CHAPTER XIII

PUBLIC ACTIVITIES AND INVESTIGATIONS

One of the striking features of our neighborhood twenty years

ago, and one to which we never became reconciled, was the

presence of huge wooden garbage boxes fastened to the street

pavement in which the undisturbed refuse accumulated day by day.

The system of garbage collecting was inadequate throughout the

city but it became the greatest menace in a ward such as ours,

where the normal amount of waste was much increased by the

decayed fruit and vegetables discarded by the Italian and Greek

fruit peddlers, and by the residuum left over from the piles of

filthy rags which were fished out of the city dumps and brought

to the homes of the rag pickers for further sorting and washing.

The children of our neighborhood twenty years ago played their

games in and around these huge garbage boxes. They were the

first objects that the toddling child learned to climb; their

bulk afforded a barricade and their contents provided missiles in

all the battles of the older boys; and finally they became the

seats upon which absorbed lovers held enchanted converse. We are

obliged to remember that all children eat everything which they

find and that odors have a curious and intimate power of

entwining themselves into our tenderest memories, before even the

residents of Hull-House can understand their own early enthusiasm

for the removal of these boxes and the establishment of a better

system of refuse collection.

It is easy for even the most conscientious citizen of Chicago to

forget the foul smells of the stockyards and the garbage dumps,

when he is living so far from them that he is only occasionally

made conscious of their existence but the residents of a

Settlement are perforce constantly surrounded by them. During

our first three years on Halsted Street, we had established a

small incinerator at Hull-House and we had many times reported

the untoward conditions of the ward to the city hall. We had

also arranged many talks for the immigrants, pointing out that

although a woman may sweep her own doorway in her native village

and allow the reuse to innocently decay in the open air and

sunshine, in a crowded city quarter, if the garbage is not

properly collected and destroyed, a tenement-house mother may see

her children sicken and die, and that the immigrants must

therefore not only keep their own houses clean, but must also

help the authorities to keep the city clean.

Possibly our efforts slightly modified the worst conditions, but

they still remained intolerable, and the fourth summer the

situation became for me absolutely desperate when I realized in a

moment of panic that my delicate little nephew for whom I was

guardian, could not be with me at Hull-House at all unless the

sickening odors were reduced. I may well be ashamed that other

delicate children who were torn from their families, not into

boarding school but into eternity, had not long before driven me

to effective action. Under the direction of the first man who

came as a resident to Hull-House we began a systematic

investigation of the city system of garbage collection, both as

to its efficiency in other wards and its possible connection with

the death rate in the various wards of the city.

The Hull-House Woman's Club had been organized the year before by

the resident kindergartner who had first inaugurated a mother's

meeting. The new members came together, however, in quite a new

way that summer when we discussed with them the high death rate

so persistent in our ward. After several club meetings devoted

to the subject, despite the fact that the death rate rose highest

in the congested foreign colonies and not in the streets in which

most of the Irish American club women lived, twelve of their

number undertook in connection with the residents, to carefully

investigate the conditions of the alleys. During August and

September the substantiated reports of violations of the law sent

in from Hull-House to the health department were one thousand and

thirty-seven. For the club woman who had finished a long day's

work of washing or ironing followed by the cooking of a hot

supper, it would have been much easier to sit on her doorstep

during a summer evening than to go up and down ill-kept alleys

and get into trouble with her neighbors over the condition of

their garbage boxes. It required both civic enterprise and moral

conviction to be willing to do this three evenings a week during

the hottest and most uncomfortable months of the year.

Nevertheless, a certain number of women persisted, as did the

residents, and three city inspectors in succession were

transferred from the ward because of unsatisfactory services.

Still the death rate remained high and the condition seemed

little improved throughout the next winter. In sheer

desperation, the following spring when the city contracts were

awarded for the removal of garbage, with the backing of two

well-known business men, I put in a bid for the garbage removal

of the nineteenth ward. My paper was thrown out on a

technicality but the incident induced the mayor to appoint me the

garbage inspector of the ward.

