not know,” he faltered, “I am not quite sure--”
“Ah, sir, you know only too well that Sweden has not yet given a
successor to M. de Haill,” Bonaparte interrupted him violently, “and
that the only ambassador whom she was willing to send had to be rejected
by the Directory. You were this ambassador whom the Directory would not
tolerate in Paris. Friendly ties have united France and Sweden for
a long series of years, and I believe Sweden ought to appreciate and
recognize their importance at the present time more than ever. How,
then, is the conduct of the court of Stockholm to be explained, that
tries to make it its special business to send everywhere, either to
Paris or wherever the plenipotentiaries of France may be seen, ministers
and ambassadors who must be peculiarly distasteful to every citizen of
France?”
“That is certainly not the intention of my court,” exclaimed Count
Fersen, hastily.
“That may be,” said Bonaparte, proudly, “but I should like to know if
the King of Sweden would remain indifferent in case a French ambassador
should try to instigate an insurrection of the people of Stockholm
against him! The French Republic cannot permit men, whose connection
with the old court of France is a matter of notoriety, to appear in
official capacities, and thus to irritate and humble the republican
ambassadors, the representatives of the first nation on earth, who,
before consulting her policy, knows how to maintain her dignity.”
“I shall immediately set out for Stockholm in order to communicate these
views of the conqueror of Italy to my court,” said Count Fersen, pale
with shame and mortification.
“Do so, set out at once,” exclaimed Bonaparte, impetuously, “and tell
your master, unless he should conclude to pursue a different policy,
I will send him some day a skilful diplomatic Gascon who knows how to
simplify the machine and make it go less rapidly. King Gustavus will
perhaps find out, when it is too late, and at his own expense, that
the reins of government must be firmly held in one hand, and the other
skilfully wield the sword, while it is yet time. Go, sir, and inform
your king of what I have told you!”
Count Fersen made no reply; he merely bowed hastily and silently, and,
beckoning his attaches who were standing behind him, he left the room
with his suite. [Footnote: This whole scene actually took place, and
contains only such words as really were exchanged between Bonaparte and
Fersen.--Vide “Memoires d’un Homme d’Etat,” vol. v., p. 64. Le Normand,
Memoires, vol. i., p. 263.]
Bonaparte’s flashing eyes followed him until he had disappeared, and
then the general turned once more to the ambassadors.
“I could not suffer a traitor and enemy in our assembly,” he said, in a
loud and firm voice. “We are here in order to make peace, while he was
secretly anxious for a renewal of war, and was bent upon sowing the evil
seeds of discord among us. Let us all endeavor to make peace, gentlemen,
to the best of our power. Do not compel me to enter the lists against
you, too, for the struggle could not be doubtful between a nation that
has just conquered her liberty, and princes who tried to deprive her
of it again. If you reject to-day the pacific overtures I shall make to
you, I shall impose other conditions to-morrow; but woe unto him among
you, who should refuse my mediation; for in that case I should overthrow
the whole framework of a false policy, and the thrones standing on a
weak foundation would soon break down. I speak to you with the frankness
of a soldier and the noble pride of a victorious general; I caution you
because I have the welfare of the nations at heart, who more than ever
need the blessings of peace. It is now for you to say whether we shall
have war or peace, and it will solely depend upon your submissiveness
whether France will be able to conclude an honorable peace with her
German neighbors, or whether you will compel us to take up arms once
more. But in that case woe unto you, for we should retaliate in the
most terrible manner on those who would dare to oppose us!” [Footnote:
Bonaparte’s own words.--Vide Le Normand, vol. i.. p. 964]
He paused and rapidly glanced at the assembled gentlemen. They stood
before him with grave and gloomy faces, but none of them were courageous
enough to make a dignified reply to the proud and humiliating words
of the French general. The ambassadors of Germany received the severe
lecture of the representative of France with silent submissiveness.
An imperceptible smile played on Bonaparte’s lips. He saluted the
gentlemen with a slight nod and rapidly returned to his own rooms.