CHAPTER XVI.

INTERNAL TRADE WITH NEW MEXICO.

The name of Mexico, the synonyme of gold and silver mines, possessed

always an invincible charm for the people of the western States.

Guarded from intrusion by Spanish jealousy and despotic power, and

imprisonment for life, or labor in the mines, the inexorable penalty

for every attempt to penetrate the forbidden country, still the

dazzled imaginations and daring spirits of the Great West adventured

upon the enterprise; and failure and misfortune, chains and labor,

were not sufficient to intimidate others. The journal of (the then

lieutenant, afterwards) General Pike inflamed this spirit, and

induced new adventurers to hazard the enterprise, only to meet

the fate of their predecessors. It was not until the Independence

of Mexico, in the year 1821, that the frontiers of this vast and

hitherto sealed up country, were thrown open to foreign ingress,

and trade and intercourse allowed to take their course. The State

of Missouri, from her geographical position, and the adventurous

spirit of her inhabitants, was among the first to engage in it; and

the "Western Internal Provinces"--the vast region comprehending

New Mexico, El Paso del Norte, New Biscay, Chihuahua, Sonora,

Sinaloa, and all the wide slope spreading down towards the Gulf of

California, the ancient "Sea of Cortez"--was the remote theatre of

their courageous enterprise--the further off and the less known, so

much the more attractive to their daring spirits. It was the work

of individual enterprise, without the protection or countenance of

the government--without even its knowledge--and exposed to constant

danger of life and property from the untamed and predatory savages,

Arabs of the New World, which roamed over the intermediate country

of a thousand miles, and considered the merchant and his goods

their lawful prey. In three years it had grown up to be a new and

regular branch of interior commerce, profitable to those engaged in

it, valuable to the country from the articles it carried out, and

for the silver, the furs, and the mules which it brought back; and

well entitled to the protection and care of the government. That

protection was sought, and in the form which the character of the

trade required--a right of way through the countries of the tribes

between Missouri and New Mexico, a road marked out and security in

travelling it, stipulations for good behavior from the Indians,

and a consular establishment in the provinces to be traded with.

The consuls could be appointed by the order of the government; but

the road, the treaty stipulations, and the substantial protection

against savages, required the aid of the federal legislative power,

and for that purpose a Bill was brought into the Senate by me in

the session of 1824-25; and being a novel and strange subject, and

asking for extraordinary legislation, it became necessary to lay a

foundation of facts, and to furnish a reason and an argument for

every thing that was asked. I produced a statement from those

engaged in the trade, among others from Mr. Augustus Storrs, late

of New Hampshire, then of Missouri--a gentleman of character and

intelligence, very capable of relating things as they were, and

incapable of relating them otherwise; and who had been personally

engaged in the trade. In presenting his statement, and moving to

have it printed for the use of the Senate, I said:

"This gentleman had been one of a caravan of eighty persons,

one hundred and fifty-six horses, and twenty-three wagons

and carriages, which had made the expedition from Missouri

to Santa Fé (of New Mexico), in the months of May and June

last. His account was full of interest and novelty. It sounded

like romance to hear of caravans of men, horses, and wagons,

traversing with their merchandise the vast plain which lies

between the Mississippi and the _Rio del Norte_. The story

seemed better adapted to Asia than to North America. But,

romantic as it might seem, the reality had already exceeded the

visions of the wildest imagination. The journey to New Mexico,

but lately deemed a chimerical project, had become an affair of

ordinary occurrence. Santa Fé, but lately the _Ultima Thule_ of

American enterprise, was now considered as a stage only in the

progress, or rather, a new point of departure to our invincible

citizens. Instead of turning back from that point, the caravans

broke up there, and the subdivisions branched off in different

directions in search of new theatres for their enterprise.

Some proceeded down the river to the _Paso del Norte_; some

to the mines of Chihuahua and Durango, in the province of New

Biscay; some to Sonora and Sinaloa, on the Gulf of California;

and some, seeking new lines of communication with the Pacific,

had undertaken to descend the western slope of our continent,

through the unexplored regions of the Colorado. The fruit of

these enterprises, for the present year, amounted to $190,000

in gold and silver bullion, and coin, and precious furs; a sum

considerable, in itself, in the commerce of an infant State,

but chiefly deserving a statesman's notice, as an earnest of

what might be expected from a regulated and protected trade. The

principal article given in exchange, is that of which we have

the greatest abundance, and which has the peculiar advantage

of making the circuit of the Union before it departs from the

territories of the republic--cotton--which grows in the South,

is manufactured in the North, and exported from the West.

"That the trade will be beneficial to the inhabitants of the

Internal Provinces, is a proposition too plain to be argued.

