CHAPTER LVIII.

THE TWENTY-SECOND CONGRESS.

This body commenced its first session the 5th of December, 1831,

and terminated that session July 17th, 1832; and for this session

alone belongs to the most memorable in the annals of our government.

It was the one at which the great contest for the renewal of the

charter of the Bank of the United States was brought on, and

decided--enough of itself to entitle it to lasting remembrance,

though replete with other important measures. It embraced, in the

list of members of the two Houses, much shining talent, and a great

mass of useful ability, and among their names will be found many,

then most eminent in the Union, and others destined to become so.

The following are the names:

SENATE.

MAINE--John Holmes, Peleg Sprague.

NEW HAMPSHIRE--Samuel Bell, Isaac Hill.

MASSACHUSETTS--Daniel Webster, Nathaniel Silsbee.

RHODE ISLAND--Nehemiah R. Knight, Asher Robbins.

CONNECTICUT--Samuel A. Foot, Gideon Tomlinson.

VERMONT--Horatio Seymour, Samuel Prentiss.

NEW-YORK--Charles E. Dudley, Wm. Marcy.

NEW JERSEY--M. Dickerson, Theodore Frelinghuysen.

PENNSYLVANIA--Geo. M. Dallas, Wm. Wilkins.

DELAWARE--John M. Clayton, Arnold Naudain.

MARYLAND--E. F. Chambers, Samuel Smith.

VIRGINIA--Littleton W. Tazewell, John Tyler.

NORTH CAROLINA--B. Brown, W. P. Mangum.

SOUTH CAROLINA--Robert Y. Hayne, S. D. Miller.

GEORGIA--George M. Troup, John Forsyth.

KENTUCKY--George M. Bibb, Henry Clay.

TENNESSEE--Felix Grundy, Hugh L. White.

OHIO--Benjamin Ruggles, Thomas Ewing.

LOUISIANA--J. S. Johnston, Geo. A. Waggaman.

INDIANA--William Hendricks, Robert Hanna.

MISSISSIPPI--Powhatan Ellis, Geo. Poindexter.

ILLINOIS--Elias K. Kane, John M. Robinson.

ALABAMA--William R. King, Gabriel Moore.

MISSOURI--Thomas H. Benton, Alex. Buckner.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

From MAINE--John Anderson, James Bates, George Evans, Cornelius

Holland, Leonard Jarvis, Edward Kavanagh, Rufus McIntire.

NEW HAMPSHIRE--John Brodhead, Thomas Chandler, Joseph Hammons,

Henry Hubbard, Joseph M. Harper, John W. Weeks.

MASSACHUSETTS--John Quincy Adams, Nathan Appleton, Isaac C.

Bates, George N. Briggs, Rufus Choate, Henry A. S. Dearborn,

John Davis, Edward Everett, George Grennell, jun., James L.

Hodges, Joseph G. Kendall, John Reed. (_One vacancy._)

RHODE ISLAND--Tristam Burgess, Dutee J. Pearce.

CONNECTICUT--Noyes Barber, William W. Ellsworth, Jabez W.

Huntington, Ralph I. Ingersoll, William L. Storrs, Ebenezer

Young.

VERMONT--Heman Allen, William Cahoon, Horace Everett, Jonathan

Hunt, William Slade.

NEW YORK--William G. Angel, Gideon H. Barstow, Joseph Bouck,

William Babcock, John T. Bergen, John C. Brodhead, Samuel

Beardsley, John A. Collier, Bates Cooke, C. C. Cambreleng,

John Dickson, Charles Dayan, Ulysses F. Doubleday, William

Hogan, Michael Hoffman, Freeborn G. Jewett, John King, Gerrit

Y. Lansing, James Lent, Job Pierson, Nathaniel Pitcher, Edmund

H. Pendleton, Edward C. Reed, Erastus Root, Nathan Soule, John

W. Taylor, Phineas L. Tracy, Gulian C. Verplanck, Frederic

Whittlesey, Samuel J. Wilkin, Grattan H. Wheeler, Campbell P.

White, Aaron Ward, Daniel Wardwell.

NEW JERSEY--Lewis Condict, Silas Condict, Richard M. Cooper,

Thomas H. Hughes, James Fitz Randolph, Isaac Southard.

