FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE OF PRESIDENT JACKSON AFTER HIS SECOND ELECTION.
This must have been an occasion of great and honest exultation
to General Jackson--a re-election after a four years' trial of
his administration, over an opposition so formidable, and after
having assumed responsibilities so vast, and by a majority so
triumphant--and his message directed to the same members, who, four
months before, had been denouncing his measures, and consigning
himself to popular condemnation. He doubtless enjoyed a feeling
of elation when drawing up that message, and had a right to the
enjoyment; but no symptom of that feeling appeared in the message
itself, which, abstaining from all reference to the election, wholly
confined itself to business topics, and in the subdued style of
a business paper. Of the foreign relations he was able to give
a good, and therefore, a brief account; and proceeding quickly
to our domestic affairs gave to each head of these concerns a
succinct consideration. The state of the finances, and the public
debt, claimed his first attention. The receipts from the customs
were stated at twenty-eight millions of dollars--from the lands
at two millions--the payments on account of the public debt at
eighteen millions;--and the balance remaining to be paid at seven
millions--to which the current income would be more than adequate
notwithstanding an estimated reduction of three or four millions
from the customs in consequence of reduced duties at the preceding
session. He closed this head with the following view of the success
of his administration in extinguishing a national debt, and his
congratulations to Congress on the auspicious and rare event:
"I cannot too cordially congratulate Congress and my
fellow-citizens on the near approach of that memorable and happy
event, the extinction of the public debt of this great and
free nation. Faithful to the wise and patriotic policy marked
out by the legislation of the country for this object, the
present administration has devoted to it all the means which
a flourishing commerce has supplied, and a prudent economy
preserved, for the public treasury. Within the four years for
which the people have confided the executive power to my charge,
fifty-eight millions of dollars will have been applied to the
payment of the public debt. That this has been accomplished
without stinting the expenditures for all other proper objects,
will be seen by referring to the liberal provision made, during
the same period, for the support and increase of our means of
maritime and military defence, for internal improvements of a
national character, for the removal and preservation of the
Indians and, lastly, for the gallant veterans of the Revolution."
To the gratifying fact of the extinction of the debt, General
Jackson wished to add the substantial benefit of release from the
burthens which it imposed--an object desirable in itself, and to
all the States, and particularly to those of the South, greatly
dissatisfied with the burthens of the tariff, and with the large
expenditures which took place in other quarters of the Union.
Sixteen millions of dollars, he stated to be the outlay of the
federal government for all objects exclusive of the public debt; so
that ten millions might be subject to reduction: and this to be
effected so as to retain a protecting duty in favor of the articles
essential to our defence and comfort in time of war. On this point
he said:
"Those who take an enlarged view of the condition of our
country, must be satisfied that the policy of protection must
be ultimately limited to those articles of domestic manufacture
which are indispensable to our safety in time of war. Within
this scope, on a reasonable scale, it is recommended by every
consideration of patriotism and duty, which will doubtless
always secure to it a liberal and efficient support. But beyond
this object, we have already seen the operation of the system
productive of discontent. In some sections of the republic, its
influence is deprecated as tending to concentrate wealth into a
few hands, and as creating those germs of dependence and vice
which, in other countries, have characterized the existence of
monopolies, and proved so destructive of liberty and the general
good. A large portion of the people, in one section of the
republic, declares it not only inexpedient on these grounds, but
as disturbing the equal relations of property by legislation,
and therefore unconstitutional and unjust."
On the subject of the public lands his recommendations were brief
and clear, and embraced the subject at the two great points which
distinguish the statesman's view from that of a mere politician. He
looked at them under the great aspect of settlement and cultivation,
and the release of the new States from the presence of a great
foreign landholder within their limits. The sale of the salable
parts to actual settlers at what they cost the United States, and
the cession of the unsold parts within a reasonable time to the
States in which they lie, was his wise recommendation; and thus
expressed:
"It seems to me to be our true policy that the public lands
shall cease as soon as practicable, to be a source of revenue,
and that they be sold to settlers in limited parcels, at a price
barely sufficient to reimburse to the United States the expense
of the present system, and the cost arising under our Indian
compacts. The advantages of accurate surveys and undoubted
titles, now secured to purchasers, seem to forbid the abolition
of the present system, because none can be substituted which
will more perfectly accomplish these important ends. It is
desirable, however, that, in convenient time, this machinery
be withdrawn from the States, and that the right of soil, and
the future disposition of it, be surrendered to the States,
respectively, in which it lies.
"The adventurous and hardy population of the West, besides
contributing their equal share of taxation under our impost
system, have, in this progress of our government, for the
lands they occupy, paid into the treasury a large proportion
of forty millions of dollars, and, of the revenue received
therefrom, but a small part has been expended amongst them.
When, to the disadvantage of their situation in this respect,
we add the consideration that it is their labor alone which
gives real value to the lands, and that the proceeds arising
from their sale are distributed chiefly among States which had
not originally any claim to them, and which have enjoyed the
undivided emolument arising from the sale of their own lands,
it cannot be expected that the new States will remain longer
contented with the present policy, after the payment of the
public debt. To avert the consequences which may be apprehended
from this cause, to put an end for ever to all partial and
interested legislation on the subject, and to afford to every
American citizen of enterprise, the opportunity of securing an
independent freehold, it seems to me, therefore, best to abandon
the idea of raising a future revenue out of the public lands."
