THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR
Our chief contemporary source of information on the history of the
Hundred Years' War is Jean Froissart's _Chronicles of England, France,
and the Adjoining Countries, from the Latter Part of the Reign of
Edward II. to the Coronation of Henry IV._,[565] and it is from this
important work that all of the extracts (except texts of treaties)
which are included in this chapter have been selected. Froissart was a
French poet and historian, born at Beaumont, near Valenciennes in
Hainault, in 1337, when the Hundred Years' War was just beginning. He
lived until the early part of the fifteenth century, 1410 being one of
the conjectural dates of his death. He was a man of keen mental
faculties and had enjoyed the advantages of an unusually thorough
education during boyhood. This native ability and training, together
with his active public life and admirable opportunities for
observation, constituted his special qualification for the writing of
a history of his times. Froissart represents a type of mediaeval
chronicler which was quite rare, in that he was not a monk living in
seclusion but a practical man of affairs, accustomed to travel and
intercourse with leading men in all the important countries of western
Europe. He lived for five years at the English court as clerk of the
Queen's Chamber; many times he was sent by the French king on
diplomatic missions to Scotland, Italy, and other countries; and he
made several private trips to various parts of Europe for the sole
purpose of acquiring information. Always and everywhere he was
observant and quick to take advantage of opportunities to ascertain
facts which he could use, and we are told that after it came to be
generally known that he was preparing to write an extended history of
his times not a few kings and princes took pains to send him details
regarding events which they desired to have recorded. The writing of
the _Chronicles_ was a life work. When only twenty years of age
Froissart submitted to Isabella, wife of King Edward III. of England,
an account of the battle of Poitiers, in which the queen's son, the
famous Black Prince, had won distinction in the previous year.
Thereafter the larger history was published book by book, until by
1373 it was complete to date. Subsequently it was extended to the year
1400 (it had begun with the events of 1326), while the earlier
portions were rewritten and considerably revised. And, in deed, when
death came to the author he was still working at his arduous but
congenial task. "As long as I live," he wrote upon one occasion, "by
the grace of God I shall continue it; for the more I follow it and
labor thereon, the more it pleases me. Even as a gentle knight or
esquire who loves arms, while persevering and continuing develops
himself therein, thus do I, laboring and striving with this matter,
improve and delight myself."
The _Chronicles_ as they have come down to us are written in a lively
and pleasing style. It need hardly be said that they are not wholly
accurate; indeed, on the whole, they are quite inaccurate, measured
even by mediaeval standards. Froissart was obliged to rely for a large
portion of his information upon older chronicles and especially upon
conversations and interviews with people in various parts of Europe.
Such sources are never wholly trustworthy and it must be admitted that
our author was not as careful to sift error from truth as he should
have been. His credulity betrayed him often into accepting what a
little investigation would have shown to be false, and only very
rarely did he make any attempt, as a modern historian would do, to
increase and verify his knowledge by a study of documents. Still, the
_Chronicles_ constitute an invaluable history of the period they
cover. The facts they record, the events they explain, the vivid
descriptions they contain, and the side-lights they throw upon the
life and manners of an interesting age unite to give them a place of
peculiar importance among works of their kind. And, wholly aside from
their historical value, they constitute one of the monuments of
mediaeval French literature.
73. An Occasion of War between the Kings of England and France
The causes, general and specific, of the Hundred Years' War were
numerous. The most important were: (1) The long-standing bad feeling
between the French and English regarding the possession of Normandy
and Guienne. England had lost the former to France and she had never
ceased to hope for its recovery; on the other hand, the French were
resolved upon the eventual conquest of the remaining English
continental possession of Guienne and were constantly asserting
themselves there in a fashion highly irritating to the English; (2)
the assistance and general encouragement given the rebellious Scots by
the French; (3) the pressure brought to bear upon the English crown by
the popular party in Flanders to claim the French throne and to resort
to war to obtain it. The Flemish wool trade was a very important item
in England's economic prosperity and it was felt to be essential at
all hazards to prevent the extension of French influence in Flanders,
which would inevitably mean the checking, if not the ruin, of the
commercial relations of the Flemish and the English; and (4) the claim
to the throne of France which Edward III., king of England, set up and
prepared to defend. It is this last occasion of war that Froissart
describes in the passage below.
Source--Text in Simeon Luce (ed.), _Chroniques de Jean
Froissart_ [published for the Societe de l'Histoire de
France], Paris, 1869, Chap. I. Translated in Thomas Johnes,
_Froissart's Chronicles_ (London, 1803), Vol. I., pp. 6-7.
[Sidenote: The succession to the French throne in 1328]
History tells us that Philip, king of France, surnamed the
Fair,[566] had three sons, besides his beautiful daughter
Isabella, married to the king of England.[567] These three sons
were very handsome. The eldest, Louis, king of Navarre, during
the lifetime of his father, was called Louis Hutin; the second
was named Philip the Great, or the Long; and the third, Charles.
All these were kings of France, after their father Philip, by
legitimate succession, one after the other, without having by
marriage any male heirs.[568] Yet on the death of the last king,
Charles, the twelve peers and barons of France[569] did not give
the kingdom to Isabella, the sister, who was queen of England,
because they said and maintained, and still insist, that the
kingdom of France is so noble that it ought not to go to a
woman; consequently neither to Isabella nor to her son, the king
of England; for they held that the son of a woman cannot claim
any right of succession where that woman has none herself.[570]
For these reasons the twelve peers and barons of France
unanimously gave the kingdom of France to the lord Philip of
Valois, nephew of King Philip,[571] and thus put aside the queen
of England (who was sister to Charles, the late king of France)
and her son. Thus, as it seemed to many people, the succession
went out of the right line, which has been the occasion of the
most destructive wars and devastations of countries, as well in
France as elsewhere, as you will learn hereafter; the real
object of this history being to relate the great enterprises and
deeds of arms achieved in these wars, for from the time of good
Charlemagne, king of France, never were such feats performed.
74. Edward III. Assumes the Arms and Title of the King of France
Due to causes which have been mentioned, the relations of England and
France at the accession of Philip VI. in 1328 were so strained that
only a slight fanning of the flames was necessary to bring on an open
conflict. Edward III.'s persistent demand to be recognized as king of
France sufficed to accomplish this result. The war did not come at
once, for neither king felt himself ready for it; but it was
inevitable and preparations for it were steadily pushed on both sides
from 1328 until its formal declaration by Edward nine years later.