PENNSYLVANIA--Robert Allison, John Banks, George Burd, John

C. Bucher, Thomas H. Crawford, Richard Coulter, Harmar Denny,

Lewis Dewart, Joshua Evans, James Ford, John Gilmore, William

Heister, Henry Horn, Peter Ihrie, jun., Adam King, Henry King,

Joel K. Mann, Robert McCoy, Henry A. Muhlenberg, T. M. McKennan,

David Potts, jun., Andrew Stewart, Samuel A. Smith, Philander

Stephens, Joel B. Sutherland, John G. Watmough.

DELAWARE--John J. Milligan.

MARYLAND--Benjamin C. Howard, Daniel Jenifer, John L. Kerr,

George E. Mitchell, Benedict I. Semmes, John S. Spence, Francis

Thomas, George C. Washington, J. T. H. Worthington.

VIRGINIA--Mark Alexander, Robert Allen, William S. Archer,

William Armstrong, John S. Barbour, Thomas T. Bouldin,

Nathaniel H. Claiborne, Robert Craig, Joseph W. Chinn, Richard

Coke, jun., Thomas Davenport, Philip Doddridge, Wm. F. Gordon,

Charles C. Johnston, John Y. Mason, Lewis Maxwell, Charles F.

Mercer, William McCoy, Thomas Newton, John M. Patton, John J.

Roane, Andrew Stevenson.

NORTH CAROLINA--Dan'l L. Barringer, Laughlin Bethune, John

Branch, Samuel P. Carson, Henry W. Conner, Thomas H. Hall,

Micajah T. Hawkins, James J. McKay, Abraham Rencher, William B.

Shepard, Augustine H. Shepperd, Jesse Speight, Lewis Williams.

SOUTH CAROLINA--Robert W. Barnwell, Jas. Blair, Warren R. Davis,

William Drayton, John M. Felder, J. R. Griffin, Thomas R.

Mitchell, George McDuffie, Wm. T. Nuckolls.

GEORGIA--Thomas F. Foster, Henry G. Lamar, Daniel Newnan, Wiley

Thompson, Richard H. Wilde, James M. Wayne. (One vacancy.)

KENTUCKY--John Adair, Chilton Allan, Henry Daniel, Nathan

Gaither, Albert G. Hawes, R. M. Johnson, Joseph Lecompte,

Chittenden Lyon, Robert P. Letcher, Thomas A. Marshall,

Christopher Tompkins, Charles A. Wickliffe.

TENNESSEE--Thomas D. Arnold, John Bell, John Blair, William

Fitzgerald, William Hall, Jacob C. Isacks, Cave Johnson, James

K. Polk, James Standifer.

OHIO--Joseph H. Crane, Eleutheros Cooke, William Creighton,

jun., Thomas Corwin, James Findlay, William W. Irwin, William

Kennon, Humphrey H. Leavitt, William Russel, William Stanberry,

John Thomson, Joseph Vance, Samuel F. Vinton, Elisha Whittlesey.

LOUISIANA--H. A. Bullard, Philemon Thomas, Edward D. White.

INDIANA--Ratliff Boon, John Carr, Jonathan McCarty.

MISSISSIPPI--Franklin E. Plummer.

ILLINOIS--Joseph Duncan.

ALABAMA--Clement C. Clay, Dixon H. Lewis, Samuel W. Mardis.

MISSOURI--William H. Ashley.

DELEGATES.

MICHIGAN--Austin E. Wing.

ARKANSAS--Ambrose H. Sevier.

FLORIDA--Joseph M. White.

Andrew Stevenson, Esq., of Virginia, was re-elected speaker; and

both branches of the body being democratic, they were organized, in

a party sense, as favorable to the administration, although the most

essential of the committees, when the Bank question unexpectedly

sprung up, were found to be on the side of that institution. In

his message to the two Houses, the President presented a condensed

and general view of our relations, political and commercial, with

foreign nations, from which the leading passages are here given:

