CHAPTER VII

"FORS" RESUMED (1880-1881)

Retirement at Brantwood was only partial. Ruskin's habits of life made

it impossible for him to be idle, much as he acknowledged the need of

thorough rest. He could not be wholly ignorant of the world outside

Coniston; though sometimes for weeks together he tried to ignore it, and

refused to read a newspaper. The time when General Gordon went out to

Khartoum was one of these periods of abstraction, devoted to mediæval

study. Somebody talked one morning at breakfast about the Soudan. "And

who _is_ the Soudan?" he earnestly inquired, connecting the name, as it

seemed, with the Soldan of Babylon, in crusading romance.

"Don't you know," he wrote to a friend (January 8th, 1880):

"That I am entirely with you in this Irish misery, and have been

these thirty years?--only one can't speak plain without distinctly

becoming a leader of Revolution? I know that Revolution _must come_

in all the world--but I can't act with Dan ton or Robespierre, nor

with the modern French Republican or Italian one. I _could_ with

you and your Irish, but you are only at the beginning of the end. I

have spoken,--and plainly too,--for all who have ears, and hear."

The author of "Fors" had tried to show that the nineteenth-century

commercialist spirit was not new; that the tyranny of capital was the

old sin of usury over again; and he asked why preachers of religion did

not denounce it--why, for example, the Bishop of Manchester did not, on

simply religious grounds, oppose the teaching of the "Manchester

School," who were the chief supporters of the commercialist economy. Not

until the end of 1879 had Dr. Fraser been aware of the challenge; but at

length he wrote, justifying his attitude. The popular and able bishop

had much to say on the expediency of the commercial system and the error

of taking the Bible literally; but he seemed unaware of the revolution

in economical thought which "Unto this Last" and "Fors" had been

pioneering.

"I'm not gone to Venice yet," wrote Ruskin to Miss Beever, "but thinking

of it hourly. I'm very nearly done with toasting my bishop; he just

wants another turn or two, and then a little butter." The toasting and

the buttering appeared in the _Contemporary Review_ for February 1880;

and this incident led him to feel that the mission of "Fors" was not

finished. If bishops were still unenlightened, there was yet work to do.

He gave up Venice, and resumed his crusade.

Brantwood life was occasionally interrupted by short excursions to

London or elsewhere. In the autumn he had heard Professor Huxley on the

evolution of reptiles; and this suggested another treatment of the

subject, from his own artistic and ethical point of view, in a lecture

oddly called "A Caution to Snakes," given at the London Institution,

March 17th, 1880 (repeated March 23rd, and printed in "Deucalion"). He

was not merely an amateur zoologist and F.Z.S., but a devoted lover and

keen observer of animals. It would take long to tell the story of all

his dogs, from the spaniel Dash, commemorated in his earliest poems, and

Wisie, whose sagacity is related in "Præterita," down through the long

line of bulldogs, St. Bernards, and collies, to Bramble, the reigning

favourite; and all the cats who made his study their home, or were

flirted with abroad. To Miss Beever, from Bolton Abbey (January 24th,

1875) he describes the Wharfe in flood, and then continues: "I came home

(to the hotel) to quiet tea, and a black kitten called Sweep, who lapped

half my cream-jugful (and yet I had plenty), sitting on my shoulder."

Grip, the pet rook at Denmark Hill, is mentioned in "My First Editor,"

as celebrated in verse by Mr. W.H. Harrison.

Ruskin had not Thoreau's intimate acquaintance with the details of wild

life, but his attitude towards animals and plants was the same; hating

the science that murders to dissect; resigning his Professorship at

Oxford, finally, because vivisection was introduced into the University;

and supporting the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals with

all his heart. But, as he said at the Annual Meeting in 1877, he

objected to the sentimental fiction and exaggerated statements which

some of its members circulated. "They had endeavoured to prevent cruelty

to animals," he said, "but they had not enough endeavoured to promote

affection for animals. He trusted to the pets of children for their

education, just as much as to their tutors."