The salary was a thousand dollars a year, and the loss of that

political "plum" made a great stir among the politicians. The

position was no sinecure whether regarded from the point of view

of getting up at six in the morning to see that the men were

early at work; or of following the loaded wagons, uneasily

dropping their contents at intervals, to their dreary destination

at the dump; or of insisting that the contractor must increase

the number of his wagons from nine to thirteen and from thirteen

to seventeen, although he assured me that he lost money on every

one and that the former inspector had let him off with seven; or

of taking careless landlords into court because they would not

provide the proper garbage receptacles; or of arresting the

tenant who tried to make the garbage wagons carry away the

contents of his stable.

With the two or three residents who nobly stood by, we set up six

of those doleful incinerators which are supposed to burn garbage

with the fuel collected in the alley itself. The one factory in

town which could utilize old tin cans was a window weight

factory, and we deluged that with ten times as many tin cans as

it could use--much less would pay for. We made desperate

attempts to have the dead animals removed by the contractor who

was paid most liberally by the city for that purpose but who, we

slowly discovered, always made the police ambulances do the work,

delivering the carcasses upon freight cars for shipment to a soap

factory in Indiana where they were sold for a good price although

the contractor himself was the largest stockholder in the

concern. Perhaps our greatest achievement was the discovery of a

pavement eighteen inches under the surface in a narrow street,

although after it was found we triumphantly discovered a record

of its existence in the city archives. The Italians living on

the street were much interested but displayed little

astonishment, perhaps because they were accustomed to see buried

cities exhumed. This pavement became the casus belli between

myself and the street commissioner when I insisted that its

restoration belonged to him, after I had removed the first eight

inches of garbage. The matter was finally settled by the mayor

himself, who permitted me to drive him to the entrance of the

street in what the children called my "garbage phaeton" and who

took my side of the controversy.

A graduate of the University of Wisconsin, who had done some

excellent volunteer inspection in both Chicago and Pittsburg,

became my deputy and performed the work in a most thoroughgoing

manner for three years. During the last two she was under the

regime of civil service for in 1895, to the great joy of many

citizens, the Illinois legislature made that possible.

Many of the foreign-born women of the ward were much shocked by

this abrupt departure into the ways of men, and it took a great

deal of explanation to convey the idea even remotely that if it

were a womanly task to go about in tenement houses in order to

nurse the sick, it might be quite as womanly to go through the

same district in order to prevent the breeding of so-called

"filth diseases." While some of the women enthusiastically

approved the slowly changing conditions and saw that their

housewifely duties logically extended to the adjacent alleys and

streets, they yet were quite certain that "it was not a lady's

job." A revelation of this attitude was made one day in a

conversation which the inspector heard vigorously carried on in a

laundry. One of the employees was leaving and was expressing her

mind concerning the place in no measured terms, summing up her

contempt for it as follows: "I would rather be the girl who goes

about in the alleys than to stay here any longer!"

And yet the spectacle of eight hours' work for eight hours' pay,

the even-handed justice to all citizens irrespective of "pull,"

the dividing of responsibility between landlord and tenant, and

the readiness to enforce obedience to law from both, was,

perhaps, one of the most valuable demonstrations which could have

been made. Such daily living on the part of the office holder is

of infinitely more value than many talks on civics for, after

all, we credit most easily that which we see. The careful

inspection combined with other causes, brought about a great

improvement in the cleanliness and comfort of the neighborhood

and one happy day, when the death rate of our ward was found to

have dropped from third to seventh in the list of city wards and

was so reported to our Woman's Club, the applause which followed

recorded the genuine sense of participation in the result, and a

public spirit which had "made good." But the cleanliness of the

ward was becoming much too popular to suit our all-powerful

alderman and, although we felt fatuously secure under the regime

of civil service, he found a way to circumvent us by eliminating

the position altogether. He introduced an ordinance into the

city council which combined the collection of refuse with the

cleaning and repairing of the streets, the whole to be placed

under a ward superintendent. The office of course was to be

filled under civil service regulations but only men were eligible

to the examination. Although this latter regulation was

afterwards modified in favor of one woman, it was retained long

enough to put the nineteenth ward inspector out of office.

Of course our experience in inspecting only made us more

conscious of the wretched housing conditions over which we had

been distressed from the first. It was during the World's Fair

summer that one of the Hull-House residents in a public address

upon housing reform used as an example of indifferent landlordism

a large block in the neighborhood occupied by small tenements and

stables unconnected with a street sewer, as was much similar

property in the vicinity. In the lecture the resident spared

neither a description of the property nor the name of the owner.

