CHAPTER XII.

THE BOULEVARDS (_continued_).

La Maison Dorée--Librairie Nouvelle--Catherine II. and the

Encyclopædia--The House of Madeleine Guimard.

At the corner of the Rue Marivaux stands the Café Anglais, now the

only one remaining of the historical Paris restaurants, which for the

most part date their reputation from the years 1814 and 1815, when

the European Allies had their head-quarters in the French capital.

The invasions which restored the French Monarchy, and which had been

undertaken with no other object, brought defeat, but at the same time

prosperity and gaiety to Paris; whereas the invasion of 1870 and 1871

caused nothing but misery to the vanquished. During the early days of

the Restoration such houses as Les Trois Frères Provençaux, in the

Palais Royal, La Maison Dorée, the Café Riche, and the still extant Café

Anglais, did a magnificent trade, thanks to the number of Prussian,

Russian, Austrian, and English officers who frequented them, and who,

after the toils of war, abandoned themselves willingly to some of the

joys of peace.

Most of these famous restaurants sprang from wine-shops; for it is a

fact that every celebrated dining-place in Paris has owed its reputation

primarily to the quality of its wine. The three brothers from Provence

who started the restaurant known under their name were simply three

young men who, having vineyards of their own and a connection with other

wine-growers, maintained an excellent cellar. But when people came in

to taste its contents it was absolutely necessary, in order to render

appreciable the flavour of the wine, to give them something to eat.

Then, as they spent their money freely, it was found possible and even

desirable to engage a first-rate cook; until at last the reputation of

the cellar was equalled by that of the kitchen.

Who has not read of Les Trois Frères Provençaux in Balzac's "Scenes from

Paris Life"? It was in one of their upstairs rooms, moreover, facing the

garden of the Palais Royal, that the hero of Alfred de Musset's "Enfant

du Siècle" had his last sad interview, his last sad meal, with the young

woman from whom he was about to separate for ever.

La Maison Dorée, too, was a famous house. The scene of many an orgie,

it kept its doors open continuously. Here it was that M. de Camors,

in Octave Feuillet's novel of that name, at the end of an extremely

late supper threw a gold piece into the mud and told a ragpicker who

happened to be passing that if he would pull it out with his teeth he

could have it for himself; and who does not remember how, so soon as the

_chiffonnier_ had performed this feat, the dissipated but not altogether

degraded gentleman begged the poor man to knock him down in return for

the insult offered to him.

La Maison Dorée used to be kept by a proprietor named Hardy, and

the fact that the neighbouring café and restaurant, of almost equal

celebrity and dearness, belonged to a Monsieur Riche, whose name it

bore, gave rise to the saying that a man must be "_très riche pour dîner

chez Hardy, et très hardi pour dîner chez Riche_."

The Café Riche used to be the favourite dining place of Jules Janin on

evenings of first performances. Here on these interesting occasions

he was always to be seen; and the usual genial tone of his criticisms

was possibly attributable to the excellence of M. Riche's chef. Not,

however, that Janin wrote his notices of new plays the same night. He

published them week by week in the _feuilleton_ of the _Journal des

Débats_, afterwards to be corrected and published under the title of

"Questionable History of Dramatic Literature."

The Café Riche was never such a late house as La Maison Dorée, which

went on day by day and year by year, never closing, regardless of the

clock. Thus it was at once the earliest and the latest of Paris taverns;

and if it was possible to get supper there at 3 or 4 o'clock in the

morning after a dull evening party, a traveller was equally sure that

the place would be open when, arriving at Paris by train at, say, 6 in

the morning, the vacuum in his stomach demanded an immediate breakfast.

A story is told of a gentleman who, living immediately opposite the side

entrance of La Maison Dorée, dedicated to this famous hostelry all the

time he did not spend in bed. Rising extremely late, he turned into

the Maison Dorée towards four in the afternoon to look at the papers,

converse with some of the frequenters, take a preparatory glass of

absinthe, and finally dine--this being, of course, the great event of

his well-spent day. His dinner began at an advanced hour of the evening,

and lasted well into the night. Then he was joined by friends from the

theatre bent on supping; and it was not till towards sunrise that he

returned to his apartments over the way.