These preparations were not merely military and naval but also
diplomatic. The primary object of both sovereigns was to secure as
many and as strong foreign alliances as possible. In pursuit of this
policy Philip soon assured himself of the support of Louis de Nevers,
count of Flanders, King John of Bohemia, Alphonso XI. of Castile, and
a number of lesser princes of the north. Edward was even more
successful. In Spain and the Scandinavian countries many local powers
allied themselves with him; in the Low Countries, especially Flanders
and Brabant, the people and the princes chose generally to identify
themselves with his cause; and the climax came in July, 1337, when a
treaty of alliance was concluded with the Emperor, Louis of Bavaria.
War was begun in this same year, and in 1338 Edward went himself to
the continent to undertake a direct attack on France from Flanders as
a base. The years 1338 and 1339 were consumed with ineffective
operations against the walled cities of the French frontier, Philip
steadily refusing to be drawn into an open battle such as Edward
desired. The following year the English king resolved to declare
himself sovereign of France. The circumstances attending this
important step are detailed in the passage from Froissart given below.
Heretofore Edward had merely protested that by reason of his being a
grandson of Philip the Fair he should have been awarded the throne by
the French barons in 1328; now, at the instigation of his German and
Flemish allies, he flatly announces that he _is_ of right the king
and that Philip VI. is to be deposed as an usurper. Of course this
was a declaration which Edward could make good only by victory in the
war upon which he had entered. But the claim thus set up rendered it
inevitable that the war should be waged to the bitter end on both
sides.
Source--_Chroniques de Jean Froissart_ (Societe de l'Histoire
de France edition), Chap. XXXI. Translated in Thomas Johnes,
_Froissart's Chronicles_, Vol. I., pp. 110-112.
[Sidenote: The conference at Brussels]
When King Edward had departed from Flanders and arrived at Brabant
he set out straight for Brussels, whither he was attended by the
duke of Gueldres, the duke of Juliers, the marquis of Blanckenburg,
the earl of Mons, the lord John of Hainault, the lord of
Fauquemont, and all the barons of the Empire who were allied to
him, as they wished to consider what was next to be done in this
war which they had begun. For greater expedition, they ordered a
conference to be held in the city of Brussels, and invited James
van Arteveld[572] to attend it, who came thither in great array,
and brought with him all the councils from the principal towns of
Flanders.
At this parliament the king of England was advised by his allies of
the Empire to solicit the Flemings to give him their aid and
assistance in this war, to challenge the king of France, and to
follow King Edward wherever he should lead them, and in return he
would assist them in the recovery of Lisle, Douay, and
Bethune.[573] The Flemings heard this proposal with pleasure; but
they requested of the king that they might consider it among
themselves and in a short time they would give their answer.
[Sidenote: Proposition made by the Flemings to King Edward]
The king consented and soon after they made this reply: "Beloved
sire, you formerly made us a similar request; and we are willing to
do everything in reason for you without prejudice to our honor and
faith. But we are pledged by promise on oath, under a penalty of
two millions of florins, to the apostolical chamber,[574] not to
act offensively against the king of France in any way, whoever he
may be, without forfeiting this sum, and incurring the sentence of
excommunication. But if you will do what we will tell you, you will
find a remedy, which is, that you take the arms of France, quarter
them with those of England, and call yourself king of France. We
will acknowledge your title as good, and we will demand of you
quittance for the above sum, which you will grant us as king of
France. Thus we shall be absolved and at liberty to go with you
wherever it pleases you."
[Sidenote: The agreement concluded]
The king summoned his council, for he was loath to take the title
and arms of France, seeing that at present he had not conquered any
part of that kingdom and that it was uncertain whether he ever
should. On the other hand, he was unwilling to lose the aid and
assistance of the Flemings, who could be of greater service to him
than any others at that period. He consulted, therefore, with the
lords of the Empire, the lord Robert d'Artois,[575] and his most
privy councilors, who, after having duly weighed the good and bad,
advised him to make for answer to the Flemings, that if they would
bind themselves under their seals, to an agreement to aid him in
carrying on the war, he would willingly comply with their
conditions, and would swear to assist them in the recovery of
Lisle, Douay, and Bethune. To this they willingly consented. A day
was fixed for them to meet at Ghent,[576] where the king and the
greater part of the lords of the Empire, and in general the
councils from the different towns in Flanders, assembled. The
above-mentioned proposals and answers were then repeated, sworn to,
and sealed; and the king of England bore the arms of France,
quartering them with those of England. He also took the title of
king of France from that day forward.
75. The Naval Battle of Sluys (1340)
In the spring of 1340 Edward returned to England to secure money and
supplies with which to prosecute the war. The French king thought he
saw in this temporary withdrawal of his enemy an opportunity to strike
him a deadly blow. A fleet of nearly two hundred vessels was gathered
in the harbor of Sluys, on the Flemish coast, with a view to attacking
the English king on his return to the continent and preventing him
from again securing a foothold in Flanders. Edward, however, accepted
the situation and made ready to fight his way back to the country of
his allies. June 24, 1340, he boldly attacked the French at Sluys. The
sharp conflict which ensued resulted in a brilliant victory for the
English. Philip's fleet found itself shut up in the harbor and utterly
unable to withstand the showers of arrows shot by the thousands of
archers who crowded the English ships. The French navy was
annihilated, England was relieved from the fear of invasion, and the
whole French coast was laid open to attack.
Source--_Chroniques de Jean Froissart_ (Societe de l'Histoire
de France edition), Chap. XXXVII. Translated in Thomas Johnes,
_Froissart's Chronicles_, Vol. I., pp. 141-143.
He [King Edward] and his whole navy sailed from the Thames the day
before the eve of St. John the Baptist, 1340,[577] and made
straight for Sluys.
Sir Hugh Quiriel, Sir Peter Bahucet, and Barbenoir, were at that
time lying between Blankenburg and Sluys with upwards of one
hundred and twenty large vessels, without counting others. These
were manned with about forty thousand men, Genoese and Picards,
including mariners. By the orders of the king of France, they were
there at anchor, awaiting the return of the king of England, to
dispute his passage.