The young man who owned the property was justly indignant at this

public method of attack and promptly came to investigate the

condition of the property. Together we made a careful tour of

the houses and stables and in the face of the conditions that we

found there, I could not but agree with him that supplying South

Italian peasants with sanitary appliances seemed a difficult

undertaking. Nevertheless he was unwilling that the block should

remain in its deplorable state, and he finally cut through the

dilemma with the rash proposition that he would give a free lease

of the entire tract to Hull-House, accompanying the offer,

however, with the warning remark, that if we should choose to use

the income from the rents in sanitary improvements we should be

throwing our money away.

Even when we decided that the houses were so bad that we could

not undertake the task of improving them, he was game and stuck

to his proposition that we should have a free lease. We finally

submitted a plan that the houses should be torn down and the

entire tract turned into a playground, although cautious advisers

intimated that it would be very inconsistent to ask for

subscriptions for the support of Hull-House when we were known to

have thrown away an income of two thousand dollars a year. We,

however, felt that a spectacle of inconsistency was better than

one of bad landlordism and so the worst of the houses were

demolished, the best three were sold and moved across the street

under careful provision that they might never be used for junk-

shops or saloons, and a public playground was finally

established. Hull-House became responsible for its management

for ten years, at the end of which time it was turned over to the

City Playground Commission although from the first the city

detailed a policeman who was responsible for its general order

and who became a valued adjunct of the House.

During fifteen years this public-spirited owner of the property

paid all the taxes, and when the block was finally sold he made

possible the playground equipment of a near-by schoolyard. On

the other hand, the dispossessed tenants, a group of whom had to

be evicted by legal process before their houses could be torn

down, have never ceased to mourn their former estates. Only the

other day I met upon the street an old Italian harness maker, who

said that he had never succeeded so well anywhere else nor found

a place that "seemed so much like Italy."

Festivities of various sorts were held on this early playground,

always a May day celebration with its Maypole dance and its May

queen. I remember that one year that honor of being queen was

offered to the little girl who should pick up the largest number

of scraps of paper which littered all the streets and alleys. The

children that spring had been organized into a league, and each

member had been provided with a stiff piece of wire upon the

sharpened point of which stray bits of paper were impaled and

later soberly counted off into a large box in the Hull-House

alley. The little Italian girl who thus won the scepter took it

very gravely as the just reward of hard labor, and we were all so

absorbed in the desire for clean and tidy streets that we were

wholly oblivious to the incongruity of thus selecting "the queen

of love and beauty."

It was at the end of the second year that we received a visit from

the warden of Toynbee Hall and his wife, as they were returning to

England from a journey around the world. They had lived in East

London for many years, and had been identified with the public

movements for its betterment. They were much shocked that, in a

new country with conditions still plastic and hopeful, so little

attention had been paid to experiments and methods of amelioration

which had already been tried; and they looked in vain through our

library for blue books and governmental reports which recorded

painstaking study into the conditions of English cities.

They were the first of a long line of English visitors to express

the conviction that many things in Chicago were untoward not

through paucity of public spirit but through a lack of political

machinery adapted to modern city life. This was not all of the

situation but perhaps no casual visitor could be expected to see

that these matters of detail seemed unimportant to a city in the

first flush of youth, impatient of correction and convinced that

all would be well with its future. The most obvious faults were

those connected with the congested housing of the immigrant

population, nine tenths of them from the country, who carried on

all sorts of traditional activities in the crowded tenements.