"After our transition from the state of colonies to that of

an independent nation, many points were found necessary to

be settled between us and Great Britain. Among them was the

demarcation of boundaries, not described with sufficient

precision in the treaty of peace. Some of the lines that

divide the States and territories of the United States from

the British provinces, have been definitively fixed. That,

however, which separates us from the provinces of Canada and

New Brunswick to the North and the East, was still in dispute

when I came into office. But I found arrangements made for its

settlement, over which I had no control. The commissioners who

had been appointed under the provisions of the treaty of Ghent,

having been unable to agree, a convention was made with Great

Britain by my immediate predecessor in office, with the advice

and consent of the Senate, by which it was agreed 'that the

points of difference which have arisen in the settlement of the

boundary line between the American and British dominions, as

described in the fifth article of the treaty of Ghent, shall be

referred, as therein provided, to some friendly sovereign or

State, who shall be invited to investigate, and make a decision

upon such points of difference:' and the King of the Netherlands

having, by the late President and his Britannic Majesty, been

designated as such friendly sovereign, it became my duty to

carry, with good faith, the agreement, so made, into full

effect. To this end I caused all the measures to be taken which

were necessary to a full exposition of our case to the sovereign

arbiter; and nominated as minister plenipotentiary to his court,

a distinguished citizen of the State most interested in the

question, and who had been one of the agents previously employed

for settling the controversy. On the 10th day of January last,

His Majesty the King of the Netherlands delivered to the

plenipotentiaries of the United States, and of Great Britain,

his written opinion on the case referred to him. The papers

in relation to the subject will be communicated, by a special

message, to the proper branch of the government, with the

perfect confidence that its wisdom will adopt such measures as

will secure an amicable settlement of the controversy, without

infringing any constitutional right of the States immediately

interested.

"In my message at the opening of the last session of Congress,

I expressed a confident hope that the justice of our claims

upon France, urged as they were with perseverance and signal

ability by our minister there, would finally be acknowledged.

This hope has been realized. A treaty has been signed, which

will immediately be laid before the Senate for its approbation;

and which, containing stipulations that require legislative

acts, must have the concurrence of both Houses before it can be

carried into effect.

"Should this treaty receive the proper sanction, a source of

irritation will be stopped, that has, for so many years, in some

degree alienated from each other two nations who, from interest

as well as the remembrance of early associations, ought to

cherish the most friendly relations--an encouragement will be

given for perseverance in the demands of justice, by this new

proof, that, if steadily pursued, they will be listened to--and

admonition will be offered to those powers, if any, which may be

inclined to evade them, that they will never be abandoned. Above

all, a just confidence will be inspired in our fellow-citizens,

that their government will exert all the powers with which they

have invested it, in support of their just claims upon foreign

nations; at the same time that the frank acknowledgment and

provision for the payment of those which were addressed to our

equity, although unsupported by legal proof, affords a practical

illustration of our submission to the Divine rule of doing to

others what we desire they should do unto us.

"Sweden and Denmark having made compensation for the

irregularities committed by their vessels, or in their ports, to

the perfect satisfaction of the parties concerned, and having

renewed the treaties of commerce entered into with them, our

political and commercial relations with those powers continue to

be on the most friendly footing.

"With Spain, our differences up to the 22d of February, 1819,

were settled by the treaty of Washington of that date; but,

at a subsequent period, our commerce with the states formerly

colonies of Spain, on the continent of America, was annoyed and

frequently interrupted by her public and private armed ships.

They captured many of our vessels prosecuting a lawful commerce,

and sold them and their cargoes; and at one time, to our demands

for restoration and indemnity, opposed the allegation, that

they were taken in the violation of a blockade of all the ports

of those states. This blockade was declaratory only, and the

inadequacy of the force to maintain it was so manifest, that

this allegation was varied to a charge of trade in contraband

of war. This, in its turn, was also found untenable; and

the minister whom I sent with instructions to press for the

reparation that was due to our injured fellow-citizens, has

transmitted an answer to his demand, by which the captures

are declared to have been legal, and are justified because

the independence of the states of America never having been

acknowledged by Spain, she had a right to prohibit trade with

them under her old colonial laws. This ground of defence was

contradictory, not only to those which had been formerly

alleged, but to the uniform practice and established laws

of nations; and had been abandoned by Spain herself in the

convention which granted indemnity to British subjects for

captures made at the same time, under the same circumstances,

and for the same allegations with those of which we complain.

"I, however, indulge the hope that further reflection will lead

to other views, and feel confident, that when his Catholic

Majesty shall be convinced of the justice of the claim, his

desire to preserve friendly relations between the two countries,

which it is my earnest endeavor to maintain, will induce him

to accede to our demand. I have therefore dispatched a special

messenger, with instructions to our minister to bring the case

once more to his consideration; to the end that if, which I

cannot bring myself to believe, the same decision, that cannot

but be deemed an unfriendly denial of justice, should be

persisted in, the matter may, before your adjournment, be laid

before you, the constitutional judges of what is proper to be

done when negotiation for redress of injury fails.

