RETIRING OF MR. RUFUS KING.
In the summer of this year, this gentleman terminated a long and
high career in the legislative department of the federal government,
but not entirely to quit its service. He was appointed by the
new President, Mr. John Quincy Adams, to the place of Minister
Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extraordinary to the Court of St. James,
the same place to which he had been appointed thirty years before,
and from the same place (the Senate) by President Washington; and
from which he had _not_ been removed by President Jefferson, at
the revolution of parties, which took place in 1800. He had been
connected with the government forty years, having served in the
Congress of the Confederation, and in the convention which framed
the federal constitution (in both places from his native State of
Massachusetts), in the Senate from the State of New-York, being
one of the first senators from that State, elected in 1789, with
General Philip Schuyler, the father-in-law of General Hamilton.
He was afterwards minister to Great Britain,--again senator, and
again minister--having, in the mean time, declined the invitation
of President Washington to be his Secretary of State. He was a
federalist of the old school, and the head of that party after
the death of General Hamilton; and when the name discriminated a
party, with whose views on government and systems of policy, General
Washington greatly coincided. As chief of that party, he was voted
for as Vice-President in 1808, and as President in 1816. He was
one of the federalists who supported the government in the war of
1812 against Great Britain. Opposed to its declaration, he went
into its support as soon as it was declared, and in his place in
the Senate voted the measures and supplies required; and (what was
most essential) exerted himself in providing for the defence of
his adopted State, New-York (on the strength and conduct of which
so much then depended); assisting to raise and equip her volunteer
regiments and militia quotas, and co-operating with the republican
leaders (Gov. Tompkins and Mr. Van Buren), to maintain the great
State of New-York in the strong and united position which the
war in Canada and repugnance to the war in New England, rendered
essential to the welfare of the Union. History should remember this
patriotic conduct of Mr. King, and record it for the beautiful and
instructive lesson which it teaches.
Like Mr. Macon and John Taylor of Carolina, Mr. King had his
individuality of character, manners and dress, but of different
type; they, of plain country gentlemen; and he, a high model of
courtly refinement. He always appeared in the Senate in full dress;
short small-clothes, silk stockings, and shoes, and was habitually
observant of all the courtesies of life. His colleague in the
Senate, during the chief time that I saw him there, was Mr. Van
Buren: and it was singular to see a great State represented in
the Senate, at the same time, by the chiefs of opposite political
parties; Mr. Van Buren was much the younger, and it was delightful
to behold the deferential regard which he paid to his elder
colleague, always returned with marked kindness and respect.
I felt it to be a privilege to serve in the Senate with three such
senators as Mr. King, Mr. Macon, and John Taylor of Carolina, and
was anxious to improve such an opportunity into a means of benefit
to myself. With Mr. Macon it came easily, as he was the cotemporary
and friend of my father and grandfather; with the venerable John
Taylor there was no time for any intimacy to grow up, as we only
served together for one session; with Mr. King it required a little
system of advances on my part, which I had time to make, and which
the urbanity of his manners rendered easy. He became kind to me;
readily supplied me with information from his own vast stores,
allowed me to consult him, and assisted me in the business of the
State (of whose admission he had been the great opponent), whenever
I could satisfy him that I was right,--even down to the small bills
which were entirely local, or merely individual. More, he gave me
proofs of real regard, and in that most difficult of all friendly
offices,--admonition, counselling against a fault; one instance of
which was so marked and so agreeable to me (reproof as it was), that
I immediately wrote down the very words of it in a letter to Mrs.
Benton (who was then absent from the city), and now copy it, both to
do honor to an aged senator, who could thus act a "_father's_" part
towards a young one, and because I am proud of the words he used to
me. The letter says:
"Yesterday (May 20th, 1824), we carried $75,000 for improving
the navigation of the Mississippi and the Ohio. I made a good
speech, but no part of it will be published. I spoke in _reply_,
and with force and animation. When it was over, Mr. King, of
N. Y., came and sat down in a chair by me, and took hold of
my hand and said he would speak to me as a father--that I had
great powers, and that he felt a sincere pleasure in seeing
me advance and rise in the world, and that he would take the
liberty of warning me against an effect of my temperament when
heated by opposition; that under these circumstances I took an
authoritative manner, and a look and tone of defiance, which
sat ill upon the older members; and advised me to moderate my
manner."
This was real friendship, enhanced by the kindness of manner, and
had its effect. I suppressed that speech, through compliment to him,
and have studied moderation and forbearance ever since. Twenty-five
years later I served in Congress with two of Mr. King's sons (Mr.
James Gore King, representative from New-York, and Mr. John Alsop
King, a representative from New Jersey); and was glad to let them
both see the sincere respect which I had for the memory of their
father.
In one of our conversations, and upon the formation of the
constitution in the federal convention of 1787, he said some things
to me which, I think ought to be remembered by future generations,
to enable them to appreciate justly those founders of our government
who were in favor of a stronger organization than was adopted. He
said: "You young men who have been born since the Revolution, look
with horror upon the name of a King, and upon all propositions for a
strong government. It was not so with us. We were born the subjects
of a King, and were accustomed to subscribe ourselves 'His Majesty's
most faithful subjects;' and we began the quarrel which ended in the
Revolution, not against the King, but against his parliament; and
in making the new government many propositions were submitted which
would not bear discussion; and ought not to be quoted against their
authors, being offered for consideration, and to bring out opinions,
and which, though behind the opinions of this day, were in advance
of those of that day."--These things were said chiefly in relation
to General Hamilton, who had submitted propositions stronger than
those adopted, but nothing like those which party spirit attributed
to him. I heard these words, I hope, with profit; and commit them,
in the same hope, to after generations.