CONCLUSION OF GENERAL JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION.
The enemies of popular representative government may suppose that
they find something in this work to justify the reproach of faction
and violence which they lavish upon such forms of government; but
it will be by committing the mistake of overlooking the broad
features of a picture to find a blemish in the detail--disregarding
a statesman's life to find a misstep; and shutting their eyes
upon the action of the people. The mistakes and errors of public
men are fairly shown in this work; and that might seem to justify
the reproach: but the action of the people is immediately seen
to come in, to correct every error, and to show the capacity of
the people for wise and virtuous government. It would be tedious
to enumerate the instances of this conservative supervision, so
continually exemplified in the course of this history; but some
eminent cases stand out too prominently to be overlooked. The
recharter of the Bank of the United States was a favorite measure
with politicians; the people rejected it; and the wisdom of their
conduct is now universally admitted. The distribution of land
and money was a favorite measure with politicians; the people
condemned it and no one of those engaged in these distributions
ever attained the presidency. President Jackson, in his last
annual message to Congress, and in direct reference to this
conservative action of the people, declared "that all that had
occurred during his administration was calculated to inspire him
with increased confidence in the stability of our institutions."
I make the same declaration, founded upon the same view of the
conduct of the people--upon the observation of their conduct in
trying circumstances; and their uniform discernment to see, and
virtue and patriotism to do, whatever the honor and interest of the
country required. The work is full of consolation and encouragement
to popular government; and in that point of view it may be safely
referred to by the friends of that form of government. I have
written veraciously and of acts, not of motives. I have shown a
persevering attack upon President Jackson on the part of three
eminent public men during his whole administration; but have made
no attribution of motives. But another historian has not been so
forbearing--one to whose testimony there can be no objection, either
on account of bias, judgment, or information; and who, writing
under the responsibility of history, has indicated a motive in two
of the assailants. Mr. Adams, in his history of the administration
of Mr. Monroe, gives an account of the attempt in the two Houses
of Congress in 1818, to censure General Jackson for his conduct
in the Seminole war, and says: "Efforts were made in Congress to
procure a vote censuring the conduct of General Jackson, whose fast
increasing popularity had, in all probability, already excited
the envy of politicians. Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun in particular
favored this movement; but the President himself, and Mr. Adams,
the Secretary of State, who had charge of the Spanish negotiation,
warmly espoused the cause of the American commander." This fear of
a rising popularity was not without reason. There were proposals to
bring General Jackson forward for the presidency in 1816, and in
1820; to which he would not listen, on account of his friendship to
Mr. Monroe. A refusal to enter the canvass at those periods, and
for that reason, naturally threw him into it in 1824, when he would
come into competition with those two gentlemen. Their opposition
to him, therefore, dates back to the first term of Mr. Monroe's
administration; that of Mr. Clay openly and responsibly; that of Mr.
Calhoun secretly and deceptiously, as shown in the "Exposition."
They were both of the same political party school with General
Jackson; and it was probably his rising to the head of that party
which threw them both out of it. Mr. Webster's opposition arose from
his political relations, as belonging to the opposite school; and
was always more moderate, and better guarded by decorum. He even
appeared, sometimes, as the justifier and supporter of President
Jackson's measures; as in the well-known instance of South Carolina
nullification. Mr. Clay's efforts were limited to the overthrow of
President Jackson; Mr. Calhoun's extended to the overthrow of the
Union, and to the establishment of a southern confederacy of the
slave States. The subsequent volume will have to pursue this subject.
This chapter ends the view of the administration of President
Jackson, promised to him in his lifetime, constituting an entire
work in itself, and covering one of the most eventful periods of
American history--as trying to the virtue and intelligence of the
American people as was the war of the revolution to their courage
and patriotism.