CHAPTER VIII.

DEATH OF WILLIAM PINKNEY.

He died at Washington during the session of the Congress of which

he was a member, and of the Supreme Court of which he was a

practitioner. He fell like the warrior, in the plenitude of his

strength, and on the field of his fame--under the double labors

of the Supreme Court and of the Senate, and under the immense

concentration of thought which he gave to the preparation of his

speeches. He was considered in his day the first of American

orators, but will hardly keep that place with posterity, because he

spoke more to the hearer than to the reader--to the present than to

the absent--and avoided the careful publication of his own speeches.

He labored them hard, but it was for the effect of their delivery,

and the triumph of present victory. He loved the admiration of the

crowded gallery--the trumpet-tongued fame which went forth from

the forum--the victory which crowned the effort; but avoided the

publication of what was received with so much applause, giving as

a reason that the published speech would not sustain the renown of

the delivered one. His _forte_ as a speaker lay in his judgment,

his logic, his power of argument; but, like many other men of

acknowledged pre-eminence in some great gift of nature, and who are

still ambitious of some inferior gift, he courted his imagination

too much, and laid too much stress upon action and delivery--so

potent upon the small circle of actual hearers, but so lost upon

the national audience which the press now gives to a great speaker.

In other respects Mr. Pinkney was truly a great orator, rich in his

material, strong in his argument--clear, natural and regular in the

exposition of his subject, comprehensive in his views, and chaste

in his diction. His speeches, both senatorial and forensic, were

fully studied and laboriously prepared--all the argumentative parts

carefully digested under appropriate heads, and the showy passages

often fully written out and committed to memory. He would not speak

at all except upon preparation; and at sexagenarian age--that at

which I knew him--was a model of study and of labor to all young

men. His last speech in the Senate was in reply to Mr. Rufus King,

on the Missouri question, and was the master effort of his life.

The subject, the place, the audience, the antagonist, were all such

as to excite him to the utmost exertion. The subject was a national

controversy convulsing the Union and menacing it with dissolution;

the place was the American Senate; the audience was Europe and

America; the antagonist was PRINCEPS SENATUS, illustrious for

thirty years of diplomatic and senatorial service, and for great

dignity of life and character. He had ample time for preparation,

and availed himself of it. Mr. King had spoken the session before,

and published the "Substance" of his speeches (for there were two

of them), after the adjournment of Congress. They were the signal

guns for the Missouri controversy. It was to these published

speeches that Mr. Pinkney replied, and with the interval between

two sessions to prepare. It was a dazzling and overpowering reply,

with the prestige of having the union and the harmony of the States

for its object, and crowded with rich material. The most brilliant

part of it was a highly-wrought and splendid amplification (with

illustrations from Greek and Roman history), of that passage in Mr.

Burke's speech upon "Conciliation with the Colonies," in which,

and in looking to the elements of American resistance to British

power, he looks to the spirit of the slaveholding colonies as a

main ingredient, and attributes to the masters of slaves, who are

not themselves slaves, the highest love of liberty and the most

difficult task of subjection. It was the most gorgeous speech

ever delivered in the Senate, and the most applauded; but it was

only a magnificent exhibition, as Mr. Pinkney knew, and could not

sustain in the reading the plaudits it received in delivery; and

therefore he avoided its publication. He gave but little attention

to the current business of the Senate, only appearing in his place

when the "Salaminian galley was to be launched," or some special

occasion called him--giving his time and labor to the bar, where

his pride and glory was. He had previously served in the House

of Representatives, and his first speech there was attended by

an incident illustrative of Mr. Randolph's talent for delicate

intimation, and his punctilious sense of parliamentary etiquette.

Mr. Pinkney came into the House with a national reputation, in

the fulness of his fame, and exciting a great expectation--which

he was obliged to fulfil. He spoke on the treaty-making power--a

question of diplomatic and constitutional law; and he having been

minister to half the courts of Europe, attorney general of the

United States, and a jurist by profession, could only speak upon it

in one way--as a great master of the subject; and, consequently,

appeared as if instructing the House. Mr. Randolph--a veteran of

twenty years' parliamentary service--thought a new member should

serve a little apprenticeship before he became an instructor, and

wished to signify that to Mr. Pinkney. He had a gift, such as man

never had, at a delicate intimation where he desired to give a hint,

without offence; and he displayed it on this occasion. He replied

to Mr. Pinkney, referring to him by the parliamentary designation

of "the member from Maryland;" and then pausing, as if not certain,

added, "I believe he is from Maryland." This implied doubt as to

where he came from, and consequently as to who he was, amused Mr.

Pinkney, who understood it perfectly, and taking it right, went over

to Mr. Randolph's seat, introduced himself, and assured him that

he was "from Maryland." They became close friends for ever after;

and it was Mr. Randolph who first made known his death in the House

of Representatives, interrupting for that purpose an angry debate,

then raging, with a beautiful and apt quotation from the quarrel of

Adam and Eve at their expulsion from paradise. The published debates

give this account of it: "Mr. Randolph rose to announce to the House

an event which he hoped would put an end, at least for this day, to

all further jar or collision, here or elsewhere, among the members

of this body. Yes, for this one day, at least, let us say, as our

first mother said to our first father--

'While yet we live, scarce one short hour perhaps,

Between us two let there be peace.'

"I rise to announce to the House the not unlooked for death of a man

who filled the first place in the public estimation, in the first

profession in that estimation, in this or in any other country. We

have been talking of General Jackson, and a greater than him is, not

here, but gone for ever. I allude, sir, to the boast of Maryland,

and the pride of the United States--the pride of all of us, but more

particularly the pride and ornament of the profession of which you,

Mr. Speaker (Mr. Philip P. Barbour), are a member, and an eminent

one."

Mr. Pinkney was kind and affable in his temper, free from every

taint of envy or jealousy, conscious of his powers, and relying upon

them alone for success. He was a model, as I have already said, and

it will bear repetition, to all young men in his habits of study and

application, and at more than sixty years of age was still a severe

student. In politics he classed democratically, and was one of the

few of our eminent public men who never seemed to think of the

presidency. Oratory was his glory, the law his profession, the bar

his theatre; and his service in Congress was only a brief episode,

dazzling each House, for he was a momentary member of each, with a

single and splendid speech.

Thirty Years' View (Vol. 1 of 2) or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850 · 第 8 / 166 章