That a group of Greeks should be permitted to slaughter sheep in

a basement, that Italian women should be allowed to sort over

rags collected from the city dumps, not only within the city

limits but in a court swarming with little children, that

immigrant bakers should continue unmolested to bake bread for

their neighbors in unspeakably filthy spaces under the pavement,

appeared incredible to visitors accustomed to careful city

regulations. I recall two visits made to the Italian quarter by

John Burns--the second, thirteen years after the first. During

the latter visit it seemed to him unbelievable that a certain

house owned by a rich Italian should have been permitted to

survive. He remembered with the greatest minuteness the

positions of the houses on the court, with the exact space

between the front and rear tenements, and he asked at once

whether we had been able to cut a window into a dark hall as he

had recommended thirteen years before. Although we were obliged

to confess that the landlord would not permit the window to be

cut, we were able to report that a City Homes Association had

existed for ten years; that following a careful study of tenement

conditions in Chicago, the text of which had been written by a

Hull-House resident, the association had obtained the enactment

of a model tenement-house code, and that their secretary had

carefully watched the administration of the law for years so that

its operation might not be minimized by the granting of too many

exceptions in the city council. Our progress still seemed slow

to Mr. Burns because in Chicago, the actual houses were quite

unchanged, embodying features long since declared illegal in

London. Only this year could we have reported to him, had he

again come to challenge us, that the provisions of the law had at

last been extended to existing houses and that a conscientious

corps of inspectors under an efficient chief, were fast remedying

the most glaring evils, while a band of nurses and doctors were

following hard upon the "trail of the white hearse."

The mere consistent enforcement of existing laws and efforts for

their advance often placed Hull-House, at least temporarily, into

strained relations with its neighbors. I recall a continuous

warfare against local landlords who would move wrecks of old

houses as a nucleus for new ones in order to evade the provisions

of the building code, and a certain Italian neighbor who was

filled with bitterness because his new rear tenement was

discovered to be illegal. It seemed impossible to make him

understand that the health of the tenants was in any wise as

important as his undisturbed rents.

Nevertheless many evils constantly arise in Chicago from

congested housing which wiser cities forestall and prevent; the

inevitable boarders crowded into a dark tenement already too

small for the use of the immigrant family occupying it; the

surprisingly large number of delinquent girls who have become

criminally involved with their own fathers and uncles; the school

children who cannot find a quiet spot in which to read or study

and who perforce go into the streets each evening; the

tuberculosis superinduced and fostered by the inadequate rooms

and breathing spaces. One of the Hull-House residents, under the

direction of a Chicago physician who stands high as an authority

on tuberculosis and who devotes a large proportion of his time to

our vicinity, made an investigation into housing conditions as

related to tuberculosis with a result as startling as that of the

"lung block" in New York.

It is these subtle evils of wretched and inadequate housing which

are often the most disastrous. In the summer of 1902 during an

epidemic of typhoid fever in which our ward, although containing

but one thirty-sixth of the population of the city, registered

one sixth of the total number of deaths, two of the Hull-House

residents made an investigation of the methods of plumbing in the

houses adjacent to conspicuous groups of fever cases. They

discovered among the people who had been exposed to the

infection, a widow who had lived in the ward for a number of

years, in a comfortable little house of her own. Although the

Italian immigrants were closing in all around her, she was not

willing to sell her property and to move away until she had

finished the education of her children. In the meantime she held

herself quite aloof from her Italian neighbors and could never be

drawn into any of the public efforts to secure a better code of

tenement-house sanitation. Her two daughters were sent to an

eastern college. One June when one of them had graduated and the

other still had two years before she took her degree, they came

to the spotless little house and their self-sacrificing mother

for the summer holiday. They both fell ill with typhoid fever

and one daughter died because the mother's utmost efforts could

not keep the infection out of her own house. The entire disaster

affords, perhaps, a fair illustration of the futility of the

individual conscience which would isolate a family from the rest

of the community and its interests.

The careful information collected concerning the juxtaposition of

the typhoid cases to the various systems of plumbing and

nonplumbing was made the basis of a bacteriological study by

another resident, Dr. Alice Hamilton, as to the possibility of

the infection having been carried by flies. Her researches were

so convincing that they have been incorporated into the body of

scientific data supporting that theory, but there were also

practical results from the investigation. It was discovered that

the wretched sanitary appliances through which alone the

infection could have become so widely spread, would not have been

permitted to remain, unless the city inspector had either been

criminally careless or open to the arguments of favored

landlords.

The agitation finally resulted in a long and stirring trial

before the civil service board of half of the employees in the

Sanitary Bureau, with the final discharge of eleven out of the

entire force of twenty-four. The inspector in our neighborhood

was a kindly old man, greatly distressed over the affair, and

quite unable to understand why he should have not used his

discretion as to the time when a landlord should be forced to put

in modern appliances. If he was "very poor," or "just about to

sell his place," or "sure that the house would be torn down to

make room for a factory," why should one "inconvenience" him? The

old man died soon after the trial, feeling persecuted to the very

last and not in the least understanding what it was all about.