Unlike the Temple of Janus, which was never shut in time of war, the

Maison Dorée could only keep its doors open in time of peace. Such war,

at all events, as the Prussians brought to the gates of Paris and to

Paris itself in 1870 and 1871 was fatal to its existence. Since those

terrible years Paris has lost something of its gaiety and frivolity. The

Café Anglais still exists; but even at this celebrated supping-place of

former years supper is now an unknown meal. Nothing is served in the

Café Anglais after nine o'clock. This café, oddly enough, seems to have

been named after a nation which in the year 1815 can scarcely have been

popular among the French. Its origin, or at least its name, dates from

the year of the Waterloo campaign, and, strangely enough, it is the only

great restaurant of that period which to this day survives. Possibly the

establishment was not called Café Anglais merely by way of invitation

to the English portion of the occupying forces. The title may have been

meant to indicate that the service of the table was conducted after the

English rather than the French fashion. The French, it must be admitted,

preceded us in the matter of napkins, and also, if their boast on the

subject can be admitted, in the earlier use of four-pronged forks, made

by preference of silver. But in the year 1815 the French knew nothing of

salt-spoons; and though plates were changed frequently enough, the same

knife and fork served throughout the various courses, the diner cleaning

on a piece of bread a knife which did duty for every dish which came

on the table. It replaced the salt-spoon, and was frequently used for

conveying food to the mouth. Not only English dining-places, but English

hotels were highly esteemed in 1815; and Dr. Véron, in his "Mémoires

d'un Bourgeois de Paris," speaks of cleanliness as an English invention

unknown to the French until the peace which followed the Napoleonic wars.

In the art of living the French have generally been considered by the

rest of Europe to have reached the greatest proficiency; and their

methods and customs have accordingly been more imitated than those of

any other nation. Of their cookery there is but one opinion; for every

man in Europe who can afford a great table keeps either a French cook

or a cook educated in the French school. The variety given by French

cooks to the very simplest dish is too well known to require emphasis;

and even Macaulay quotes the story of that Parisian chef who could make

twelve different dishes out of a poppy-head.

In the matter of table as of drawing-room etiquette the French in

Arthur Young's time seem to have been both superior and inferior to

the English. It is true that the French artisan would not dine without

a clean napkin on his knee; but it is equally true that the French

aristocrat would sometimes spit about the floor in presence of a duchess

with a freedom which would be resented in any English tap-room.

If Paris be really "the Tavern of Europe," the Café Anglais is at this

moment the Tavern of Paris. Scarcely any foreigner of distinction visits

the French capital without dining, perhaps even by special arrangement

supping, at the Café Anglais, which is now under the management, not

of an enterprising landlord, but of a well-regulated Limited Liability

Company.

* * * * *

At the corner of the Rue de Grammont, separated from the Café Anglais

by the Theatrical Bureau, or "Office de Théâtre," which supplies

tickets for every playhouse in Paris, is the Librairie Nouvelle, where,

exhibited for sale, may be seen all the latest novels in vogue and most

of the standard works which, in spite of, or perhaps in consequence of,

their ancient fame, still find readers. Books are published at much

lower prices in Paris than in London. Lending libraries are now quite

out of date in the French capital, and persons really interested in a

new work do not get it to read at so much a volume or a subscription of

so much a year, but buy it once and for all. Forty or fifty years ago

the circulating library system had been pushed further in Paris than

any point it has yet reached in London. Novels by popular authors were

issued in six or eight volumes with from eighty to one hundred words in

each page; a sore temptation to the Belgian pirates, who, in the days

before International Copyright Conventions, vexed the soul of every

French author by reproducing his works at so low a price that he had

no more chance of selling his editions in Belgium than has an English

author of to-day of vending his in the United States. Instead, however,

of being separated from France as America is from England by thousands

of miles of sea, Belgium was conterminous with the country it loved

to despoil. It was impossible to prevent the fraudulent imitations of

Belgium entering France; and to put an end at once to Belgian piracy and

to the absurd circulating library system, a spirited and intelligent

Paris publisher, Charpentier by name, introduced the novel at three and

a half francs--a price which, as originally fixed, or at a reduction of

half a franc, is still maintained. Copyright affairs between France and

Belgium are now regulated under the clauses of the same International

Convention which binds all other countries, with the exception of Russia

and Holland on one side of the Atlantic, and the United States of

America on the other.

[Illustration: MARIVAUX.

(_From the Bust by Mlle. Dubois-Davesne in the Comédie Française._)]

To offer new books for sale in London at the strangely high prices

fixed for the benefit of the circulating libraries would be out of the

question; but at the Librairie Nouvelle all the latest works produced in

Paris may be seen, partially read, and finally, if such be the desire of

the reader, purchased. Many a Parisian, however, or visitor to Paris,

whether from love of literature or merely to pass the time, strolls into

the Librairie Nouvelle and looks through book after book without buying

a single volume. Some day such an institution as this will possibly

exist in London; not, however, until the prices of our new books are

considerably lowered. But although the frequenters of the Librairie

Nouvelle are not called upon, or even expected, to make purchases, only

a small fraction of them leave the establishment without doing so; and

it is as astonishing as it is interesting to see with what rapidity

copies of a new novel of genuine popularity will sometimes go off.