They are a people among whom all the arts are lost--the ample

catalogue of whose wants may be inferred from the lamentable

details of Mr. Storrs. No books! no newspapers! iron a dollar

a pound! cultivating the earth with wooden tools! and spinning

upon a stick! Such is the picture of a people whose fathers wore

the proud title of "_Conquerors_;" whose ancestors, in the time

of Charles the Fifth, were the pride, the terror, and the model

of Europe; and such has been the power of civil and religious

despotism in accomplishing the degradation of the human species!

To a people thus abased, and so lately arrived at the possession

of their liberties, a supply of merchandise, upon the cheapest

terms, is the least of the benefits to be derived from a

commerce with the people of the United States. The consolidation

of their republican institutions, the improvement of their moral

and social condition, the restoration of their lost arts, and

the development of their national resources, are among the grand

results which philanthropy anticipates from such a commerce.

"To the Indians themselves, the opening of a road through their

country is an object of vital importance. It is connected with

the preservation and improvement of their race. For two hundred

years the problem of Indian civilization has been successively

presented to each generation of the Americans, and solved

by each in the same way. Schools have been set up, colleges

founded, and missions established; a wonderful success has

attended the commencement of every undertaking; and, after some

time, the schools, the colleges, the missions, and the Indians,

have all disappeared together. In the south alone have we seen

an exception. There the nations have preserved themselves, and

have made a cheering progress in the arts of civilization. Their

advance is the work of twenty years. It dates its commencement

from the opening of roads through their country. Roads induced

separate families to settle at the crossing of rivers, to

establish themselves at the best springs and tracts of land, and

to begin to sell grain and provisions to the travellers, whom,

a few years before, they would kill and plunder. This imparted

the idea of exclusive property in the soil, and created an

attachment for a fixed residence. Gradually, fields were opened,

houses built, orchards planted, flocks and herds acquired, and

slaves bought. The acquisition of these comforts, relieving

the body from the torturing wants of cold and hunger, placed

the mind in a condition to pursue its improvement.--This, Mr.

President, is the true secret of the happy advance which the

southern tribes have made in acquiring the arts of civilization;

this has fitted them for the reception of schools and missions;

and doubtless, the same cause will produce the same effects

among the tribes beyond, which it has produced among the tribes

on this side of the Mississippi.

"The right of way is indispensable, and the committee have

begun with directing a bill to be reported for that purpose.

Happily, there are no constitutional objections to it. State

rights are in no danger! The road which is contemplated will

trespass upon the soil, or infringe upon the jurisdiction of

no State whatsoever. It runs a course and a distance to avoid

all that; for it begins upon the outside line of the outside

State, and runs directly off towards the setting sun--far away

from all the States. The Congress and the Indians are alone

to be consulted, and the statute book is full of precedents.

Protesting against the necessity of producing precedents for an

act in itself pregnant with propriety, I will yet name a few in

order to illustrate the policy of the government, and show its

readiness to make roads through Indian countries to facilitate

the intercourse of its citizens, and even upon foreign territory

to promote commerce and national communications."

Precedents were then shown. 1, A road from Nashville, Tennessee,

through the Chicasaw and Choctaw tribes, to Natchez, 1806; 2, a

road through the Creek nations, from Athens, in Georgia, to the

31st degree of north latitude, in the direction to New Orleans,

1806, and continued by act of 1807, with the consent of the Spanish

government, through the then Spanish territory of West Florida to

New Orleans; 3, three roads through the Cherokee nation, to open an

intercourse between Georgia, Tennessee, and the lower Mississippi;

and more than twenty others upon the territory of the United States.

But the precedent chiefly relied upon was that from Athens through

the Creek Indian territory and the Spanish dominions to New Orleans.

It was up to the exigency of the occasion in every particular--being

both upon Indian territory within our dominions, and upon foreign

territory beyond them. The road I wanted fell within the terms of

both these qualifications. It was to pass through tribes within our

own territory, until it reached the Arkansas River: there it met

the foreign boundary established by the treaty of 1819, which gave

away, not only Texas, but half the Arkansas besides; and the bill

which I brought in provided for continuing the road, with the assent

of Mexico, from this boundary to Santa Fé, on the Upper del Norte.

I deemed it fair to give additional emphasis to this precedent, by

showing that I had it from Mr. Jefferson, and said:

"For a knowledge of this precedent, I am indebted to a

conversation with Mr. Jefferson himself. In a late excursion

to Virginia, I availed myself of a broken day to call and pay

my respects to that patriarchal statesman. The individual

must manage badly, Mr. President, who can find himself in

the presence of that great man, and retire from it without

bringing off some fact, or some maxim, of eminent utility to the

human race. I trust that I did not so manage. I trust that, in

bringing off a fact which led to the discovery of the precedent,

which is to remove the only serious objection to the road in

question, I have done a service, if not to the human family,

at least to the citizens of the two greatest Republics in the

world. It was on the evening of Christmas day that I called upon

Mr. Jefferson. The conversation, among other things, turned upon

roads. He spoke of one from Georgia to New Orleans, made during

the last term of his own administration. He said there was a

manuscript map of it in the library of Congress (formerly his

own), bound up in a certain volume of maps, which he described

to me. On my return to Washington, I searched the statute book,

and I found the acts which authorized the road to be made: they

are the same which I have just read to the Senate. I searched

the Congress Library, and I found the volume of maps which he

had described; and here it is (presenting a huge folio), and

there is the map of the road from Georgia to New Orleans, more

than two hundred miles of which, marked in blue ink, is traced

through the then dominions of the King of Spain!"