These are the grounds upon which the members from the new States
should unite and stand. The Indian title has been extinguished
within their limits; the federal title should be extinguished
also. A stream of agriculturists is constantly pouring into their
bosom--many of them without the means of purchasing land--and to
all of them the whole of their means needed in its improvement and
cultivation. Donations then, or sales at barely reimbursing prices,
is the wise policy of the government; and a day should be fixed by
Congress in every State (regulated by the quantity of public land
within its limits), after which the surrender of the remainder
should take effect within the State; and the whole federal machinery
for the sale of the lands be withdrawn from it. In thus filling
the new States and Territories with independent landholders--with
men having a stake in the soil--the federal government would
itself be receiving, and that for ever, the two things of which
every government has need: namely, perennial revenue, and military
service. The cultivation of the lands would bring in well-regulated
revenue through the course of circulation, and, what Mr. Burke
calls, "the political secretions of the State." Their population
would be a perpetual army for the service of the country when
needed. It is the true and original defence of nations--the
incitement and reward for defence--a freehold, and arms to defend
it. It is a source of defence which preceded standing armies, and
should supersede them; and pre-eminently belongs to a republic,
and above all to the republic of the United States, so abounding
in the means of creating these defenders, and needing them so
much. To say nothing of nearer domains, there is the broad expanse
from the Mississippi to the Pacific ocean, all needing settlers
and defenders. Cover it with freeholders, and you have all the
defenders that are required--all that interior savages, or exterior
foreigners, could ever render necessary to appear in arms. In a mere
military point of view, and as assuring the cheap and efficient
defence of the nation, our border, and our distant public territory,
should be promptly covered with freehold settlers.
* * * * *
On the subject of the removal of the Indians, the message said:
"I am happy to inform you, that the wise and humane policy
of transferring from the eastern to the western side of the
Mississippi, the remnants of our aboriginal tribes, with their
own consent, and upon just terms, has been steadily pursued, and
is approaching, I trust, its consummation. By reference to the
report of the Secretary of War, and to the documents submitted
with it, you will see the progress which has been made since
your last session in the arrangement of the various matters
connected with our Indian relations. With one exception, every
subject involving any question of conflicting jurisdiction, or
of peculiar difficulty, has been happily disposed of, and the
conviction evidently gains ground among the Indians, that their
removal to the country assigned by the United States for their
permanent residence, furnishes the only hope of their ultimate
prosperity.
"With that portion of the Cherokees, however, living within the
State of Georgia, it has been found impracticable, as yet, to
make a satisfactory adjustment. Such was my anxiety to remove
all the grounds of complaint, and to bring to a termination the
difficulties in which they are involved, that I directed the
very liberal propositions to be made to them which accompany
the documents herewith submitted. They cannot but have seen in
these offers the evidence of the strongest disposition, on the
part of the government, to deal justly and liberally with them.
An ample indemnity was offered for their present possessions,
a liberal provision for their future support and improvement,
and full security for their private and political rights.
Whatever difference of opinion may have prevailed respecting
the just claims of these people, there will probably be none
respecting the liberality of the propositions, and very little
respecting the expediency of their immediate acceptance. They
were, however, rejected, and thus the position of these Indians
remains unchanged, as do the views communicated in my message to
the Senate, of February 22, 1831."
The President does not mention the obstacles which delayed the
humane policy of transferring the Indian tribes to the west of the
Mississippi, nor allude to the causes which prevented the remaining
Cherokees in Georgia from accepting the liberal terms offered
them, and joining the emigrated portion of their tribe on the
Arkansas; but these obstacles and causes were known to the public,
and the knowledge of them was carried into the parliamentary, the
legislative, and the judicial history of the country. These removals
were seized upon by party spirit as soon as General Jackson took
up the policy of his predecessors, and undertook to complete what
they had began. His injustice and tyranny to the Indians became a
theme of political party vituperation; and the South, and Georgia
especially, a new battle-field for political warfare. The extension
of her laws and jurisdiction over the part of her territory
still inhabited by a part of the Cherokees, was the signal for
concentrating upon that theatre the sympathies, and the interference
of politicians and of missionaries. Congress was appealed to;
and refused the intervention of its authority. The Supreme Court
was applied to to stay, by an injunction, the operation of the
laws of Georgia, on the Indian part of the State; and refused the
application, for want of jurisdiction of the question. It was
applied to to bring the case of the missionaries before itself,
and did so, reversing the judgment of the Georgia State Court, and
pronouncing one of its own; which was disregarded. It was applied
to to reverse the judgment in the case of Tassells, and the writ
of error was issued to bring up the case; and on the day appointed
Tassells was hanged. The missionaries were released as soon as they
ceased their appeals to the Supreme Court, and addressed themselves
to the Governor of Georgia, to whom belonged the pardoning power;
and the correspondence and communications which took place between
themselves and Governor Lumpkin showed that they were emissaries, as
well as missionaries, and acting a prescribed part for the "good of
the country"--as they expressed it. They came from the North, and
returned to it as soon as released. All Georgia was outraged, and
justly, at this political interference in her affairs, and this
intrusive philanthropy in behalf of Indians to whom she gave the
same protection as to her own citizens, and at these attempts, so
repeatedly made to bring her before the Supreme Court. Her governors
(Troup, Gilmer, and Lumpkin,) to whom it successively belonged to
represent the rights and dignity of the State, did so with firmness
and moderation; and, in the end, all her objects were attained,
and the interference and intrusion ceased; and the issue of the
presidential election rebuked the political and ecclesiastical
intermeddlers in her affairs.