"The conclusion of a treaty for indemnity with France, seemed

to present a favorable opportunity to renew our claims of a

similar nature on other powers, and particularly in the case of

those upon Naples; more especially as, in the course of former

negotiations with that power, our failure to induce France

to render us justice was used as an argument against us. The

desires of the merchants who were the principal sufferers, have

therefore been acceded to, and a mission has been instituted for

the special purpose of obtaining for them a reparation already

too long delayed. This measure having been resolved on, it was

put in execution without waiting for the meeting of Congress,

because the state of Europe created an apprehension of events

that might have rendered our application ineffectual.

"Our demands upon the government of the Two Sicilies are of a

peculiar nature. The injuries on which they are founded are

not denied, nor are the atrocity and perfidy under which those

injuries were perpetrated attempted to be extenuated. The sole

ground on which indemnity has been refused is the alleged

illegality of the tenure by which the monarch who made the

seizures held his crown. This defence, always unfounded in any

principle of the law of nations--now universally abandoned, even

by those powers upon whom the responsibility for acts of past

rulers bore the most heavily, will unquestionably be given up

by his Sicilian Majesty, whose counsels will receive an impulse

from that high sense of honor and regard to justice which are

said to characterize him; and I feel the fullest confidence that

the talents of the citizen commissioned for that purpose will

place before him the just claims of our injured citizens in such

a light as will enable me, before your adjournment, to announce

that they have been adjusted and secured. Precise instructions,

to the effect of bringing the negotiation to a speedy issue,

have been given, and will be obeyed.

"In the late blockade of Terceira, some of the Portuguese fleet

captured several of our vessels, and committed other excesses,

for which reparation was demanded; and I was on the point of

dispatching an armed force, to prevent any recurrence of a

similar violence, and protect our citizens in the prosecution

of their lawful commerce, when official assurances, on which I

relied, made the sailing of the ships unnecessary. Since that

period, frequent promises have been made that full indemnity

shall be given for the injuries inflicted and the losses

sustained. In the performance there has been some, perhaps

unavoidable, delay; but I have the fullest confidence that my

earnest desire that this business may at once be closed, which

our minister has been instructed strongly to express, will very

soon be gratified. I have the better ground for this hope, from

the evidence of a friendly disposition which that government has

shown by an actual reduction in the duty on rice, the produce

of our Southern States, authorizing the anticipation that this

important article of our export will soon be admitted on the

same footing with that produced by the most favored nation.

"With the other powers of Europe, we have fortunately had no

cause of discussions for the redress of injuries. With the

Empire of the Russias, our political connection is of the

most friendly, and our commercial of the most liberal kind.

We enjoy the advantages of navigation and trade, given to the

most favored nation; but it has not yet suited their policy, or

perhaps has not been found convenient from other considerations,

to give stability and reciprocity to those privileges, by a

commercial treaty. The ill-health of the minister last year

charged with making a proposition for that arrangement, did

not permit him to remain at St. Petersburg; and the attention

of that government, during the whole of the period since his

departure, having been occupied by the war in which it was

engaged, we have been assured that nothing could have been

effected by his presence. A minister will soon be nominated,

as well to effect this important object, as to keep up the

relations of amity and good understanding of which we have

received so many assurances and proofs from his Imperial Majesty

and the Emperor his predecessor.

"The treaty with Austria is opening to us an important trade

with the hereditary dominions of the Emperor, the value of which

has been hitherto little known, and of course not sufficiently

appreciated. While our commerce finds an entrance into the south

of Germany by means of this treaty, those we have formed with

the Hanseatic towns and Prussia, and others now in negotiation,

will open that vast country to the enterprising spirit of our

merchants on the north; a country abounding in all the materials

for a mutually beneficial commerce, filled with enlightened

and industrious inhabitants, holding an important place in

the politics of Europe, and to which we owe so many valuable

citizens. The ratification of the treaty with the Porte was sent

to be exchanged by the gentleman appointed our chargé d'affaires

to that court. Some difficulties occurred on his arrival; but at

the date of his last official dispatch, he supposed they had

been obviated, and that there was every prospect of the exchange

being speedily effected.

