CHAPTER II

"FORS" BEGUN (1871-1872)

On January 1st, 1871, was issued a small pamphlet, headed "Fors

Clavigera," in the form of a letter to the working men and labourers of

England, dated from Denmark Hill, and signed "John Ruskin." It was not

published in the usual way, but sold by the author's engraver, Mr.

George Allen, at Heathfield Cottage, Keston, Kent. It was not

advertised; press-copies were sent to the leading papers; and of course

the author's acquaintance knew of its publication. Strangers, who heard

of this curious proceeding, spread the report that in order to get

Ruskin's latest, you had to travel into the country, with your

sevenpence in your hand, and transact your business among Mr. Allen's

beehives. So you had, if you wanted to see what you were buying; for no

arrangements were made for its sale by the booksellers: sevenpence a

copy, carriage paid, no discount, and no abatement on taking a quantity.

By such pilgrimages, but more easily through the post, the new work

filtered out, in monthly instalments, to a limited number of buyers.

After three years the price was raised to tenpence. In 1875 the first

thousands of the earlier numbers were sold: "the public has a very long

nose," Mr. Ruskin once said, "and scents out what it wants, sooner or

later." A second edition was issued, bound up into yearly volumes, of

which eight were ultimately completed. Meanwhile the work went on,

something in the style of the old Addison _Spectator_; each part

containing twenty pages, more or less, by Ruskin, with added

contributions from various correspondents.

The charm of "Fors" is neither in epigram nor in anecdote, but in the

sustained vivacity that runs through the texture of the work; the

reappearance of golden threads of thought, glittering in new figures,

and among new colours; and throughout all the variety of subject a unity

of style unlike the style of his earlier works, where flowery rhetorical

passages are tagged to less interesting chapters, separately studied

sermonettes interposed among the geology, and Johnson, Locke, Hooker,

Carlyle--or whoever happened to be the author he was reading at the

time--frankly imitated. It was always clever, but often artificial; like

the composition of a Renaissance painter who inserts his _bel corpo

ignudo_ to catch the eye. In "Fors," however, the web is of a piece, all

sparkling with the same life; though as it is gradually unwound from the

loom it is hard to judge the design. That can only be done when it is

reviewed as a whole.

At the time, his mingling of jest and earnest was misunderstood even by

friends. The author learnt too painfully the danger of seeming to trifle

with cherished beliefs. He forswore levity, but soon relapsed into the

old style, out of sheer sincerity: for he was too much in earnest not to

be frankly himself in his utterances, without writing up to, or down to,

any other person's standard.

Ruskin did not wish to lead a colony or to head a revolution. He had

been pondering for fifteen years the cause of poverty and crime, and the

conviction had grown upon him that modern commercialism was at the root

of it all. But his attacks on commercialism--his analysis of its bad

influence on all sections of society--were too vigorous and

uncompromising for the newspaper editors who received "Fors," and even

for most of his private friends. There were, however, some who saw what

he was aiming at: and let it be remarked that his first encouragement

came from the highest quarters. Just as Sydney Smith, the chief critic

of earlier days, had been the first to praise "Modern Painters," in the

teeth of vulgar opinion, so now Carlyle spoke for "Fors."

"5, Cheyne Row, Chelsea, _April 30th_, 1871.

"Dear Ruskin,

"This 'Fors Clavigera,' Letter 5th, which I have just finished reading,

is incomparable; a quasi-sacred consolation to me, which almost brings

tears into my eyes! Every word of it is as if spoken, not out of my poor

heart only, but out of the eternal skies; words winged with Empyrean

wisdom, piercing as lightning,--and which I really do not remember to

have heard the like of. _Continue_, while you have such utterances in

you, to give them voice. They will find and force entrance into human

hearts, _whatever_ the 'angle of incidence' may be; that is to say,

whether, for the degraded and _in_ human Blockheadism we, so-called

'men,' have mostly now become, you come in upon them at the broadside,

at the top, or even at the bottom. Euge, Euge!--Yours ever,

"T. Carlyle."

Others, like Sir Arthur Helps, joined in this encouragement. But the old

struggle with the newspapers began over again.

They united in considering the whole business insane, though they did

not doubt his sincerity when Ruskin put down his own money, the tenth of

what he had, as he recommended his adherents to do. By the end of the

year he had set aside £7,000 toward establishing a company to be called

of "St. George," as representing at once England and agriculture. Sir

Thomas Dyke Acland and the Right Hon. W. Cowper-Temple (afterwards Lord

Mount Temple), though not pledging themselves to approval of the scheme,

undertook the trusteeship of the fund. A few friends subscribed; in

June, 1872, after a year and a half of "Fors," the first stranger sent

in his contribution, and at the end of three years £236 13s. were

collected, to add to his £7,000, and a few acres of land were given.