We were amazed at the commercial ramifications which graft in the

city hall involved and at the indignation which interference with

it produced. Hull-House lost some large subscriptions as the

result of this investigation, a loss which, if not easy to bear,

was at least comprehensible. We also uncovered unexpected graft

in connection with the plumbers' unions, and but for the fearless

testimony of one of their members, could never have brought the

trial to a successful issue.

Inevitable misunderstanding also developed in connection with the

attempt on the part of Hull-House residents to prohibit the sale

of cocaine to minors, which brought us into sharp conflict with

many druggists. I recall an Italian druggist living on the edge

of the neighborhood, who finally came with a committee of his

countryman to see what Hull-House wanted of him, thoroughly

convinced that no such effort could be disinterested. One dreary

trial after another had been lost through the inadequacy of the

existing legislation and after many attempts to secure better

legal regulation of its sale, a new law with the cooperation of

many agencies was finally secured in 1907. Through all this the

Italian druggist, who had greatly profited by the sale of cocaine

to boys, only felt outraged and abused. And yet the thought of

this campaign brings before my mind with irresistible force, a

young Italian boy who died,--a victim of the drug at the age of

seventeen. He had been in our kindergarten as a handsome merry

child, in our clubs as a vivacious boy, and then gradually there

was an eclipse of all that was animated and joyous and promising,

and when I at last saw him in his coffin, it was impossible to

connect that haggard shriveled body with what I had known before.

A midwife investigation, undertaken in connection with the

Chicago Medical Society, while showing the great need of further

state regulation in the interest of the most ignorant mothers and

helpless children, brought us into conflict with one of the most

venerable of all customs. Was all this a part of the unending

struggle between the old and new, or were these oppositions so

unexpected and so unlooked for merely a reminder of that old bit

of wisdom that "there is no guarding against interpretations"?

Perhaps more subtle still, they were due to that very

super-refinement of disinterestedness which will not justify

itself, that it may feel superior to public opinion. Some of our

investigations of course had no such untoward results, such as

"An Intensive Study of Truancy" undertaken by a resident of

Hull-House in connection with the compulsory education department

of the Board of Education and the Visiting Nurses Association.

The resident, Mrs. Britton, who, having had charge of our

children's clubs for many years, knew thousands of children in

the neighborhood, made a detailed study of three hundred families

tracing back the habitual truancy of the child to economic and

social causes. This investigation preceded a most interesting

conference on truancy held under a committee of which I was a

member from the Chicago Board of Education. It left lasting

results upon the administration of the truancy law as well as the

cooperation of volunteer bodies.

We continually conduct small but careful investigations at

Hull-House, which may guide us in our immediate doings such as two

recently undertaken by Mrs. Britton, one upon the reading of school

children before new books were bought for the children's club

libraries, and another on the proportion of tuberculosis among

school children, before we opened a little experimental outdoor

school on one of our balconies. Some of the Hull-House

investigations are purely negative in result; we once made an

attempt to test the fatigue of factory girls in order to determine

how far overwork superinduced the tuberculosis to which such a

surprising number of them were victims. The one scientific

instrument it seemed possible to use was an ergograph, a

complicated and expensive instrument kindly lent to us from the

physiological laboratory of the University of Chicago. I remember

the imposing procession we made from Hull-House to the factory full

of working women, in which the proprietor allowed us to make the

tests; first there was the precious instrument on a hand truck

guarded by an anxious student and the young physician who was going

to take the tests every afternoon; then there was Dr. Hamilton the

resident in charge of the investigation, walking with a scientist

who was interested to see that the instrument was properly

installed; I followed in the rear to talk once more to the

proprietor of the factory to be quite sure that he would permit the

experiment to go on. The result of all this preparation, however,

was to have the instrument record less fatigue at the end of the

day than at the beginning, not because the girls had not worked

hard and were not "dog tired" as they confessed, but because the

instrument was not fitted to find it out.

For many years we have administered a branch station of the federal

post office at Hull-House, which we applied for in the first

instance because our neighbors lost such a large percentage of the

money they sent to Europe, through the commissions to middle men.

