CHAPTER II

PREVIOUS NEGRO MOVEMENTS

Among the many who have written concerning this exodus one finds that

not a few of them have been prone to emphasize the fact that in this

recent movement the Negroes suddenly developed within themselves a

desire to move, thus implying that migration is not controlled by

certain economic and social laws, and that this movement was an

entirely new social phenomenon. Disregarding for the present the first

assumption, and directing attention to the second, the writer holds

that the latter must have sprung from the fact that no account was

taken of the past economic and social history of the Negroes; for a

study in that direction would have shown that ever since the time of

their emancipation the Negroes have shown a tendency to migrate.[9]

That this has been the case a number of instances will demonstrate.

Shortly after emancipation there occurred slow and confused movements

of the Negro population which covered a period of several years.

During his enslavement the Negro could hardly do anything without the

will and consent of his master; he had not the liberty to order and

direct his life as he chose. When, therefore, he was suddenly

transformed from this state to that of freedom, the first thing he did

was to put this freedom to test by moving about. Consequently he

drifted from place to place and at the same time changed his name,

employment, and even his wife. Many also devoted much of their time to

hunting while they were awaiting Federal Government assistance in the

form of land and mules. Emancipation meant to them not only freedom

from slavery but freedom from responsibility as well. Thus during

their early years of liberty large numbers of Negroes moved about

almost aimlessly and thoughtlessly and made their way especially to

the towns, cities and Federal military camps.[10]

There was, moreover, a considerable movement of the Negro population

toward the southwestern part of the United States. It was very slow

and was in operation between 1865 and 1875, when the expansion of the

numerous railway systems gave rise to a great number of land

speculators who did much to induce men to go West and settle on the

land. Their appeals greatly aroused the Negroes who had reasons for a

change of abode. This movement was at first composed of individuals;

but later on it became a group movement. In this migratory stream

which flowed southwestward were 35,000 Negroes, who came largely from

South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi.[11]

Again, in 1879, a large number of Negroes made a rush to Kansas.[12]

This movement was due for the most part to agricultural depression in

parts of the South, but was precipitated greatly by the activities of

a host of petty Negro leaders who had sprung up in all parts of the

South during the Reconstruction period. This exodus began early in

March and continued till May. The estimated number of migrants was

between 5,000 and 10,000; but there were thousands of others who had

planned to migrate, but were deterred from doing so because of the

news of the misfortunes which befell those who actually moved. The

majority of those who left the South were from Louisiana and

Mississippi. In this migration the Negroes left their homes when the

weather was growing warm, but on reaching their destination found that

spring had not yet arrived, the country being still bleak and

desolate. Most of them were poorly clad and without funds.

Consequently, many suffered from want and disease and consequently

became public charges. As soon as it was convenient for them, however,

large numbers returned to their homes where they scattered such

discouraging reports that others who had planned to move declined to

do so. Nevertheless, about a third of them remained in Kansas and of

this portion a fairly large number attained a creditable degree of

prosperity.

The years of the later eighties and the early nineties also witnessed

a few small interstate movements of Negroes.[13] For a long time it

was the custom of employers in the mineral districts of the

Appalachian Mountains to hire only foreign labor to do their work, but

during the time just referred to this labor failed to satisfy the

demand. In order to meet this emergency the employers at once

dispatched their agents to different parts of the South to appeal to

the Negroes for their labor. The efforts of these agents were not

without effect, because many Negroes soon flocked to the mining

districts of Birmingham, Alabama, to those of East Tennessee, and to

those of West Virginia. Also, large numbers went to southern Ohio,

where they were employed in the places of white laborers, who were on

a strike, demanding higher wages.