"This finishes the connected view I have thought it proper to

give of our political and commercial relations in Europe. Every

effort in my power will be continued to strengthen and extend

them by treaties founded on principles of the most perfect

reciprocity of interest, neither asking nor conceding any

exclusive advantage, but liberating, as far as it lies in my

power, the activity and industry of our fellow-citizens from the

shackles which foreign restrictions may impose.

"To China and the East Indies, our commerce continues in its

usual extent, and with increased facilities, which the credit

and capital of our merchants afford, by substituting bills for

payments in specie. A daring outrage having been committed in

those seas by the plunder of one of our merchantmen engaged

in the pepper trade at a port in Sumatra, and the piratical

perpetrators belonging to tribes in such a state of society that

the usual course of proceeding between civilized nations could

not be pursued, I forthwith dispatched a frigate with orders to

require immediate satisfaction for the injury, and indemnity to

the sufferers.

"Few changes have taken place in our connections with the

independent States of America since my last communication

to Congress. The ratification of a commercial treaty with

the United Republics of Mexico has been for some time under

deliberation in their Congress, but was still undecided at the

date of our last dispatches. The unhappy civil commotions that

have prevailed there, were undoubtedly the cause of the delay;

but as the government is now said to be tranquillized, we may

hope soon to receive the ratification of the treaty, and an

arrangement for the demarcation of the boundaries between us.

In the mean time, an important trade has been opened, with

mutual benefit, from St. Louis, in the State of Missouri, by

caravans, to the interior provinces of Mexico. This commerce is

protected in its progress through the Indian countries by the

troops of the United States, which have been permitted to escort

the caravans beyond our boundaries to the settled part of the

Mexican territory.

"From Central America I have received assurances of the most

friendly kind, and a gratifying application for our good offices

to remove a supposed indisposition towards that government

in a neighboring state: this application was immediately and

successfully complied with. They gave us also the pleasing

intelligence, that differences which had prevailed in their

internal affairs had been peaceably adjusted. Our treaty with

this republic continues to be faithfully observed, and promises

a great and beneficial commerce between the two countries; a

commerce of the greatest importance, if the magnificent project

of a ship canal through the dominions of that state, from the

Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, now in serious contemplation,

shall be executed.

"I have great satisfaction in communicating the success which

has attended the exertions of our minister in Colombia to

procure a very considerable reduction in the duties on our flour

in that republic. Indemnity, also, has been stipulated for

injuries received by our merchants from illegal seizures; and

renewed assurances are given that the treaty between the two

countries shall be faithfully observed.

"Chili and Peru seem to be still threatened with civil

commotions; and, until they shall be settled, disorders may

naturally be apprehended, requiring the constant presence of a

naval force in the Pacific Ocean, to protect our fisheries and

guard our commerce.

"The disturbances that took place in the Empire of Brazil,

previously to, and immediately consequent upon, the abdication

of the late Emperor, necessarily suspended any effectual

application for the redress of some past injuries suffered

by our citizens from that government, while they have been

the cause of others, in which all foreigners seem to have

participated. Instructions have been given to our minister

there, to press for indemnity due for losses occasioned by these

irregularities, and to take care that our fellow-citizens shall

enjoy all the privileges stipulated in their favor, by the

treaty lately made between the two powers; all which, the good

intelligence that prevails between our minister at Rio Janeiro

and the regency gives us the best reason to expect.

"I should have placed Buenos Ayres on the list of South American

powers, in respect to which nothing of importance affecting us

was to be communicated, but for occurrences which have lately

taken place at the Falkland Islands, in which the name of that

republic has been used to cover with a show of authority acts

injurious to our commerce, and to the property and liberty of

our fellow-citizens. In the course of the present year, one of

our vessels engaged in the pursuit of a trade which we have

always enjoyed without molestation, has been captured by a band

acting, as they pretend, under the authority of the government

of Buenos Ayres. I have therefore given orders for the dispatch

of an armed vessel, to join our squadron in those seas, and aid

in affording all lawful protection to our trade which shall be

necessary; and shall, without delay, send a minister to inquire

into the nature of the circumstances, and also of the claim, if

any, that is set up by that government to those islands. In the

mean time, I submit the case to the consideration of Congress,

to the end that they may clothe the Executive with such

authority and means as they may deem necessary for providing a

force adequate to the complete protection of our fellow-citizens

fishing and trading in those seas.