It was to carry out this idea (to anticipate a little) that he founded

the Society of Friends of Living Creatures, which he addressed, May

23rd, 1885, at the club, Bedford Park, in his capacity of--not

president--but "papa." The members, boys and girls from seven to

fifteen, promised not to kill nor hurt any animal for sport, nor tease

creatures; but to make friends of their pets and watch their habits, and

collect facts about natural history.

I remember, on one of the rambles at Coniston in the early days, how we

found a wounded buzzard--one of the few creatures of the eagle kind that

our English mountains still breed. The rest of us were not very ready to

go near the beak and talons of the fierce-looking, and, as we supposed,

desperate bird. Ruskin quietly took it up in his arms, felt it over to

find the hurt, and carried it, quite unresistingly, out of the way of

dogs and passers-by, to a place where it might die in solitude or

recover in safety. He often told his Oxford hearers that he would rather

they learned to love birds than to shoot them; and his wood and moor

were harbours of refuge for hunted game or "vermin;" and his windows the

rendezvous of the little birds.

He had not been abroad since the spring of 1877, and in August 1880 felt

able to travel again. He went for a tour among the northern French

cathedrals, staying at old haunts,--Abbeville, Amiens, Beauvais,

Chartres, Rouen,--and then returned with Mr. A. Severn and Mr. Brabazon

to Amiens, where he spent the greater part of October. He was writing a

new book--the "Bible of Amiens"--which was to be to the "Seven Lamps"

what "St. Mark's Rest" was to "Stones of Venice."

Before he returned, the secretary of the Chesterfield Art School had

written to ask him to address the students. Mr. Ruskin, travelling

without a secretary, and in the flush of new work and thronging ideas,

put the letter aside; he carried his letters about in bundles in his

portmanteau, as he said in his apology, "and looked at them as Ulysses

at the bags of Aeolus." Some wag had the impudence to forge a reply,

which was actually read at the meeting in spite of its obviously

fictitious style and statements:

"HARLESDEN(!), LONDON, _Friday_.

"MY DEAR SIR,

"Your letter reaches me here. Have just returned [commercial

English, not Ruskin] from Venice [where he had meant to go, but did

not go] where I have ruminated(!) in the pasturages of the home of

art(!); the loveliest and holiest of lovely and holy cities, where

the very stones cry out, eloquent in the elegancies of

iambics" (!!)--and so forth.

However, it deceived the newspapers, and there was a fine storm, which

Mr. Ruskin rather enjoyed. For though the forgery was clumsy enough, it

embodied some apt plagiarism from a letter to the Mansfield Art School

on a similar occasion.

Not long before, a forgery of a more serious kind had been committed by

one of the people connected with St. George's Guild, who had put Mr.

Ruskin's name to cheques. The bank authorities were long in tracing the

crime. They even sent a detective to Brantwood to watch one of the

assistants, who never knew--nor will ever know--that he was honoured

with such attentions; and none of his friends for a moment believed him

guilty. He had sometimes imitated Mr. Ruskin's hand; a dangerous jest.

The real culprit was discovered at last, and Mr. Ruskin had to go to

London as a witness for the prosecution. "Being in very weak health,"

the _Times_ report said (April 1st, 1879), "he was allowed to give

evidence from the bench." He had told the Sheffield communists that "he

thought so strongly on the subject of the repression of crime that he

dare not give expression to his ideas for fear of being charged with

cruelty"; but no sooner was the prisoner released than he gave the help

needed to start him again in a better career.

Though he did not feel able to lecture to strangers at Chesterfield, he

visited old friends at Eton, on November 6th, 1880, to give an address

on Amiens. For once he forgot his MS., but the lecture was no less

brilliant and interesting. It was practically the first chapter of his

new work, the "Bible of Amiens,"--itself intended as the first volume of

"Our Fathers have Told us: Sketches of the History of Christendom, for

Boys and Girls who have been held at its Fonts." The distinctly

religious tone of the work was noticed as marking, if not a change, a

strong development of a tendency which had been strengthening for some

time past.