The experience in the post office constantly gave us data for

urging the establishment of postal savings as we saw one perplexed

immigrant after another turning away in bewilderment when he was

told that the United States post office did not receive savings.

We find increasingly, however, that the best results are to be

obtained in investigations as in other undertakings, by combining

our researches with those of other public bodies or with the

State itself. When all the Chicago Settlements found themselves

distressed over the condition of the newsboys who, because they

are merchants and not employees, do not come under the provisions

of the Illinois child labor law, they united in the investigation

of a thousand young newsboys, who were all interviewed on the

streets during the same twenty-four hours. Their school and

domestic status was easily determined later, for many of the boys

lived in the immediate neighborhoods of the ten Settlements which

had undertaken the investigation. The report embodying the

results of the investigation recommended a city ordinance

containing features from the Boston and Buffalo regulations, and

although an ordinance was drawn up and a strenuous effort was

made to bring it to the attention of the aldermen, none of them

would introduce it into the city council without newspaper

backing. We were able to agitate for it again at the annual

meeting of the National Child Labor Committee which was held in

Chicago in 1908, and which was of course reported in papers

throughout the entire country. This meeting also demonstrated

that local measures can sometimes be urged most effectively when

joined to the efforts of a national body. Undoubtedly the best

discussions ever held upon the operation and status of the

Illinois law were those which took place then. The needs of the

Illinois children were regarded in connection with the children

of the nation and advanced health measures for Illinois were

compared with those of other states.

The investigations of Hull-House thus tend to be merged with

those of larger organizations, from the investigation of the

social value of saloons made for the Committee of Fifty in 1896,

to the one on infant mortality in relation to nationality, made

for the American Academy of Science in 1909. This is also true

of Hull-House activities in regard to public movements, some of

which are inaugurated by the residents of other Settlements, as

the Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy, founded by the

splendid efforts of Dr. Graham Taylor for many years head of

Chicago Commons. All of our recent investigations into housing

have been under the department of investigation of this school

with which several of the Hull-House residents are identified,

quite as our active measures to secure better housing conditions

have been carried on with the City Homes Association and through

the cooperation of one of our residents who several years ago was

appointed a sanitary inspector on the city staff.

Perhaps Dr. Taylor himself offers the best possible example of

the value of Settlement experience to public undertakings, in his

manifold public activities of which one might instance his work

at the moment upon a commission recently appointed by the

governor of Illinois to report upon the best method of Industrial

Insurance or Employer's Liability Acts, and his influence in

securing another to study into the subject of Industrial

Diseases. The actual factory investigation under the latter is

in charge of Dr. Hamilton, of Hull-House, whose long residence in

an industrial neighborhood as well as her scientific attainment,

give her peculiar qualifications for the undertaking.

And so a Settlement is led along from the concrete to the

abstract, as may easily be illustrated. Many years ago a tailors'

union meeting at Hull-House asked our cooperation in tagging the

various parts of a man's coat in such wise as to show the money

paid to the people who had made it; one tag for the cutting and

another for the buttonholes, another for the finishing and so on,

the resulting total to be compared with the selling price of the

coat itself. It quickly became evident that we had no way of

computing how much of this larger balance was spent for salesmen,

commercial travelers, rent and management, and the poor tagged

coat was finally left hanging limply in a closet as if discouraged

with the attempt. But the desire of the manual worker to know the

relation of his own labor to the whole is not only legitimate but

must form the basis of any intelligent action for his improvement.

It was therefore with the hope of reform in the sewing trades

that the Hull-House residents testified before the Federal

Industrial Commission in 1900, and much later with genuine

enthusiasm joined with trades-unionists and other public-spirited

citizens in an industrial exhibit which made a graphic

presentation of the conditions and rewards of labor. The large

casino building in which it was held was filled every day and

evening for two weeks, showing how popular such information is, if

it can be presented graphically. As an illustration of this same

moving from the smaller to the larger, I might instance the

efforts of Miss McDowell of the University of Chicago Settlement

and others in urging upon Congress the necessity for a special

investigation into the conditions of women and children in

industry because we had discovered the insuperable difficulties of

smaller investigations, notably one undertaken for the Illinois

Bureau of Labor by Mrs. Van der Vaart of Neighborhood House and by

Miss Breckinridge of the University of Chicago. This

investigation made clear that it was as impossible to detach the

girls working in the stockyards from their sisters in industry as

it was to urge special legislation on their behalf.