[Sidenote: Edward determines to fight at Sluys]
When the king's fleet had almost reached Sluys, they saw so many
masts standing before it that they looked like a wood. The king
asked the commander of his ship what they could be. The latter
replied that he imagined they must be that armament of Normans
which the king of France kept at sea, and which had so frequently
done him much damage, had burned his good town of Southampton and
taken his large ship the _Christopher_. The king replied, "I have
for a long time desired to meet them, and now, please God and St.
George, we will fight with them; for, in truth, they have done me
so much mischief that I will be revenged on them if it be
possible."
The king then drew up all his vessels, placing the strongest in
front, and his archers on the wings. Between every two vessels with
archers there was one of men-at-arms. He stationed some detached
vessels as a reserve, full of archers, to assist and help such as
might be damaged. There were in this fleet a great many ladies from
England, countesses, baronesses, and knights' and gentlemen's
wives, who were going to attend on the queen at Ghent.[578] These
the king had guarded most carefully by three hundred men-at-arms
and five hundred archers.
[Sidenote: The French make ready]
When the king of England and his marshals had properly divided the
fleet, they hoisted their sails to have the wind on their quarter,
as the sun shone full in their faces (which they considered might
be of disadvantage to them) and stretched out a little, so that at
last they got the wind as they wished. The Normans, who saw them
tack, could not help wondering why they did so, and remarked that
they took good care to turn about because they were afraid of
meddling with them. They perceived, however, by his banner, that
the king was on board, which gave them great joy, as they were
eager to fight with him. So they put their vessels in proper order,
for they were expert and gallant men on the seas. They filled the
_Christopher_, the large ship which they had taken the year before
from the English, with trumpets and other warlike instruments, and
ordered her to fall upon the English.
[Sidenote: The battle rages]
The battle then began very fiercely. Archers and cross-bowmen shot
with all their might at each other, and the men-at-arms engaged
hand to hand. In order to be more successful, they had large
grapnels and iron hooks with chains, which they flung from ship to
ship to moor them to each other. There were many valiant deeds
performed, many prisoners made, and many rescues. The
_Christopher_, which led the van, was recaptured by the English,
and all in her taken or killed. There were then great shouts and
cries, and the English manned her again with archers, and sent her
to fight against the Genoese.
This battle was very murderous and horrible. Combats at sea are
more destructive and obstinate than upon land, for it is not
possible to retreat or flee--every one must abide his fortune, and
exert his prowess and valor. Sir Hugh Quiriel and his companions
were bold and determined men; they had done much mischief to the
English at sea and destroyed many of their ships. The combat,
therefore, lasted from early in the morning until noon,[579] and
the English were hard pressed, for their enemies were four to one,
and the greater part men who had been used to the sea.
[Sidenote: The English triumph]
The king, who was in the flower of his youth, showed himself on
that day a gallant knight, as did the earls of Derby, Pembroke,
Hereford, Huntingdon, Northampton, and Gloucester; the lord
Reginald Cobham, lord Felton, lord Bradestan, sir Richard Stafford,
the lord Percy, sir Walter Manny, sir Henry de Flanders, sir John
Beauchamp, sir John Chandos, the lord Delaware, Lucie lord Malton,
and the lord Robert d'Artois, now called earl of Richmond. I cannot
remember the names of all those who behaved so valiantly in the
combat. But they did so well that, with some assistance from Bruges
and those parts of the country, the French were completely
defeated, and all the Normans and the others were killed or
drowned, so that not one of them escaped.[580]
After the king had gained this victory, which was on the eve of St.
John's day,[581] he remained all that night on board his ship
before Sluys, and there were great noises with trumpets and all
kinds of other instruments.
76. The Battle of Crecy (1346)
In July, 1346, Edward III. landed on the northwest coast of Normandy
with a splendid army of English, Irish, and Welsh, including ten
thousand men skilled in the use of the long bow. He advanced eastward,
plundering and devastating as he went, probably with the ultimate
intention of besieging Calais. Finding the passage of the Seine
impossible at Rouen, he ascended the river until he came into the
vicinity of Paris, only to learn that Philip with an army twice the
size of that of the English had taken up a position on the Seine to
turn back the invasion. The French king allowed himself to be
outwitted, however, and Edward got out of the trap into which he had
fallen by marching northward to the village of Crecy in Ponthieu. With
an army that had grown to outnumber the English three to one Philip
advanced in the path of the enemy, first to Abbeville on the Somme,
and later to Crecy, slightly to the east of which Edward had taken his
stand for battle. The English arrived at Crecy about noon on Friday,
August 25. The French were nearly a day behind, having spent the night
at Abbeville and set out thence over the roads to Crecy before sunrise
Saturday morning. The army of the English numbered probably about
14,000, besides an uncertain reserve of Welsh and Irish troops; that
of the French numbered about 70,000, including 15,000 Genoese
cross-bowmen. The course of the battle is well described by Froissart
in the passage below. Doubtless the account is not accurate in every
particular, yet it must be correct in the main and it shows very
vividly the character of French and English warfare in this period.
Despite the superior numbers of the French, the English had small
difficulty in winning a decisive victory. This was due to several
things. In the first place, the French army was a typical feudal levy
and as such was sadly lacking in discipline and order, while the
English troops were under perfect control. In the next place, the use
of the long-bow gave the English infantry a great advantage over the
French knights, and even over the Genoese mercenaries, who could shoot
just once while an English long-bowman was shooting twelve times. In
the third place, Philip's troops were exhausted before entering the
battle and it was a grievous error on the part of the king to allow
the conflict to begin before his men had an opportunity for rest.[582]
The greatest significance of the English victory lay in the blow it
struck at feudalism, and especially the feudal type of warfare. It
showed very clearly that the armored knight was no match for the
common foot-soldier, armed simply with his long-bow, and that feudal
methods and ideals had come to be inconsistent with success in war.
Source--_Chroniques de Jean Froissart_ (Societe de l'Histoire
de France edition), Chap. LX. Translated in Thomas Johnes,
_Froissart's Chronicles_, Vol. I., pp. 320-329 _passim_.
