CHAPTER XV

REVIVAL

It was to be expected that, upon the anticipated retirement of Governor

Miller, General William R. Marshall, the most prominent among the

founders of the Republican party in Minnesota, who had added a highly

honorable military career to his civil record, would be called to

succeed. And he was; but not without opposition from other gentlemen

who had also distinguished themselves in both civil and military

duties. It took twenty-two ballotings in the Republican convention to

secure his nomination. At the polls he met that veteran of Democracy,

the Hon. Henry M. Rice, whose popularity, especially among “old

Territorians,” was so great as to reduce his majority to less than 3600

in a total of 31,000 votes. He took office in January, 1866, and so

commended himself by a judicious practical administration that his

reëlection in the fall of the following year was but formally

contested. Mr. Rice closed his political career with the campaign of

1865, which he survived for a quarter of a century.

Marshall’s double term was a period of recovery and repair after the

exhaustion of the wars; and it was something more. Neither the people

severally nor the state were heavily burdened with debt, and there was

work for all and good prices for produce. Railroad building was

continued on a scale of a few more than one hundred miles a year. In

1867 the line now known as the Iowa and Minnesota Division of the

Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul Railroad, begun at both ends, was

completed, and trains were put on from the Falls of St. Anthony to

Prairie du Chien, whence rail connection eastward already existed.

Minnesota was now in the great world all the year round. No important

terminals were reached by additions to other lines, although seven

hundred and sixty-six miles had been constructed by the close of the

decade.

The development of the common schools of Minnesota was tardy. The act

of 1851, providing for a state system, created the office of

superintendent of public instruction, but attached only a nominal

salary to it. Four persons were appointed in as many years, whose

duties seem to have been confined to making formal annual reports. From

1856 to 1860 the office was virtually, if not technically, vacant. The

legislature of 1860 devolved the duties upon the titular chancellor of

the university, the Rev. Edward Duffield Neill, who held it till April

29, 1861, when he resigned to take the chaplaincy of the First

Minnesota Infantry, leaving the office to a competitor for that

position. In the legislative session of 1862 the school laws were

revised and the secretary of state was made _ex-officio_ state

superintendent. This absurd arrangement continued for five years,

against the advice of the two gentlemen who held the double office.

Governor Marshall informed the legislature of 1867 that the children of

school age in the state were over a hundred thousand, and that the

school fund had grown to nearly a million and a half. Upon his earnest

recommendation the office of state superintendent was reëstablished,

with a salary more than nominal, but inadequate. He appointed Mark H.

Dunnell of Owatonna, a young lawyer who had been successful as a

teacher in his native state of Maine.

Mr. Dunnell threw himself into his duties with great enthusiasm and

industry. He gathered the teachers into “institutes” for pedagogical

instruction and raised the standard of qualification for certificates.

A state teachers’ association was organized to stimulate pride in the

teaching profession and provide for interchange of ideas and

experiences. It is notable that Mr. Dunnell as late as 1869 thought it

necessary to argue in behalf of a public school system free from

religious dogma or discipline. The organization of high schools in the

leading towns had already discouraged the proprietors of numerous

denominational academies and seminaries desirous of holding the

secondary field.

In 1858 a bill had been worked through the first state legislature to

establish three normal schools, one at Winona as soon as practicable

after passage, the others at times to be later determined. This bill

was fathered by Dr. John W. Ford of Winona, an enthusiast in the cause

of professional education for teachers. So little was known in the

longitude of Minnesota of what a “normal school” might be, that it is

not strange that the friends of the bill got more credit in the

newspapers and among the people for securing a state institution for

each of three towns than for zeal in the cause of education. Six years

passed before a beginning was made in the first state normal school at

Winona, under the charge of William F. Phelps, an Oswego graduate. No

man less confident of the righteousness of his cause, nor less willing

to fight a bitter opposition, could have built up a school for teachers

which has served as model for many others in Minnesota and other

states. The second state normal school was opened in Mankato in 1868;

the third in St. Cloud in the next year.

The “wing and extension” of the great building planned for the

territorial regents of the university in 1856, and built in that year

and the next, stood empty for ten years, except that at different times

private teachers were allowed to hold their classes in some of the

rooms. The legislature of 1858 authorized the regents to borrow $40,000

and issue ten per cent. bonds in evidence of debt. These securities

were negotiated in New York after great effort and at a ruinous

discount. The claim was later made that they could not have been

disposed of at all had they not been improperly represented to be

virtually bonds of the state. The proceeds released the regents from

obligations which they had personally assumed and satisfied a portion

of the creditors.