The foreign part of the road was the difficulty and was not entirely

covered by the precedent. That was a road to our own city, and no

other direct territorial way from the Southern States than through

the Spanish province of West Florida: this was a road to be, not

only on foreign territory, but to go to a foreign country. Some

Senators, favorable to the bill, were startled at it, and Mr. Lloyd,

of Massachusetts, moved to strike out the part of the section which

provided for this ex-territorial national highway; but not in a

spirit of hostility to the bill itself providing for protection to

a branch of commerce. Mr. Lowrie, of Pennsylvania, could not admit

the force of the objection, and held it to be only a modification of

what was now done for the protection of commerce--the substitution

of land for water; and instanced the sums annually spent in

maintaining a fleet in the Mediterranean Sea, and in the most

remote oceans for the same purpose. Mr. Van Buren, thought the

government was bound to extend the same protection to this branch

of trade as to any other; and the road upon the foreign territory

was only to be marked out, not made. Mr. Macon thought the question

no great matter. Formerly Indian traders followed "_traces"_ now

they must have roads. He did not care for precedents: they are

generally good or bad as they suit or cross our purposes. The case

of the road made by Mr. Jefferson was different. That road was made

among Indians comparatively civilized, and who had some notions of

property. But the proposed road now to be marked out would pass

through wild tribes who think of nothing but killing and robbing a

white man the moment they see him, and would not be restrained by

treaty obligations even if they entered into them. Col. Johnson, of

Kentucky, had never hesitated to vote the money which was necessary

to protect the lives or property of our sea-faring men, or for

Atlantic fortifications, or to suppress piracies. We had, at this

session voted $500,000 to suppress piracy in the West Indies. We

build ships of war, erect light-houses, spend annual millions for

the protection of ocean commerce; and he could not suppose that the

sum proposed in this bill for the protection of an inland branch

of trade so valuable to the West could be denied. Mr. Kelly, of

Alabama, said the great object of the bill was to cherish and foster

a branch of commerce already in existence. It is carried on by land

through several Indian tribes. To be safe, a road must be had--a

right of way--"_a trace_," if you please. To answer its purpose,

this road, or "_trace_," must pass the boundary of the United

States, and extend several hundred miles through the wilderness

country, in the Mexican Republic to the settlements with which the

traffic must be carried on. It may be well to remember that the

Mexican government is in the germ of its existence, struggling with

difficulties that we have long since surmounted, and may not feel

it convenient to make the road, and that it is enough to permit us

to mark it out upon her soil; which is all that this bill proposes

to do within her limits. Mr. Smith, of Maryland, would vote for the

bill. The only question with him was, whether commerce could be

carried on to advantage on the proposed route; and, being satisfied

that it could be, he should vote for the bill. Mr. Brown, of Ohio

(Ethan A.), was very glad to hear such sentiments from the Senator

from Maryland, and hoped that a reciprocal good feeling would

always prevail between different sections of the Union. He thought

there could be no objection to the bill, and approved the policy of

getting the road upon Mexican territory with the consent of the

Mexican government. The bill passed the Senate by a large vote--30

to 12; and these are the names of the Senators voting for and

against it:

YEAS.--Messrs. Barton, Benton, Bouligny, Brown, D'Wolf, Eaton,

Edwards, Elliott, Holmes of Miss., Jackson (the General), Johnson of

Kentucky, Johnston of Lou., Kelly, Knight, Lanman, Lloyd of Mass.,

Lowrie, McIlvaine, McLean, Noble, Palmer, Parrott, Ruggles, Seymour,

Smith, Talbot, Taylor, Thomas, Van Buren, Van Dyke--30.

NAYS.--Messrs. Branch, Chandler, Clayton, Cobb, Gaillard, Hayne,

Holmes of Maine, King of Ala., King of N. Y., Macon, Tazewell,

Williams--12.

It passed the House of Representatives by a majority of

thirty--received the approving signature of Mr. Monroe, among

the last acts of his public life--was carried into effect by his

successor, Mr. John Quincy Adams--and this road has remained a

thoroughfare of commerce between Missouri and New Mexico, and all

the western internal provinces ever since.

Thirty Years' View (Vol. 1 of 2) or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850 · 第 16 / 166 章