The king of England, as I have mentioned before, encamped this
Friday in the plain,[583] for he found the country abounding in
provisions; but if they should have failed, he had an abundance in
the carriages which attended him. The army set about furbishing and
repairing their armor; and the king gave a supper that evening to
the earls and barons of his army, where they made good cheer. On
their taking leave, the king remained alone with the lord of his
bed-chamber. He retired into his oratory and, falling on his knees
before the altar, prayed to God, that if he should fight his
enemies on the morrow he might come off with honor. About midnight
he went to his bed and, rising early the next day, he and the
Prince of Wales[584] heard Mass and communicated. The greater part
of his army did the same, confessed, and made proper preparations.
[Sidenote: The English prepare for battle]
After Mass the king ordered his men to arm themselves and assemble
on the ground he had before fixed on. He had enclosed a large park
near a wood, on the rear of his army, in which he placed all his
baggage-wagons and horses; and this park had but one entrance. His
men-at-arms and archers remained on foot. The king afterwards
ordered, through his constable and his two marshals, that the army
should be divided into three battalions....
The king then mounted a small palfrey, having a white wand in his
hand and, attended by his two marshals on each side of him, he rode
through all the ranks, encouraging and entreating the army, that
they should guard his honor. He spoke this so gently, and with such
a cheerful countenance, that all who had been dejected were
immediately comforted by seeing and hearing him.
When he had thus visited all the battalions, it was near ten
o'clock. He retired to his own division and ordered them all to eat
heartily afterwards and drink a glass. They ate and drank at their
ease; and, having packed up pots, barrels, etc., in the carts, they
returned to their battalions, according to the marshals' orders,
and seated themselves on the ground, placing their helmets and bows
before them, that they might be the fresher when their enemies
should arrive.
[Sidenote: The French advance from Abbeville to Crecy]
[Sidenote: Philip's knights advise delay]
That same Saturday, the king of France arose betimes and heard Mass
in the monastery of St. Peter's in Abbeville,[585] where he was
lodged. Having ordered his army to do the same, he left that town
after sunrise. When he had marched about two leagues from Abbeville
and was approaching the enemy, he was advised to form his army in
order of battle, and to let those on foot march forward, that they
might not be trampled on by the horses. The king, upon this, sent
off four knights--the lord Moyne of Bastleberg, the lord of Noyers,
the lord of Beaujeu, and the lord of Aubigny--who rode so near to
the English that they could clearly distinguish their position. The
English plainly perceived that they were come to reconnoitre.
However, they took no notice of it, but suffered them to return
unmolested. When the king of France saw them coming back, he halted
his army, and the knights, pushing through the crowds, came near
the king, who said to them, "My lords, what news?" They looked at
each other, without opening their mouths; for no one chose to speak
first. At last the king addressed himself to the lord Moyne, who
was attached to the king of Bohemia, and had performed very many
gallant deeds, so that he was esteemed one of the most valiant
knights in Christendom. The lord Moyne said, "Sir, I will speak,
since it pleases you to order me, but with the assistance of my
companions. We have advanced far enough to reconnoitre your
enemies. Know, then, that they are drawn up in three battalions and
are awaiting you. I would advise, for my part (submitting, however,
to better counsel), that you halt your army here and quarter them
for the night; for before the rear shall come up and the army be
properly drawn out, it will be very late. Your men will be tired
and in disorder, while they will find your enemies fresh and
properly arrayed. On the morrow, you may draw up your army more at
your ease and may reconnoitre at leisure on what part it will be
most advantageous to begin the attack; for, be assured, they will
wait for you."
[Sidenote: Confusion in the French ranks]
The king commanded that it should be so done; and the two marshals
rode, one towards the front, and the other to the rear, crying out,
"Halt banners, in the name of God and St. Denis." Those that were
in the front halted; but those behind said they would not halt
until they were as far forward as the front. When the front
perceived the rear pushing on, they pushed forward; and neither the
king nor the marshals could stop them, but they marched on without
any order until they came in sight of their enemies.[586] As soon
as the foremost rank saw them, they fell back at once in great
disorder, which alarmed those in the rear, who thought they had
been fighting. There was then space and room enough for them to
have passed forward, had they been willing to do so. Some did so,
but others remained behind.
All the roads between Abbeville and Crecy were covered with common
people, who, when they had come within three leagues of their
enemies, drew their swords, crying out, "Kill, kill;" and with them
were many great lords who were eager to make show of their courage.
There is no man, unless he had been present, who can imagine, or
describe truly, the confusion of that day; especially the bad
management and disorder of the French, whose troops were beyond
number.
[Sidenote: The English prepare for battle]
The English, who were drawn up in three divisions and seated on the
ground, on seeing their enemies advance, arose boldly and fell into
their ranks. That of the prince[587] was the first to do so, whose
archers were formed in the manner of a portcullis, or harrow, and
the men-at-arms in the rear. The earls of Northampton and Arundel,
who commanded the second division, had posted themselves in good
order on his wing to assist and succor the prince, if necessary.
You must know that these kings, dukes, earls, barons, and lords of
France did not advance in any regular order, but one after the
other, or in any way most pleasing to themselves. As soon as the
king of France came in sight of the English his blood began to
boil, and he cried out to his marshals, "Order the Genoese forward,
and begin the battle, in the name of God and St. Denis."
There were about fifteen thousand Genoese cross-bowmen; but they
were quite fatigued, having marched on foot that day six leagues,
completely armed, and with their cross-bows. They told the
constable that they were not in a fit condition to do any great
things that day in battle. The earl of Alencon, hearing this, said,
"This is what one gets by employing such scoundrels, who fail when
there is any need for them."
During this time a heavy rain fell, accompanied by thunder and a
very terrible eclipse of the sun; and before this rain a great
flight of crows hovered in the air over all those battalions,
making a loud noise. Shortly afterwards it cleared up and the sun
shone very brightly; but the Frenchmen had it in their faces, and
the English at their backs.
When the Genoese were somewhat in order they approached the English
and set up a loud shout in order to frighten them; but the latter
remained quite still and did not seem to hear it. They then set up
a second shout and advanced a little forward; but the English did
not move. They hooted a third time, advancing with their cross-bows
presented, and began to shoot. The English archers then advanced
one step forward and shot their arrows with such force and
quickness that it seemed as if it snowed.