The Republican legislature of 1860 thought it time to oust the “old

Democratic board” and install a new administration. The new “state

board,” consisting of three members _ex-officiis_ and five appointed,

had nothing to report to the next session but a debt of $93,500,

including $8000 of overdue interest. Their recommendation was that the

land grant be turned over to the creditors, the campus and building

being retained. An act of Congress of March 2, 1861, donating to the

state the university lands “reserved” for the territorial university,

rendered such action feasible.

Governor Ramsey could make no other suggestion to the legislature of

1862, and that body conferred the desired authority. In 1862 wild lands

were a drug in the market. “Pine” would not go at four dollars an acre.

The regents reported to the legislature of 1863 that the creditors were

not disposed to accept “equitable terms.” That legislature did not

formally dissolve the corporation, but ordered the regents to turn over

to the state auditor, as state land commissioner, all the lands,

buildings, and appurtenances. This was accordingly done, and the

University of Minnesota existed only in supposition.

After the midsummer of 1863 matters were looking up in Minnesota. The

victories of Vicksburg and Gettysburg gave hope of an early return of

peace. Money was plentiful and prices were rising. Notwithstanding the

homestead law, there was a market for well-situated public land. John

S. Pillsbury of St. Anthony had been appointed to a vacancy in the

board of regents in November of that year, and immediately applied his

remarkable business talent to the university affairs. His conclusions

were embodied in a bill introduced into the state senate of 1864, of

which he was a member. Enacted into law March 4, the bill created a

special board of three regents: John S. Pillsbury, Orlando C. Merriman,

a lawyer of St. Anthony, and John Nicols, a merchant of St. Paul, also

a state senator. This board was authorized to sell land to the amount

of twelve thousand acres and use the proceeds in “extricating” the

institution. Taking advantage of a time of general liquidation and

scaling down, they bought in claims of many creditors at thirty-three

per cent. of their face. The bondholders, satisfied at length that they

had no recourse upon the state, moderated their demands and consented

to “equitable terms” of adjustment. In this way a “great state”

redeemed the bonds it had authorized by law, and canceled a body of

debts pronounced by the regents of 1860 to be “honestly due.”

It took two years to accomplish this “extrication,” so that the

legislature of 1867 was ready to make a small appropriation to renovate

the building and open “a grammar and normal department.” It was not

until October 7 of that year that the doors were opened, and thirty-one

boys and girls were enrolled in the first term. The school being of

academy grade, no objection was made to the admission of girls, but

there was no intention to settle then the question of coeducation in

the university. It was, however, thus settled.

The special board, having accomplished its purposes to the satisfaction

of all concerned, recommended to the legislature of 1868 the transfer

of control to a permanent board of regents. The act of February 18,

1868, passed in pursuance of this counsel, is the charter of the

university, and has not been materially modified. The new board

appointed by the governor with the consent of the senate properly

contained the names of Pillsbury, Nicols, and Merriman. At the close of

the school year of 1869 the regents resolved to open the “College of

Science, Literature, and the Arts,” as the statute ambitiously named

the academic department. Although there were but fourteen provisional

freshmen and a hundred and fifty preparatory students, a president,

eight professors, and one instructor were elected. The faculty thus

constituted organized in September, and took up the work before them,

mostly that of a fitting school.

The title of the charter of February 18, 1868, contained the clause,

“and to establish an agricultural college therein.” The original act of

1851 creating the university named as one of its five departments that

of agriculture, but on March 10, 1858, a separate “state agricultural

college” was established and located at Glencoe in McLeod County.

Minnesota’s share of the so-called Morrill land grant of 1862 for the

benefit of colleges of agriculture and the mechanic arts was 120,000

acres. By an act approved March 2, 1865, the proceeds of this grant

were applied and appropriated to the said agricultural college of

Minnesota. What influences or interests prevailed to induce the people

of McLeod County to consent to the merger of their institution with the

university are not well known, but the legislature of 1868 decided on

that policy, and inviolably appropriated the income of the Morrill land

grant to the united institutions. The friends of the university were,

of course, gratified over the return to the scheme of the original

creative act of 1851 and the concentration of the state’s resources for

the higher education. Governor Marshall had the satisfaction of seeing

the University of Minnesota, in which he had been deeply interested

from its statutory creation, at length fairly launched on a career of

promise which he lived to see fulfilled. He had also the gratification

of seeing the color line removed from the state constitution by the

adoption, at the election of 1868, of an amendment expunging the word

“white” out of the article on the elective franchise. A much needed

revision of the laws of the state went into effect about the same time.

* * * * *

Ignatius Donnelly, who had been elected to Congress in 1862, had been

accorded two reëlections. His diligence in business and readiness in

debate had gained him influence in the House, and his campaign speeches

had increased his popularity at home. To all appearance he was certain

of a third reëlection in the fall of 1868, and among his admirers were

those who suggested that the state and country would profit by his

promotion to the Senate. Such propositions were not relished by the

friends of Senator Ramsey, whose first term would be expiring in the

following winter. Elimination of Mr. Donnelly thereupon became to them

a desirable political object. It might not have been attained but for

an error of Mr. Donnelly himself in a moment of perhaps excusable

exasperation.

