CHAPTER CXXXIII.

FRENCH INDEMNITIES: BRITISH MEDIATION: INDEMNITIES PAID.

The message of the President in relation to French affairs had been

referred to the Senate's committee on foreign relations, and before

any report had been received from that committee a further message

was received from the President informing the Senate that Great

Britain had offered her friendly mediation between the United States

and France--that it had been accepted by the governments both of

France and the United States; and recommending a suspension of all

retaliatory measures against France; but a vigorous prosecution of

the national works of general and permanent defence. The message

also stated that the mediation had been accepted on the part of

the United States with a careful reservation of the points in the

controversy which involved the honor of the country, and which

admitted of no compromise--a reservation which, in the vocabulary

of General Jackson, was equivalent to saying that the indemnities

must be paid, and no apologies made. And such in fact was the case.

Within a month from the date of that message the four instalments

of the indemnities then due, wore fully paid and without waiting

for any action on the part of the mediator. In communicating the

offer of the British mediation the President expressed his high

appreciation of the "elevated and disinterested motives of that

offer." The motives were, in fact, both elevated and disinterested;

and presents one of those noble spectacles in the conduct of nations

on which history loves to dwell. France and the United States had

fought together against Great Britain; now Great Britain steps

between France and the United States to prevent them from fighting

each other. George the Third received the combined attacks of

French and Americans; his son, William the Fourth, interposes to

prevent their arms from being turned against each other. It was

a noble intervention, and a just return for the good work of the

Emperor Alexander in offering his mediation between the United

States and Great Britain--good works these peace mediations, and as

nearly divine as humanity can reach;--worthy of all praise, of long

remembrance, and continual imitation;--the more so in this case of

the British mediation when the event to be prevented would have been

so favorable to British interests--would have thrown the commerce

of the United States and of France into her hands, and enriched her

at the expense of both. Happily the progress of the age which, in

cultivating good will among nations, elevates great powers above

all selfishness, and permits no unfriendly recollection--no selfish

calculation--to balk the impulsions of a noble philanthropy.

I have made a copious chapter upon the subject of this episodical

controversy with France--more full, it might seem, than the subject

required, seeing its speedy and happy termination: but not without

object. Instructive lessons result from this history; both from the

French and American side of it. The wrong to the United States came

from the French chamber of deputies--from the opposition part of it,

composed of the two extremes of republicans and legitimists, deadly

hostile to each other, but combined in any attempt to embarrass

a king whom both wished to destroy: and this French opposition

inflamed the question there. In the United States there was also

an opposition, composed of two, lately hostile parties (the modern

whigs and the southern dissatisfied democracy); and this opposition,

dominant in the Senate, and frustrating the President's measures,

gave encouragement to the French opposition: and the two together,

brought their respective countries to the brink of war. The two

oppositions are responsible for the hostile attitude to which the

two countries were brought. That this is not a harsh opinion, nor

without foundation, may be seen by the history which is given of the

case in the chapter dedicated to it; and if more is wanting, it may

be found in the recorded debates of the day; in which things were

said which were afterwards regretted; and which, being regretted,

the author of this View has no desire to repeat:--the instructive

lesson of history which he wishes to inculcate, being complete

without the exhumation of what ought to remain buried. Nor can

the steadiness and firmness of President Jackson be overlooked in

this reflective view. In all the aspects of the French question

he remained inflexible in his demand for justice, and in his

determination, so far as it depended upon him to have it. In his

final message, communicating to congress the conclusion of the

affair, he gracefully associated congress with himself in their

joy at the restoration of the ancient cordial relations between

two countries, of ancient friendship, which misconceptions had

temporarily alienated from each other.

Thirty Years' View (Vol. 1 of 2) or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850 · 第 133 / 166 章