"This rapid sketch of our foreign relations, it is hoped,

fellow-citizens, may be of some use in so much of your

legislation as may bear on that important subject; while it

affords to the country at large a source of high gratification

in the contemplation of our political and commercial connection

with the rest of the world. At peace with all--having subjects

of future difference with few, and those susceptible of easy

adjustment--extending our commerce gradually on all sides, and

on none by any but the most liberal and mutually beneficial

means--we may, by the blessing of Providence, hope for all that

national prosperity which can be derived from an intercourse

with foreign nations, guided by those eternal principles of

justice and reciprocal good will which are binding as well upon

States as the individuals of whom they are composed.

"I have great satisfaction in making this statement of our

affairs, because the course of our national policy enables

me to do it without any indiscreet exposure of what in other

governments is usually concealed from the people. Having none

but a straightforward, open course to pursue--guided by a single

principle that will bear the strongest light--we have happily no

political combinations to form, no alliances to entangle us, no

complicated interests to consult; and in subjecting all we have

done to the consideration of our citizens, and to the inspection

of the world, we give no advantage to other nations, and lay

ourselves open to no injury."

This clear and succinct account of the state of our foreign

relations makes us fully acquainted with these affairs as they

then stood, and presents a view of questions to be settled with

several powers which were to receive their solution from the firm

and friendly spirit in which they would be urged. Turning to our

domestic concerns, the message thus speaks of the finances; showing

a gradual increase, the rapid extinction of the public debt, and

that a revenue of 27-3/4 millions was about double the amount of all

expenditures, exclusive of what that extinction absorbed:

"The state of the public finances will be fully shown by the

Secretary of the Treasury, in the report which he will presently

lay before you. I will here, however, congratulate you upon

their prosperous condition. The revenue received in the present

year will not fall short of twenty-seven million seven hundred

thousand dollars; and the expenditures for all objects other

than the public debt will not exceed fourteen million seven

hundred thousand. The payment on account of the principal and

interest of the debt, during the year, will exceed sixteen

millions and a half of dollars: a greater sum than has been

applied to that object, out of the revenue, in any year since

the enlargement of the sinking fund, except the two years

following immediately thereafter. The amount which will have

been applied to the public debt from the 4th of March, 1829, to

the 1st of January next, which is less than three years since

the administration has been placed in my hands, will exceed

forty millions of dollars."

On the subject of government insolvent debtors, the message said:

"In my annual message of December, 1829, I had the honor to

recommend the adoption of a more liberal policy than that which

then prevailed towards unfortunate debtors to the government;

and I deem it my duty again to invite your attention to this

subject. Actuated by similar views, Congress at their last

session passed an act for the relief of certain insolvent

debtors of the United States: but the provisions of that law

have not been deemed such as were adequate to that relief to

this unfortunate class of our fellow-citizens, which may be

safely extended to them. The points in which the law appears to

be defective will be particularly communicated by the Secretary

of the Treasury: and I take pleasure in recommending such an

extension of its provisions as will unfetter the enterprise of a

valuable portion of our citizens, and restore to them the means

of usefulness to themselves and the community."

Recurring to his previous recommendation in favor of giving the

election of President and Vice-President to the direct vote of the

people, the message says:

"I have heretofore recommended amendments of the federal

constitution giving the election of President and Vice-President

to the people, and limiting the service of the former to a

single term. So important do I consider these changes in our

fundamental law, that I cannot, in accordance with my sense

of duty, omit to press them upon the consideration of a new

Congress. For my views more at large, as well in relation to

these points as to the disqualification of members of Congress

to receive an office from a President in whose election they

have had an official agency, which I proposed as a substitute, I

refer you to my former messages."

And concludes thus in relation to the Bank of the United States:

"Entertaining the opinions heretofore expressed in relation to

the Bank of the United States, as at present organized, I felt

it my duty, in my former messages, frankly to disclose them,

in order that the attention of the legislature and the people

should be seasonably directed to that important subject, and

that it might be considered and finally disposed of in a manner

best calculated to promote the ends of the constitution, and

subserve the public interests. Having thus conscientiously

discharged a constitutional duty, I deem it proper, on this

occasion, without a more particular reference to the views

of the subject then expressed, to leave it for the present

to the investigation of an enlightened people and their

representatives."

Thirty Years' View (Vol. 1 of 2) or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850 · 第 58 / 166 章