As is evident in the preceding citations, the Negroes of the South are

inclined not only to move to the North and West, but are also prone to

move about freely within the South. This can be further substantiated

by a brief study of the interdivisional movements of the Negro

population of the South. In 1910, according to the Federal Census, it

was found that 1.4 per cent of the Negroes living in the South

Atlantic Division, 5.8 per cent of those residing in the East South

Central Division, and 13.1 per cent of those in the West South Central

Division, were born in places outside these respective sections. On

the other hand, it was shown that the South Atlantic Division

registered a loss of 392,927 from its Negro population, the East South

Central a loss of 200,876, whereas the West South Central Division

revealed a net gain of 194,658 in its Negro population. Thus, while

two divisions lost, the third gained heavily by interdivisional Negro

migration.[14] This tendency toward interdivisional migration on the

part of Negroes is, however, exhibited in a less degree than is the

case on the part of whites. In 1910, 16.6 per cent of the Negroes had

moved to other States than those in which they were born, whereas 22.4

per cent of the whites were found in States other than those in which

they were born.[15]

Likewise, the Negroes are inclined to move about freely from section

to section within the bounds of the North and West. In 1910, 47 per

cent of the Negroes living in the New England Division, 52.3 per cent

of those in the Middle Atlantic Division, 50.4 per cent of those in

the East North Central Division, 32.1 per cent of those in the West

North Central Division, and 80 per cent of those living in the

Mountain Division and 77.7 per cent of those living in the Pacific

Division, were born, in each case, in places outside of these

sections.[16] Each section showed also a loss of a certain per cent of

its total native Negro population through migration to some other

division. In this respect, New England showed a loss of 18.5 per cent,

the Middle Atlantic States a loss of 10.5 per cent, the East North

Central 16.2 per cent, the West North Central 18.2 per cent, the

Mountain 43.9 per cent, and the Pacific 26.4 per cent.[17] While this

was the case, each division, nevertheless, received in turn, through

migration from other places, enough newcomers to show a decided gain

in its total Negro population. These gains in numbers were as

follows:[18]

New England 20,310

Middle Atlantic 186,384

East North Central 119,649

West North Central 40,479

Mountain 13,229

Pacific 18,976

While much of the Negro migration has been interdivisional movements

within the three major sections of this country, yet a very

considerable amount of it has been directed from the South to the

North and West. Between 1870 and 1910, a period of forty years, there

was a marked increase in the number of Negroes who were born in the

South but who had migrated to the North. In 1870 the number was

149,000, but in 1910 it had increased to 440,534.[19] This latter

estimate is undoubtedly much less than the actual number of migrants,

for it does not account for those who might have died or returned to

the South or elsewhere before the taking of the Federal Census.

Moreover, it is a fact that since the Civil War the Negro population

of the North has been increasing faster than that of the South. In

1860 there were 344,719 Negroes in the North; in 1910 there were

1,078,336, an increase of 212.8 per cent for the fifty years' period.

In 1920 there were 1,472,448 Negroes in the North, an increase of 43.8

per cent in ten years. In the West there were 78,591 in 1920. In the

South, on the other hand, during the period from 1870 to 1910, the

rate of increase was only 111.1 per cent. From 1910 to 1920 there was

an increase of only 1.9 per cent whereas there was between 1900 and

1915 an increase of 10.4 per cent in that section in the Negro

population in the South. During the past fifty years, therefore, the

relative increase of Negroes in the North has been more than double

that of the Negro population in the South. Before 1860 every census,

except that of 1840, showed a greater relative increase in the Negro

population of the South than in that of the North. Since that time,

however, this condition has been reversed.[20] This increase of the

Negro population in the North is undoubtedly due to migration from the

South, and not to natural increase, because the vital statistics of

Northern communities show that the Negro birth-rate is barely

sufficient to balance the death-rate.[21]

Not only have Negroes been moving from the South to the North and

West, but they have also been migrating from these latter sections to

the South. Immediately after the Civil War a small number of Negroes

left the North and made their way to the South.[22] This movement was

composed of intelligent Negroes who had been fortunate enough to enjoy

some of the educational opportunities of the North and who, because of

this equipment, felt that they might be of service to the race during

the Reconstruction period in the South. They were the ones who became

the antagonists of the Carpet-baggers--the arch-corrupters of the

governments of the Southern States. There were, however, other reasons

why these men went South. In the first place, some had found northern

communities so hostile to them that their progress was impeded; in the

next place, many desired to reunite with their relatives from whom

they had been separated by their flight from slavery; finally, others

moved in response to a spirit of adventure to enter a new field which

offered opportunities of all sorts.