[Sidenote: The Genoese mercenaries repulsed]
When the Genoese felt these arrows, which pierced their arms,
heads, and through their armor, some of them cut the strings of
their cross-bows, others flung them on the ground, and all turned
about and retreated, quite discomfited. The French had a large body
of men-at-arms on horseback, richly dressed, to support the
Genoese. The king of France, seeing them thus fall back, cried out,
"Kill me those scoundrels; for they stop up our road, without any
reason." You would then have seen the above-mentioned men-at-arms
lay about them, killing all that they could of these runaways.
[Sidenote: Slaughter by the Cornish and Welsh]
The English continued shooting as vigorously and quickly as before.
Some of their arrows fell among the horsemen, who were sumptuously
equipped and, killing and wounding many, made them caper and fall
among the Genoese, so that they were in such confusion they could
never rally again. In the English army there were some Cornish and
Welshmen on foot who had armed themselves with large knives. These,
advancing through the ranks of the men-at-arms and archers, who
made way for them, came upon the French when they were in this
danger and, falling upon earls, barons, knights and squires, slew
many, at which the king of England was afterwards much exasperated.
[Sidenote: Death of the king of Bohemia]
The valiant king of Bohemia was slain there. He was called Charles
of Luxemburg, for he was the son of the gallant king and emperor,
Henry of Luxemburg.[588] Having heard the order of the battle, he
inquired where his son, the lord Charles, was. His attendants
answered that they did not know, but believed that he was fighting.
The king said to them: "Sirs, you are all my people, my friends and
brethren at arms this day; therefore, as I am blind, I request of
you to lead me so far into the engagement that I may strike one
stroke with my sword." The knights replied that they would lead him
forward immediately; and, in order that they might not lose him in
the crowd, they fastened the reins of all their horses together,
and put the king at their head, that he might gratify his wish,
and advanced towards the enemy. The king rode in among the enemy,
and made good use of his sword; for he and his companions fought
most gallantly. They advanced so far that they were all slain; and
on the morrow they were found on the ground, with their horses all
tied together.
Early in the day, some French, Germans, and Savoyards had broken
through the archers of the prince's battalion, and had engaged with
the men-at-arms, upon which the second battalion came to his aid;
and it was time, for otherwise he would have been hard pressed. The
first division, seeing the danger they were in, sent a knight[589]
in great haste to the king of England, who was posted upon an
eminence, near a windmill. On the knight's arrival, he said, "Sir,
the earl of Warwick, the lord Stafford, the lord Reginald Cobham,
and the others who are about your son are vigorously attacked by
the French; and they entreat that you come to their assistance with
your battalion for, if the number of the French should increase,
they fear he will have too much to do."
[Sidenote: Edward gives the Black Prince a chance to win his spurs]
The king replied: "Is my son dead, unhorsed, or so badly wounded
that he cannot support himself?" "Nothing of the sort, thank God,"
rejoined the knight; "but he is in so hot an engagement that he has
great need of your help." The king answered, "Now, Sir Thomas,
return to those who sent you and tell them from me not to send
again for me this day, or expect that I shall come, let what will
happen, as long as my son has life; and say that I command them to
let the boy win his spurs; for I am determined, if it please God,
that all the glory and honor of this day shall be given to him, and
to those into whose care I have entrusted him." The knight returned
to his lords and related the king's answer, which greatly
encouraged them and made them regret that they had ever sent such a
message.
[Sidenote: King Philip abandons the field of battle]
Late after vespers, the king of France had not more about him than
sixty men, every one included. Sir John of Hainault, who was of the
number, had once remounted the king; for the latter's horse had
been killed under him by an arrow. He said to the king, "Sir,
retreat while you have an opportunity, and do not expose yourself
so needlessly. If you have lost this battle, another time you will
be the conqueror." After he had said this, he took the bridle of
the king's horse and led him off by force; for he had before
entreated him to retire.
The king rode on until he came to the castle of La Broyes, where he
found the gates shut, for it was very dark. The king ordered the
governor of it to be summoned. He came upon the battlements and
asked who it was that called at such an hour. The king answered,
"Open, open, governor; it is the fortune of France." The governor,
hearing the king's voice, immediately descended, opened the gate,
and let down the bridge. The king and his company entered the
castle; but he had with him only five barons--Sir John of Hainault,
the lord Charles of Montmorency, the lord of Beaujeu, the lord of
Aubigny, and the lord of Montfort. The king would not bury himself
in such a place as that, but, having taken some refreshments, set
out again with his attendants about midnight, and rode on, under
the direction of guides who were well acquainted with the country,
until, about daybreak, he came to Amiens, where he halted.
[Sidenote: The English after the battle]
This Saturday the English never quitted their ranks in pursuit of
any one, but remained on the field, guarding their position and
defending themselves against all who attacked them. The battle was
ended at the hour of vespers. When, on this Saturday night, the
English heard no more hooting or shouting, nor any more crying out
to particular lords, or their banners, they looked upon the field
as their own and their enemies as beaten.
They made great fires and lighted torches because of the darkness
of the night. King Edward then came down from his post, who all
that day had not put on his helmet, and, with his whole battalion,
advanced to the Prince of Wales, whom he embraced in his arms and
kissed, and said, "Sweet son, God give you good preference. You are
my son, for most loyally have you acquitted yourself this day. You
are worthy to be a sovereign." The prince bowed down very low and
humbled himself, giving all honor to the king his father.
The English, during the night, made frequent thanksgivings to the
Lord for the happy outcome of the day, and without rioting; for the
king had forbidden all riot or noise.
77. The Sack of Limoges (1370)
As a single illustration of the devastation wrought by the Hundred
Years' War, and of the barbarity of the commanders and troops engaged
in it, Froissart's well-known description of the sack of Limoges in
1370 by the army of the Black Prince is of no small interest. In some
respects, of course, circumstances in connection with this episode
were exceptional, and we are not to imagine that such heartless and
indiscriminate massacres were common. Yet the evidence which has
survived all goes to show that the long course of the war was filled
with cruelty and destruction in a measure almost inconceivable among
civilized peoples in more modern times.
Source--_Chroniques de Jean Froissart_ (Societe de l'Histoire
de France edition), Chap. XCVII. Translated in Thomas Johnes,
_Froissart's Chronicles_, Vol. II., pp. 61-68 _passim_.