Early in 1879 the Rev. F.A. Malleson, vicar of Broughton, near Coniston,

had asked him to write, for the Furness Clerical Society's Meetings, a

series of letters on the Lord's Prayer. In them he dwelt upon the need

of living faith in the Fatherhood of God, and childlike obedience to the

commands of old-fashioned religion and morality. He criticised the

English liturgy as compared with mediæval forms of prayer; and pressed

upon his hearers the strongest warnings against evasion, or explaining

away of stern duties and simple faiths. He concluded:

"No man more than I has ever loved the place where God's honour

dwells, or yielded truer allegiance to the teaching of His evident

servants. No man at this time grieves more for the damage of the

Church which supposes him her enemy, while she whispers

procrastinating _pax vobiscum_ in answer to the spurious kiss of

those who would fain toll curfew over the last fires of English

faith, and watch the sparrows find nest where she may lay her

young, around the altars of the Lord."

But if the Anglican Church refused him, the Roman Church was eager to

claim him. His interest in mediævalism seemed to point him out as ripe

for conversion. Cardinal Manning, an old acquaintance, showed him

special attention, and invited him to charming _tête-à-tête_ luncheons.

It was commonly reported that he had gone over, or was going. But two

letters (of a later date) show that he was not to be caught. To a

Glasgow correspondent he wrote in 1887:

"I shall be entirely grateful to you if you will take the trouble

to contradict any news gossip of this kind, which may be disturbing

the minds of any of my Scottish friends. I was, am, and can be,

only a Christian Catholic in the wide and eternal sense. I have

been that these five-and-twenty years at least. Heaven keep me from

being less as I grow older! But I am no more likely to become a

Roman Catholic than a Quaker, Evangelical, or Turk."

To another, next year, he wrote:

"I fear you have scarcely read enough of 'Fors' to know the breadth

of my own creed or communion. I gladly take the bread, water, wine,

or meat of the Lord's Supper with members of my own family or

nation who obey Him, and should be equally sure it was His giving,

if I were myself worthy to receive it, whether the intermediate

mortal hand were the Pope's, the Queen's, or a hedge-side gipsy's."

At Coniston he was on friendly terms with Father Gibson, the Roman

Catholic priest, and gave a window to the chapel, which several of the

Brantwood household attended. But though he did not go to Church, he

contributed largely to the increase of the poorly-endowed curacy, and to

the charities of the parish. The religious society of the neighbourhood

was hardly of a kind to attract him, unless among the religious society

should be included the Thwaite, where lived the survivors of a family

long settled at Coniston--Miss Mary Beever, scientific and political;

and Miss Susanna, who won Mr. Ruskin's admiration and affection by an

interest akin to his own in nature and in poetry, and by her love for

animals, and bright, unfailing wit. Both ladies were examples of

sincerely religious life, "at once sources and loadstones of all good to

the village," as he wrote in the preface to "Hortus Inclusus," the

collection of his letters to them since first acquaintance in the autumn

of 1873. The elder Miss Beever died at an advanced age on the last day

of 1883; Miss Susanna survived until October, 29, 1893.

In children he took a warm and openly-expressed interest. He used to

visit the school often, and delighted to give them a treat. On January

13th, 1881, he gave a dinner to 315 Coniston youngsters, and the tone of

his address to his young guests is noteworthy as taken in connection

with the drift of his religious tendency during this period. He dwelt on

a verse of the Sunday School hymn they had been singing: "Jesu, here

from sin deliver." "That is what we want," he said; "to be delivered

from our sins. We must look to the Saviour to deliver us from our sin.

It is right we should be punished for the sins which we have done; but

God loves us, and wishes to be kind to us, and to help us, that we may

not wilfully sin."

At this time he used to take the family prayers himself at Brantwood:

preparing careful notes for a Bible-reading, which sometimes, indeed,

lasted longer than was convenient to the household; and writing collects

for the occasion, still existing in manuscript, and deeply interesting

as the prayers of a man who had passed through so many wildernesses of

thought and doubt, and had returned at last--not to the fold of the

Church, but to the footstool of the Father.

The Life of John Ruskin · 第 7 / 10 章