In the winter of 1868, in a letter to a constituent explaining why he

had not pushed a certain railroad land grant bill, Mr. Donnelly stated

that E. B. Washburne, member of Congress from Illinois, had repeatedly

hindered his efforts to secure legislation for his state. Mr. Washburne

replied through a St. Paul newspaper, April 10, 1868, attacking Mr.

Donnelly’s personal character, and declaring him cowardly and

mendacious. He represented him also as “whining like a schoolboy” over

his disappointments. Thus assailed, Mr. Donnelly, on May 2, made on the

floor of the House a consummate display of those powers of ridicule and

invective of which he was master. Tolerated by the House because of its

enjoyment of the play of rhetorical lightning, and perhaps because of a

feeling that the speaker’s indignation had some just ground, the

Minnesota member descended into an utterly indefensible tirade. It has

ever since been traditional in Minnesota that that speech “cooked

Donnelly’s goose.”

Washburne could only say in wrath that he would “make no reply to a

member covered all over with crime and infamy, a man whose record is

stained with every fraud, a man who has proved false alike to his

friends, his constituents, his country, his religion, and his God.”

Both gentlemen apologized for using unparliamentary language, and the

special committee of the House reported that as neither had made

charges affecting the action of the other as a representative, they

might be left to settle personal difficulties outside. On his return to

Minnesota after the close of the session, Mr. Donnelly gave expression

to his sentiments towards the Washburn family in a series of speeches

in which his peculiar gifts were displayed in the highest degree.

The friends of Senator Ramsey selected for their support, as successor

to Mr. Donnelly, William D. Washburn, a younger brother of the

representative from Illinois just mentioned, who had won for himself a

place in their esteem for ability and character. When the hour for the

convention came, Mr. Donnelly’s supporters “bolted,” and in a separate

body put their idol in nomination. Seeing the regular convention so

largely depleted, Mr. Washburn withdrew after the first ballot. General

Lucius F. Hubbard also declined the honor of a candidacy; and it was

only after assurances of active and substantial support that General C.

C. Andrews was persuaded to enter the lists. The Democrats saw their

opportunity in this split in the Republican ranks, and put in

nomination and elected Eugene M. Wilson of Minneapolis, a gentleman

whose character and services entitled him to their support. He served

to the general satisfaction in the Forty-first Congress.

Mr. Donnelly now came out openly as a candidate for the senatorship,

and he had reason to expect an election. On the eve of the Republican

caucus, however, his muster roll contained but twenty-six names of

those who could be depended on. Twenty-eight votes were necessary to

nominate. Failing to secure absolute pledges of the two lacking votes,

Mr. Donnelly advised his friends to give their support to Morton S.

Wilkinson, who was willing to serve another term in the Senate. His

hope was to give Mr. Ramsey a rest from senatorial labors. In that he

was disappointed. Mr. Ramsey’s friends secured the adoption of a

resolution to dispense with informal balloting, thus revealing their

strength, but they were only able to give him the exact number of votes

(twenty-eight) necessary to a choice. The election followed as a matter

of course, and Mr. Ramsey continued in a senatorial career creditable

to himself and serviceable to the state and nation. Mr. Donnelly did

not at once renounce the colors of the Republican party, but he was

ever after a free lance in politics. He was repeatedly elected to the

state legislature.

In the fall of 1869 an effort was made to give Mr. Donnelly the regular

nomination for the governorship. This was not opposed by the Ramsey

leaders, who were willing to bring back into the fold so dangerous a

rival. That effort, however, had but slight recognition in the

nominating convention, which chose for the party candidate a gentleman

as yet not widely known in state politics, the Hon. Horace Austin of

St. Peter.

The removal of the state capital from St. Paul, which would have been

accomplished in 1857 but for the high-handed exploit of Councilor

Rolette, though frequently broached informally, was not seriously taken

up by any legislature till 1869. A bill for removal to Kandiyohi

County, on to land belonging to the state, was passed through both

houses so easily and rapidly as to invite the surmise that the

necessary votes had been secured in advance. Superfluous debate was

shut out by the operation of the previous question. The vote in the

house was 39 to 7, that in the senate 12 to 10; but the house could not

muster enough votes to pass the bill over Governor Marshall’s veto. The

veto message was moderate in tone; suggesting that it would be wise to

hear from the people on the question, that there should be no haste

about a final location of the capital, and that it was no time to

expend a great sum of money on buildings.

Two years later a final proposal to remove the capital from St. Paul to

the imagined city of Stanton met with a prompt indefinite postponement.

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