[Sidenote: The Black Prince resolves to retake Limoges]
When word was brought to the prince that the city of Limoges[590]
had become French, that the bishop, who had been his companion and
one in whom he had formerly placed great confidence, was a party
to all the treaties and had greatly aided and assisted in the
surrender, he was in a violent passion and held the bishop and all
other churchmen in very low estimation, in whom formerly he had put
great trust. He swore by the soul of his father, which he had never
perjured, that he would have it back again, that he would not
attend to anything before he had done this, and that he would make
the inhabitants pay dearly for their treachery....[591]
All these men-at-arms were drawn out in battle-array and took the
field, when the whole country began to tremble for the
consequences. At that time the Prince of Wales was not able to
mount his horse, but was, for his greater ease, carried in a
litter. They followed the road to the Limousin,[592] in order to
get to Limoges, where in due time they arrived and encamped all
around it. The prince swore he would never leave the place until he
had regained it.
[Sidenote: The town to be undermined]
The bishop of the place and the inhabitants found that they had
acted wickedly and had greatly incensed the prince, for which they
were very repentant, but that was now of no avail, as they were not
the masters of the town.[593] When the prince and his marshals had
well considered the strength and force of Limoges, and knew the
number of people that were in it, they agreed that they could never
take it by assault, but said they would attempt it by another
manner. The prince was always accustomed to carry with him on his
expeditions a large body of miners. These were immediately set to
work and made great progress. The knights who were in the town
soon perceived that they were undermining them, and on that
account began to countermine to prevent the effect....
The Prince of Wales remained about a month, and not more, before
the city of Limoges. He would not allow any assaults or
skirmishing, but kept his miners steadily at work. The knights in
the town perceived what they were about and made countermines to
destroy them, but they failed in their attempt. When the miners of
the prince (who, as they found themselves countermined, kept
changing the line of direction of their own mine) had finished
their business, they came to the prince and said, "My lord, we are
ready, and will throw down, whenever it pleases you, a very large
part of the wall into the ditch, through the breach of which you
may enter the town at your ease and without danger."
[Sidenote: The English assault]
This news was very agreeable to the prince, who replied: "I desire,
then, that you prove your words to-morrow morning at six o'clock."
The miners set fire to the combustibles in the mine, and on the
morrow morning, as they had foretold the prince, they flung down a
great piece of wall which filled the ditches. The English saw this
with pleasure, for they were armed and prepared to enter the town.
Those on foot did so and ran to the gate, which they destroyed, as
well as the barriers, for there were no other defenses; and all
this was done so suddenly that the inhabitants had not time to
prevent it.
[Sidenote: Barbarity of the sack]
The prince, the duke of Lancaster, the earls of Cambridge and of
Pembroke, sir Guiscard d'Angle and the others, with their men,
rushed into the town. You would then have seen pillagers, active to
do mischief, running through the town, slaying men, women, and
children, according to their orders. It was a most melancholy
business; for all ranks, ages, and sexes cast themselves on their
knees before the prince, begging for mercy; but he was so inflamed
with passion and revenge that he listened to none. But all were put
to the sword, wherever they could be found, even those who were
not guilty. For I know not why the poor were not spared, who could
not have had any part in the treason; but they suffered for it, and
indeed more than those who had been the leaders of the treachery.
There was not that day in the city of Limoges any heart so
hardened, or that had any sense of religion, that did not deeply
bewail the unfortunate events passing before men's eyes; for
upwards of three thousand men, women, and children were put to
death that day. God have mercy on their souls, for they were truly
martyrs.... The entire town was pillaged, burned, and totally
destroyed. The English then departed, carrying with them their
booty and prisoners.
78. The Treaties of Bretigny (1360) and Troyes (1420)
The most important documents in the diplomatic history of the Hundred
Years' War are the texts of the treaty of London (1359), the treaty of
Bretigny (1360), the truce of Paris (1396), the treaty of Troyes
(1420), the treaty of Arras (1435), and the truce of Tours (1444).
Brief extracts from two of these are given below. The treaty of
Bretigny was negotiated soon after the refusal of the French to ratify
the treaty of London. In November, 1359, King Edward III., with his
son, Edward, the Black Prince, and the duke of Lancaster, crossed the
Channel, marched on Rheims, and threatened Paris. Negotiations for a
new peace were actively opened in April, 1360, after the English had
established themselves at Montlheri, south from Paris. The French
king, John II., who had been taken prisoner at Poitiers (1356), gave
full powers of negotiation to his son Charles, duke of Normandy and
regent of the kingdom. For some time no definite conclusions were
reached, owing chiefly to Edward's unwillingness to renounce his claim
to the French throne. Late in April the negotiations were transferred
to Chartres, subsequently to Bretigny. Finally, on the eighth of May,
representatives of the two parties signed the so-called treaty of
Bretigny. Although the instrument was promptly ratified by the French
regent and by the Black Prince (and, if we may believe Froissart, by
the two kings themselves), it was afterwards revised and accepted in
a somewhat different form by the monarchs and their following
assembled at Calais (October 24, 1360). The most important respect in
which the second document differed from the first was the omission of
Article 12 of the first treaty, in which Edward renounced his claim to
the throne of France and the sovereignty of Normandy, Maine, Anjou,
Touraine, Brittany, and Flanders; nevertheless Edward, at Calais, made
this renunciation in a separate convention, which for all practical
purposes was regarded as a part of the treaty. The passages printed
below are taken from the Calais text. Most of the thirty-nine articles
composing the document are devoted to mere details. The war was
renewed after a few years, and within two decades the English had lost
all the territory guaranteed to them in 1360, except a few coast
towns.
The treaty of Troyes (1420) belongs to one of the most stormy periods
in all French history. The first two decades of the fifteenth century
were marked by a cessation of the war with England (until its renewal
in 1415), but also unfortunately by the outbreak of a desperate civil
struggle between two great factions of the French people, the
Burgundians and the Armagnacs. The Burgundians, led by Philip the Bold
and John the Fearless (successive dukes of Burgundy), stood for a
policy of friendship with England, while the Armagnacs, comprising the
adherents of Charles, duke of Orleans, whose wife was a daughter of
the count of Armagnac, advocated the continuation of the war with the
English; though, in reality, the forces which kept the two factions
apart were jealousy and ambition rather than any mere question of
foreign relations. The way was prepared for a temporary Burgundian
triumph by the notable victory of the English at Agincourt in 1415 and
by the assassination of John the Fearless at Paris in 1419, which made
peace impossible and drove the Burgundians openly into the arms of the
English. Philip the Good, the new duke of Burgundy, became the avowed
ally of the English king Henry V., who since 1417 had been slowly but
surely conquering Normandy and now had the larger portion of it in his
possession. Philip recognized Henry as the true heir to the French
throne and in 1419 concluded with him two distinct treaties on that
basis. Charles VI., the reigning king of France, was mentally
unbalanced and the queen, who bitterly hated the Armagnacs (with whom
her son, the Dauphin Charles, was actively identified), was easily
persuaded by Duke Philip to acquiesce in a treaty by which the
succession should be vested in the English king upon the death of
Charles VI. The result was the treaty of Troyes, signed May 21, 1420.