Meanwhile Ruskin practised what he preached. He did not preach

renunciation; he was not a Pessimist any more than an Optimist.

Sometimes he felt he was not doing enough; he knew very well that others

thought so. I remember his saying, in his rooms at Oxford in one of

those years: "Here I am, trying to reform the world, and I suppose I

ought to begin with myself, I am trying to do St. Benedict's work, and I

ought to be a saint. And yet I am living between a Turkey carpet and a

Titian, and drinking as much tea"--taking his second cup--"as I can

_swig_!"

That was the way he put it to an undergraduate; to a lady friend he

wrote later on, "I'm reading history of early saints, too, for my Amiens

book, and feel that I ought to be scratched, or starved, or boiled, or

something unpleasant; and I don't know if I'm a saint or a sinner in the

least, in mediæval language. How did the saints feel themselves, I

wonder, about their saintship!"

If he had forsaken all and followed the vocation of St. Francis,--he has

discussed the question candidly in "Fors" for May, 1874--would not his

work have been more effectual, his example more inspiring? Conceivably:

but that was not his mission. His gospel was not one of asceticism; it

called upon no one for any sort of suicide, or even martyrdom. He

required of his followers that they should live their lives to the full

in "Admiration, Hope and Love": and not that they should sacrifice

themselves in fasting and wearing of camels'-hair coats. He wished them

to work, to be honest, and just, in all things immediately attainable.

He asked the tenth of their living--not the widow's two mites; and it

was deeply painful to him to find, sometimes, that they had so

interpreted his teaching: as when he wrote, later, to Miss Beever:

"One of my poor 'Companions of St. George' who has sent me, not a

widow's but a parlour-maid's (an old schoolmistress) 'all her

living,' and whom I found last night, dying, slowly and quietly, in

a damp room, just the size of your study (which her landlord won't

mend the roof of), by the light of a single tallow candle,--dying,

I say, _slowly_ of consumption, not yet near the end, but

contemplating it with sorrow, mixed partly with fear lest she

should not have done all she could for her children! The sight of

this and my own shameful comforts, three wax candles and blazing

fire and dry roof, and Susie and Joanie for friends! Oh me, Susie,

what _is_ to become of me in the next world, who have in this life

all my good things!"

After carrying on "Fors" for some time his attention was drawn by Mr.

W.C. Sillar to the question of "Usury." At first he had seen no crying

sin in Interest. He had held that the "rights of capital" were

visionary, and that the tools should belong to him that can handle them,

in a perfect state of society; but he thought that the existing system

was no worse in this respect than in others, and his expectation of

reform in the plan of investment went hand-in-hand with his hope of a

good time coming in everything else. So he quietly accepted his rents,

as he accepted his Professorship, for example, thinking it his business

to be a good landlord and spend his money generously, just as he thought

it his business to retain the existing South Kensington drawing school,

and the Oxford system of education--not at all his ideal--and to make

the best use of them.

A lady who was his pupil in drawing, and a believer in his ideals of

philanthropy, Miss Octavia Hill, undertook to help him in 1864 in

efforts to reclaim part--though a very small part--of the lower-class

dwellings of London. Half a dozen houses in Marylebone left by Ruskin's

father, to which he added three more in Paradise Place, as it was

euphemistically named, were the subjects of their experiment. They were

ridiculed at first; but by the noblest endeavour they succeeded, and set

an example which has been followed in many of our towns with great

results. They showed what a wise and kind landlord could do by caring

for tenants, by giving them habitable dwellings, recreation ground and

fixity of tenure, and requiring in return a reasonable and moderate

rent. He got five per cent. for his capital, instead of twelve or more,

which such property generally returns, or at that time returned.

But when he began to write against rent and interest there were plenty

of critics ready to cite this and other investments as a damning

inconsistency. He was not the man to offer explanations at any time. It

was no defence to say that he took less and did more than other

landlords. And so he was glad to part with the whole to Miss Hill; nor

did he care to spend upon himself the £3,500, which I believe was the

price. It went right and left in gifts; till one day he cheerfully

remarked:

"It's a' gane awa'

Like snaw aff a wa'."

"Is there really nothing to show for it?" he was asked. "Nothing," he

said, "except this new silk umbrella."

He had talked so much of the possibility of carrying on honest and

honourable retail trade, that he felt bound to exemplify his principles.

He took a house No. 19, Paddington Street, with a corner shop, near his

Marylebone property, and set himself up in business as a teaman. Mr.