The Federal Census of 1910, moreover, furnishes evidence of Negro

movement from the North and West to the South.[23] This report shows

that during that decade 41,489 Negroes who were born in the North and

West were living in the South. This migration from these former

sections to the South, though less considerable in volume than the

migration from the South, is, nevertheless, proportionately greater

when considered in relation to the Negro population born in these two

sections than the migration from the South when the latter movement

is, likewise, considered in its relation to the total Negro population

born in the South. Thus the 41,489 Negroes born in the North and West

but living in the South in 1910 constituted 6.5 per cent of the total

Negro population born in the North and West, whereas the 440,534

Negroes born in the South but residing in the North formed only 4.8

per cent of the total Negro population born in the South.

The fact that this recent Negro migration, as has been stated, was a

movement to the large cities and industrial centers of the North and

West should give no occasion for surprise, because this has been in

progress for more than three decades. During this period the Negroes

have shown a decided tendency to flock to the large cities of the

North and West, and also to those of the South. This is verified by

the discovery that since 1880 nine cities of the North and West have

shown considerable increase in their Negro population. These

attractive cities thus popularized are as follows: Boston, Greater New

York, Philadelphia, Chicago, Cincinnati, Evansville, Indianapolis,

Pittsburgh, and St. Louis. The increase for these nine cities between

1880 and 1890 was about 36.2 per cent; between 1890 and 1900 it was

about 74.4 per cent; from 1900 to 1910 about 37.4 per cent; and from

1910 to 1920 about 50 per cent. In the first decade the increase was

more than three times the increase of the total Negro population; in

the second it was more than four times as large; in the third the

increase was nearly three times larger; and in the fourth nearly five

times as large as the increase of the same population. Likewise,

during the same period there was a great Negro influx to the larger

cities of the South, but the rate of increase was less than that of

the Northern cities. In fifteen Southern cities the percentage of

increase was about 38.7 per cent during the first decade; during the

second about 20.6 per cent; and from 1900 to 1916 the increase (based

on figures for sixteen cities) was about the same as that of the

preceding decades.[24]

These numerous instances of previous Negro movements show that the

recent migration is no new and strange phenomenon, that Negroes, like

other elements of the population of the United States, have shown a

tendency since their emancipation to move from place to place. This

recent exodus was simply a part of a long series of movements which

have been in progress for more than half a century. It is, therefore,

much like the others and differs from them only in its immense

volume. In the course of this migration, as we observed, the number of

Negroes who moved to the North and West was probably a half million--a

number which perhaps exceeds or certainly equals that which resulted

from all other movements from the South to the North during a period

of forty years. Herein alone, if such a view of it can be held at all,

lies its strangeness and remarkability as a social phenomenon.

FOOTNOTES:

[9] Scroggs, W. O., _Jour. Pol. Econ._, 25: 1034, Dec., 1917.

[10] Woodson, C. G., _A Century of Negro Migration_, pp. 117-20.

[11] _Ibid._, pp. 120-21.

[12] Scroggs, W. O., _Jour. Pol. Econ._, 25: 1035-37, Dec., 1917.

[13] Woodson, C. G., _A Century of Negro Migration_, p. 146.

[14] _Negro Population in U. S., 1790-1915_, Bureau of Census, pp.

69-70.

[15] _Journal of Pol. Econ._, 25: 1040, D. '17.

[16] _Negro Population in U. S., 1790-1915_, Bureau of Census, pp.

69-70.

[17] _Negroes in the U. S._, Bulletin 129, p. 17. Census Bureau.

[18] _Negro Population in U. S., 1790-1915_, Bureau of Census, pp.

69-70.

[19] _Negro Population in U. S., 1790-1915_, Bureau of Census, p. 65.

[20] Scroggs, W. D., _Jour. Pol. Econ._, 25: 1038, D. '17.

[21] _Ibid._, D. '17.

[22] Woodson, C. G., _A Century of Negro Migration_, pp. 123-4.

[23] _Negro Population in the U. S., 1790-1915_, p. 65.

[24] Haynes, G. E., _New York Times_, Nov. 12, 1916, II, 12: 1.

The Journal of Negro History, Volume 6, 1921 · 第 2 / 10 章