According to agreements already entered into by Philip and Henry, the
latter was to marry Catherine, daughter of Charles VI. (the marriage
was not mentioned in the treaty of Troyes, but it was clearly
assumed), and he was to act as regent of France until Charles VI.'s
death and then become king in his own name. Most of the thirty-one
articles of the treaty were taken up with a definition of Henry's
position and obligations as regent and prospective sovereign of
France.
In due time the marriage of Henry and Catherine took place and Henry
assumed the regency, though the Armagnacs, led by the Dauphin, refused
absolutely to accept the settlement. War broke out, in the course of
which (in 1422) Henry V. died and was succeeded by his infant son,
Henry VI. In the same year Charles VI. also died, which meant that the
young Henry would become king of France. With such a prospect the
future of the country looked dark. Nevertheless, the death of Charles
VI. and of Henry V. came in reality as a double blessing. Henry V.
might long have kept the French in subjection and his position as
Charles VI.'s son-in-law gave him some real claim to rule in France.
But with the field cleared, as it was in 1422, opportunity was given
for the Dauphin Charles (Charles VII.) to retrieve the fallen fortunes
of his country--a task which, with more or less energy and skill, he
managed in the long run to accomplish.
Sources--(a) Text in Eugene Cosneau, _Les Grands Traites de la
Guerre de Cent Ans_ ["The Great Treaties of the Hundred Years'
War"], Paris, 1889, pp. 39-68 _passim_.
(b) Text in Cosneau, _ibid._ pp. 102-115 _passim_.
[Sidenote: Territories conceded to the English by the treaty
of Bretigny]
(a)
=1.= The king of England shall hold for himself and his heirs, for
all time to come, in addition to that which he holds in Guienne and
Gascony, all the possessions which are enumerated below, to be held
in the same manner that the king of France and his sons, or any of
their ancestors, have held them....[594]
=7.= And likewise the said king and his eldest son[595] shall give
order, by their letters patent to all archbishops and other
prelates of the holy Church, and also to counts, viscounts, barons,
nobles, citizens, and others of the cities, lands, countries,
islands, and places before mentioned, that they shall be obedient
to the king of England and to his heirs and at their ready command,
in the same manner in which they have been obedient to the kings
and to the crown of France. And by the same letters they shall
liberate and absolve them from all homage, pledges, oaths,
obligations, subjections, and promises made by any of them to the
kings and to the crown of France in any manner.
=13.= It is agreed that the king of France shall pay to the king of
England three million gold crowns, of which two are worth an obol
of English money.[596]
[Sidenote: Provision regarding alliances]
=30.= It is agreed that honest alliances, friendships, and
confederations shall be formed by the two kings of France and
England and their kingdoms, not repugnant to the honor or the
conscience of one king or the other. No alliances which they have,
on this side or that, with any person of Scotland or Flanders, or
any other country, shall be allowed to stand in the way.[597]
[Sidenote: The Treaty of Troyes fixes the succession upon Henry V]
(b)
=6.= After our death,[598] and from that time forward, the crown
and kingdom of France, with all their rights and appurtenances,
shall be vested permanently in our son [son-in-law], King Henry,
and his heirs.
=7.= ... The power and authority to govern and to control the
public affairs of the said kingdom shall, during our life-time, be
vested in our son, King Henry, with the advice of the nobles and
the wise men who are obedient to us, and who have consideration for
the advancement and honor of the said kingdom....
[Sidenote: Henry's title]
=22.= It is agreed that during our life-time we shall designate our
son, King Henry, in the French language in this fashion, _Notre
tres cher fils Henri, roi d'Angleterre, heritier de France_; and in
the Latin language in this manner, _Noster praecarissimus filius
Henricus, rex Angliae, heres Franciae_.
[Sidenote: Union of France and England to be through the crown
only]
=24.= ... [It is agreed] that the two kingdoms shall be governed
from the time that our said son, or any of his heirs, shall assume
the crown, not divided between different kings at the same time,
but under one person, who shall be king and sovereign lord of both
kingdoms, observing all pledges and all other things, to each
kingdom its rights, liberties or customs, usages and laws, not
submitting in any manner one kingdom to the other.[599]
=29.= In consideration of the frightful and astounding crimes and
misdeeds committed against the kingdom of France by Charles, the
said Dauphin, it is agreed that we, our son Henry, and also our
very dear son Philip, duke of Burgundy, will never treat for peace
or amity with the said Charles.[600]
FOOTNOTES:
[565] This is the title employed by Thomas Johnes in his translation
of the work a hundred years ago. Froissart himself called his book, in
the French of his day, _Chroniques de France, d'Engleterre, d'Escoce,
de Bretaigne, d'Espaigne, d'Italie, de Flandres et d'Alemaigne_.
[566] Philip IV., king of France, 1285-1314.
[567] Isabella was the wife of Edward II., who reigned in England from
1307 until his deposition in 1327.
[568] Louis X. (the Quarrelsome) reigned 1314-1316; Philip V. (the
Long), 1316-1322; and Charles IV. (the Fair), 1322-1328. Louis and
Charles were very weak kings, though Philip was vigorous and able.
[569] The French Court of Twelve Peers did not constitute a distinct
organization, but was merely a high rank of baronage. In the earlier
Middle Ages, the number of peers was generally twelve, including the
most powerful lay vassals of the king and certain influential
prelates. In later times the number was frequently increased by the
creation of peers by the crown.