A passage in the message startled the friends of the Bank of the
United States, and, in fact, took the public by surprise. It was
an intimation of the insolvency of the bank, and of the insecurity
of the public deposits therein; and a recommendation to have the
affairs of the institution thoroughly investigated. It was in these
terms:
"Such measures as are within the reach of the Secretary of
the Treasury have been taken to enable him to judge whether
the public deposits in that institution may be regarded as
entirely safe; but as his limited power may prove inadequate
to this object, I recommend the subject to the attention
of Congress, under the firm belief that it is worthy their
serious investigation. An inquiry into the transactions of the
institution, embracing the branches as well as the principal
bank, seems called for by the credit which is given throughout
the country to many serious charges impeaching its character,
and which, if true, may justly excite the apprehension that it
is no longer a safe depository of the money of the people."
This recommendation gave rise to proceedings in Congress, which will
be noted in their proper place. The intimation of insolvency was
received with scorn by the friends of the great corporation--with
incredulity by the masses--and with a belief that it was true
only by the few who closely observed the signs of the times, and
by those who confided in the sagacity and provident foresight of
Jackson (by no means inconsiderable either in number or judgment).
For my own part I had not suspicioned insolvency when I commenced
my opposition to the renewed charter; and was only brought to that
suspicion, and in fact, conviction, by seeing the flagrant manner in
which the institution resisted investigation, when proposed under
circumstances which rendered it obligatory to its honor; and which
could only be so resisted from a consciousness that, if searched,
something would be found worse than any thing charged. The only
circumstance mentioned by the President to countenance suspicion was
the conduct of the bank in relation to the payment of five millions
of the three per cent. stock, ordered to have been paid at the
bank in the October preceding (and where the money, according to
its returns, was in deposit); and instead of paying which the bank
secretly sent an agent to London to obtain delay from the creditors
for six, nine and twelve months; and even to purchase a part of the
stock on its account--which was done--and in clear violation of its
charter (which forbids the institution to traffic in the stocks of
the United States). This delay, with the insufficient and illegal
reason given for it (for no reason could be legal or sufficient
while admitting the money to be in her hands, and that which the
bank gave related to the cholera, and the ever-ready excuse of
accommodation to the public), could only be accounted for from an
inability to produce the funds; in other words, that while her
returns to the treasury admitted she had the money, the state of her
vaults showed that she had it not. This view was further confirmed
by her attempt to get a virtual loan to meet the payment, if delay
could not be obtained, or the stock purchased, in the application
to the London house of the Barings to draw upon it for the amount
uncovered by delay or by purchase.
But the salient passage in the message--the one which gave it a new
and broad emphasis in the public mind--was the part which related to
the attitude of South Carolina. The proceedings of that State had
now reached a point which commanded the attention of all America,
and could not be overlooked in the President's message. Organized
opposition, and forcible resistance to the laws, took their open
form; and brought up the question of the governmental enforcement of
these laws, or submission to their violation. The question made a
crisis; and the President thus brought the subject before Congress:
"It is my painful duty to state, that, in one quarter of the
United States, opposition to the revenue laws has risen to a
height which threatens to thwart their execution, if not to
endanger the integrity of the Union. Whatever obstructions
may be thrown in the way of the judicial authorities of the
general government, it is hoped they will be able, peaceably,
to overcome them by the prudence of their own officers, and
the patriotism of the people. But should this reasonable
reliance on the moderation and good sense of all portions of
our fellow-citizens be disappointed, it is believed that the
laws themselves are fully adequate to the suppression of such
attempts as may be immediately made. Should the exigency arise,
rendering the execution of the existing laws impracticable,
from any cause whatever, prompt notice of it will be given to
Congress, with the suggestion of such views and measures as may
be deemed necessary to meet it."
Nothing could be more temperate, subdued, and even conciliatory
than the tone and language of this indispensable notice. The
President could not avoid bringing the subject to the notice of
Congress; and could not have done it in a more unexceptionable
manner. His language was that of justice and mildness. The peaceful
administration of the laws were still relied upon, and if any
thing further became necessary he promised an immediate notice to
Congress. In the mean time, and in a previous part of his message,
he had shown his determination, so far as it depended on him, to
remove all just complaint of the burthens of the tariff by effecting
a reduction of many millions of the duties:--a dispensation
permitted by the extinction of the public debt within the current
year, and by the means already provided, and which would admit of an
abolition of ten to twelve millions of dollars of duties.