Arthur Severn painted the sign, in neat blue letters; the window was

decked with fine old china, bought from a Cavaliere near Siena, whose

unique collection had been introduced to notice by Professor Norton; and

Miss Harrie Tovey, an old servant of Denmark Hill, was established

there, like Miss Mattie in "Cranford," or rather like one of the

salaried officials of "Time and Tide," to dispense the unadulterated

leaf to all comers. No advertisements, no self-recommendation, no

catchpenny tricks of trade were allowed; and yet the business went on,

and, I am assured, prospered with legitimate profits. At first, various

kinds of the best tea only were sold; but it seemed to the tenant of the

shop that coffee and sugar ought to be included in the list. This was

not at all in Ruskin's programme, and there were great debates at home

about it. At last he gave way, on the understanding that the shop was to

be responsible for the proper roasting of the coffee according to the

best recipe. After some time Miss Tovey died. And when, in the autumn of

1876, Miss Octavia Hill proposed to take the house and business over and

work it with the rest of the Marylebone property, the offer was

thankfully accepted.

Another of his principles was cleanliness; "the speedy abolition of all

abolishable filth is the first process of education." He undertook to

keep certain streets, not crossings only, cleaner than the public seemed

to care for, between the British Museum and St. Giles'. He took the

broom himself, for a start, put on his gardener, Downes, as foreman of

the job, and engaged a small staff of helpers. The work began, as he

promised, in a humorous letter to the _Pall Matt Gazette_ upon New

Year's Day, 1872, and he kept his three sweepers at work for eight hours

daily "to show a bit of our London streets kept as clean as the deck of

a ship of the line."

There were some difficulties, too. One of the staff was an extremely

handsome and lively shoeblack, picked up in St. Giles'. It turned out

that he was not unknown to the world: he had sat to artists--to Mr.

Edward Clifford, to Mr. Severn; and went by the name of "Cheeky." Every

now and then Ruskin "and party" drove round to inspect the works.

Downes could not be everywhere at once: and Cheeky used to be caught at

pitch and toss or marbles in unswept Museum Street. Ruskin rarely, if

ever, dismissed a servant; but street sweeping was not good enough for

Cheeky, and so he enlisted. The army was not good enough, and so he

deserted; and was last seen disappearing into the darkness, after

calling a cab for his old friends one night at the Albert Hall.

One more escapade of this most unpractical man, as they called him.

Since his fortune was rapidly melting away, he had to look to his works

as an ultimate resource: they eventually became his only means of

livelihood. One might suppose that he would be anxious to put his

publishing business on the most secure and satisfactory footing; to

facilitate sale, and to ensure profit. But he had views. He objected to

advertising; though he thought that in his St. George's Scheme he would

have a yearly Book Gazette drawn up by responsible authorities,

indicating the best works. He distrusted the system of _unacknowledged_

profits and percentages, though he fully agreed that the retailer should

be paid for his work, and wished, in an ideal state, to see the

shopkeeper a salaried official. He disliked the bad print and paper of

the cheap literature of that day, and knew that people valued more

highly what they did not get so easily. He had changed his mind with

regard to one or two things--religion and glaciers chiefly--about which

he had written at length in earlier works.

So he withdrew his most popular books--"Modern Painters" and the

rest--from circulation, though he was persuaded by the publisher to

reprint "Modern Painters" and "Stones of Venice" once more--"positively

for the last time," as they said the plates would give no more good

impressions. He had his later writings printed in a rather expensive

style; at first through Smith & Elder, after two years by Messrs. Watson

& Hazell (later Hazell, Watson & Viney, Ltd.), and the method of

publication is illustrated in the history of "Sesame and Lilies," the

first volume of these "collected works." It was issued by Smith &

Elder, May, 1871, at 7s., to the trade only, leaving the retailer to fix

the price to the public. In September, 1872, the work was also supplied

by Mr. George Allen, and the price raised to 9s.6d., (carriage paid)

to trade and public alike, with the idea that an extra shilling, or

nearly ten per cent., might be added by the bookseller for his trouble

in ordering the work. If he did not add the commission, that was his own

affair; though with postage of order and payment, when only one or two

copies at a time were asked for, this did not leave much margin. So it

was doubled, by the simple expedient of doubling the price!--or, to be

accurate, raising it to 18s. (carriage paid) for 20s. over the counter.

It was freely prophesied by business men that this would not do:

however, at the end of fifteen years the _sixth edition_ of this work in

this form was being sold, in spite of the fact that, five years before,

a smaller reprint of the same book had been brought out at 5s., and was

then in its fourth edition of 3,000 copies each.

Compared with the enormous sale of sensational novels and school books,

this is no great matter; but for a didactic work, offered to the public

without advertisement, and in the face of the almost universal

opposition of the book-selling trade, it means not only that, as an

author, Ruskin had made a secure reputation, but also that he deserved

the curious tribute once paid him by the journal of a big modern shop

(Compton House, Liverpool) as a "great tradesman."

The Life of John Ruskin · 第 2 / 10 章