[570] In 1317, after the accession of Philip IV., an assembly of
French magnates (such as that which disposed of the crown in 1328)
laid down the general rule that no woman should succeed to the throne
of France. This rule has come to be known as the Salic Law of France,
though it has no historical connection with the law of the Salian
Franks against female inheritance of property, with which older
writers have generally confused it [see p. 67, note 1]. The rule of
1317 was based purely on grounds of political expediency. It was
announced at this particular time because the death of Louis X. had
left France without a male heir to the throne for the first time since
Hugh Capet's day and the barons thought it not best for the realm that
a woman reign over it. Between 1316 and 1328 daughters of kings were
excluded from the succession three times, and though in 1328, when
Charles IV. died, there had been no farther legislation on the
subject, the principle of the misnamed Salic Law had become firmly
established in practice. In 1328, however, when the barons selected
Philip of Valois to be regent first and then king, they went a step
farther and declared not only that no woman should be allowed to
inherit the throne of France but that the inheritance could not pass
through a woman to her son; in other words, she could not transmit to
her descendants a right which she did not herself possess. This was
intended to cover any future case such as that of Edward III.'s claim
to inherit through his mother Isabella, daughter of Philip IV. The
action of the barons was supported by public opinion in practically
all France--especially since it appeared that only through this
expedient could the realm be saved from the domination of an alien
sovereign.
[571] Philip of Valois was a son of Charles of Valois, who was a
brother of Philip IV. The line of direct Capetian descent was now
replaced by the branch line of the Valois. The latter occupied the
French throne until the death of Henry III. in 1589.
[572] James van Arteveld, a brewer of Ghent, was the leader of the
popular party in Flanders--the party which hated French influence,
which had expelled the count of Flanders on account of his services to
Philip VI., and which was the most valuable English ally on the
continent. Arteveld was murdered in 1345 during the civil discord
which prevailed in Flanders throughout the earlier part of the Hundred
Years' War.
[573] These were towns situated near the Franco-Flemish frontier. They
had been lost by Flanders to France and assistance in their recovery
was rightly considered by the German advisers of Edward as likely to
be more tempting to the Flemish than any other offer he could make
them.
[574] That is, the papal court.
[575] Robert of Artois was a prince who had not a little to do with
the outbreak of the Hundred Years' War. After having lost a suit for
the inheritance of the county of Artois (the region about the Somme
River) and having been proved guilty of fabricating documents to
support his claims, he had fled to England and there as an exile had
employed every resource to influence Edward to claim the French throne
and to go to war to secure it.
[576] In northeastern Flanders.
[577] That is, June 23. The English fleet was composed of two hundred
and fifty vessels, carrying 11,000 archers and 4,000 men-at-arms.
[578] Edward III.'s queen was Philippa, daughter of the count of
Hainault.
[579] In reality, until five o'clock in the evening, or about nine
hours in all.
[580] The tide of battle was finally turned in favor of the English by
the arrival of reinforcements in the shape of a squadron of Flemish
vessels. The contest was not so one-sided or the French defeat so
complete as Froissart represents, yet it was decisive enough, as is
indicated by the fact that only thirty of the French ships survived
and 20,000 French and Genoese were slain or taken prisoners, as
against an English loss of about 10,000.
[581] June 24, 1340.
[582] As appears from Froissart's account (see p. 431), the king, on
the advice of some of his knights, decided at one time to postpone the
attack until the following day; but, the army falling into hopeless
confusion and coming up unintentionally within sight of the English,
he recklessly gave the order to advance to immediate combat. Perhaps,
however, it is only fair to place the blame upon the system which made
the army so unmanageable, rather than upon the king personally.
[583] That is, the plain east of the village of Crecy.
[584] The king's eldest son, Edward, generally known as the Black
Prince.
[585] Abbeville was on the Somme about fifteen miles south of Crecy.
[586] This incident very well illustrates the confusion and lack of
discipline prevailing in a typical feudal army.
[587] Edward, the Black Prince, eldest son of the English king.
[588] The Emperor Henry VII., 1308-1314.
[589] Sir Thomas Norwich.
[590] Limoges, besieged by the duke of Berry and the great French
general, Bertrand du Guesclin, had just been forced to surrender. It
was a very important town and its capture was the occasion of much
elation among the French. Treaties were entered into between the duke
of Berry on the one hand and the bishop and citizens of Limoges on the
other, whereby the inhabitants recognized the sovereignty of the
French king. It was the news of this surrender that so angered the
Black Prince.
[591] A force of 3,200 men was led by the Black Prince from the town
of Cognac to undertake the siege of Limoges. Froissart here enumerates
a large number of notable knights who went with the expedition.
[592] The Limousin was a district in south central France, southeast
of Poitou.
[593] Limoges was now in the hands of three commanders representing
the French king. Their names were John de Villemur, Hugh de la Roche,
and Roger de Beaufort.
[594] Here follows a minute enumeration of the districts, towns, and
castles conceded to the English. The most important were Poitou,
Limousin, Rouergne, and Saintonge in the south, and Calais, Guines,
and Ponthieu in the north.
[595] That is, King John II. and the regent Charles.
[596] The enormous ransom thus specified for King John was never paid.
The three million gold crowns would have a purchasing power of perhaps
forty or forty-five million dollars to-day. On the strength of the
treaty provision John was immediately released from captivity. With
curious disregard of the bad conditions prevailing in France as the
result of foreign and civil war he began preparations for a crusade,
which, however, he was soon forced to abandon. In 1364, attracted by
the gayety of English life as contrasted with the wretchedness and
gloom of his impoverished subjects, he went voluntarily to England,
where he died before the festivities in honor of his coming were
completed.
[597] Throughout the Hundred Years' War the English had maintained
close relations with the Flemish enemies of France, just as France, in
defiance of English opposition, had kept up her traditional friendship
with Scotland. The treaty of Bretigny provided for a mutual reshaping
of foreign policy, to the end that these obstacles to peace might be
removed.
[598] That is, the death of King Charles VI.
[599] France was not to be dealt with as conquered territory. This
article comprises the only important provision in the treaty for
safeguarding the interests of the French people.
[600] Charles VI., Henry V., and Philip the Good bind themselves not
to come to any sort of terms with the Dauphin, which compact reveals
the irreconcilable attitude characteristic of the factional and
dynastic struggles of the period. Chapter 6 of the treaty disinherits
the Dauphin; chapter 29 proclaims him an enemy of France.