In the earlier years of the American Settlements, the residents

were sometimes impatient with the accepted methods of charitable

administration and hoped, through residence in an industrial

neighborhood, to discover more cooperative and advanced methods

of dealing with the problems of poverty which are so dependent

upon industrial maladjustment. But during twenty years, the

Settlements have seen the charitable people, through their very

knowledge of the poor, constantly approach nearer to those

methods formerly designated as radical. The residents, so far

from holding aloof from organized charity, find testimony,

certainly in the National Conferences, that out of the most

persistent and intelligent efforts to alleviate poverty will in

all probability arise the most significant suggestions for

eradicating poverty. In the hearing before a congressional

committee for the establishment of a Children's Bureau, residents

in American Settlements joined their fellow philanthropists in

urging the need of this indispensable instrument for collecting

and disseminating information which would make possible concerted

intelligent action on behalf of children.

Mr. Howells has said that we are all so besotted with our novel

reading that we have lost the power of seeing certain aspects of

life with any sense of reality because we are continually looking

for the possible romance. The description might apply to the

earlier years of the American settlement, but certainly the later

years are filled with discoveries in actual life as romantic as

they are unexpected. If I may illustrate one of these romantic

discoveries from my own experience, I would cite the indications

of an internationalism as sturdy and virile as it is unprecedented

which I have seen in our cosmopolitan neighborhood: when a South

Italian Catholic is forced by the very exigencies of the situation

to make friends with an Austrian Jew representing another

nationality and another religion, both of which cut into all his

most cherished prejudices, he finds it harder to utilize them a

second time and gradually loses them. He thus modifies his

provincialism, for if an old enemy working by his side has turned

into a friend, almost anything may happen. When, therefore, I

became identified with the peace movement both in its

International and National Conventions, I hoped that this

internationalism engendered in the immigrant quarters of American

cities might be recognized as an effective instrument in the cause

of peace. I first set it forth with some misgiving before the

Convention held in Boston in 1904 and it is always a pleasure to

recall the hearty assent given to it by Professor William James.

I have always objected to the phrase "sociological laboratory"

applied to us, because Settlements should be something much more

human and spontaneous than such a phrase connotes, and yet it is

inevitable that the residents should know their own neighborhoods

more thoroughly than any other, and that their experiences there

should affect their convictions.

Years ago I was much entertained by a story told at the Chicago

Woman's Club by one of its ablest members in the discussion

following a paper of mine on "The Outgrowths of Toynbee Hall."

She said that when she was a little girl playing in her mother's

garden, she one day discovered a small toad who seemed to her

very forlorn and lonely, although she did not in the least know

how to comfort him, she reluctantly left him to his fate; later

in the day, quite at the other end of the garden, she found a

large toad, also apparently without family and friends. With a

heart full of tender sympathy, she took a stick and by exercising

infinite patience and some skill, she finally pushed the little

toad through the entire length of the garden into the company of

the big toad, when, to her inexpressible horror and surprise, the

big toad opened his mouth and swallowed the little one. The

moral of the tale was clear applied to people who lived "where

they did not naturally belong," although I protested that was

exactly what we wanted--to be swallowed and digested, to

disappear into the bulk of the people.

Twenty years later I am willing to testify that something of the

sort does take place after years of identification with an

industrial community.

[Editor: Mary Mark Ockerbloom]

This chapter has been put on-line as part of the BUILD-A-BOOK

Initiative at the Celebration of Women Writers. Initial text

entry and proof-reading of this chapter were the work of

volunteer Adrienne Fermoyle.

[Editor: Mary Mark Ockerbloom]

[A Celebration of Women Writers]

"Chapter XIV: Civic Cooperation." by by Jane Addams (1860-1935)

From: Twenty Years at Hull-House with Autobiographical Notes. by

Jane Addams. New York: The MacMillan Company, 1912 (c.1910) pp.

310-341.

[Editor: Mary MarkOckerbloom]

Twenty Years at Hull House; with Autobiographical Notes · 第 6 / 11 章