No trade has made such progress in France since the Great Revolution

as that of bookselling. This result is due alike to the increase

in the number of readers through cheap, gratuitous, and obligatory

education, and to the liberty of the Press enjoyed by the French,

with some interruptions (as under the First Empire and a few years of

the Restoration), for an entire century. "How I should like to have

Voltaire, Rousseau, and Diderot writing for me in one of my garrets,"

a French bookseller is represented as saying in Mercier's "Tableau de

Paris," published only a few years before the Revolution. "I would feed

them well, but, by Heaven, I would make them work! Why is one of them

too rich, and the others too independent to write at so much per sheet?"

It is noticeable that not one of these three authors whose works sold

so largely was able to publish in France everything he wrote. Even

the volume in which the above story is told was published in London.

Many of Voltaire's works were brought out in London or Amsterdam.

More than one of Rousseau's books were prohibited in France; and the

publication of the "Encyclopédie," to which Voltaire, Rousseau, and

Diderot all contributed, was not only prohibited, but cast materially

into the Bastille, where the volumes were found on the destruction of

the building; which gave the despotic, but in regard to literature,

liberal-minded Catherine II. an opportunity of offering to continue the

publication of the work in Russia.

[Illustration: PARIS IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.]

Until the time of the Revolution nearly the whole of the book trade

was in the hands of hawkers. "The business of these people," says a

writer of the 18th century, "is to be the itinerant beasts of burden

of literature, as the booksellers are its caterpillars. Illiterate,

and hardly able to read, the hawkers may be said to deal in a ware as

perfectly foreign to them as the business of mixing up colours would

be to the blind. They only know the price of each book they offer for

sale. They are haunted everywhere by police-runners, and such is their

apprehension of falling under the censure of the despotic magistrate,

and, altogether, their ignorance, that some sell even prayer-books under

the cloak with as much care and circumspection as if it were an immoral

or political pamphlet. These poor harmless hawkers, who give circulation

to the clandestine works of the writers of every denomination without

being able to read a single line; who, though far from suspecting it,

are the asserters of public freedom, and with no other view than to

procure to themselves a scanty subsistence--these are the first to

feel the resentment of the offended great. It would be, perhaps, if

not dangerous, at least impolitic, to attack the author himself; but a

hawker sent to the Bastille or fastened in the public market by an iron

_carcanet_ is a matter of too little importance to be noticed by the

public."

The very method employed to prevent the spread of ideas amongst the

French people helped to overthrow the despotism by which it had been

devised. This is well shown by Arthur Young, writing about the same time

as the author whose account of the persecution in France of literature

in all its forms has just been quoted. Such ignorance in Young's time

was imposed on the French nation by a tyrannical censorship that, for

aught the country knew to the contrary, their representatives were in

the Bastille; and the mob was accustomed to pillage, burn, and destroy

from sheer want of knowledge. Even in the large provincial towns Young

could not see a newspaper. At the cafés there was nothing to read but

the _Gazette de France_, a sheet in which the professed "news" was so

dished up that "no man of common-sense" would attempt to digest it. The

consequence was that the frequenters of cafés and restaurants could be

heard gravely discussing news a fortnight old.

On the first floor of the house of which the ground-floor is occupied by

the Librairie Nouvelle, we find the Club of the Two Worlds, or "Cercle

des Deux Mondes," established in an abode which was occupied for some

time by the Jockey Club, until this latter, after deserting the mansion

built by the Farmer-General de Lange on the Boulevard Montmartre,

continued its western progress, to reach ultimately the domicile it at

present inhabits on the Boulevard des Capucines.

At the corner of the Rue de Choiseul is the well-known establishment

of Potel and Chabot, who keep what, in London--for want of a better

name, and probably in virtue of some tradition on the subject--is

called an "Italian warehouse." This firm, however, does not confine

itself to the lighter description of comestibles and dainties. In these

it deals largely enough; and among the tempting delicacies offered to

the passer-by are early vegetables, fruit, olives, ham, sausages of

rare manufacture, and game pies. But besides selling stray articles

to the chance epicure, the house of Potel and Chabot undertakes the

supply of dinners on a very large scale, and employs a number of chefs,

sous-chefs, scullions, roasters, pastry-cooks, and other functionaries

of the kitchen. It was the firm of Potel and Chabot which, in July,

1888, supplied in the Champ de Mars the banquet offered to 10,000 mayors

from all parts of France, furnishing it hot, so that many of the guests

declared they had never before been anywhere so well served. The dinner

was simple, but it is said to have been excellent. The ten thousand

guests had one glass and two plates apiece; 500 waiters flitted about

with the wines and the dishes.

The end of the Boulevard des Italiens is marked by a circular pavilion,

which has lost something of its original shape through the repairs

necessitated by the ravages of time; though it still bears a number of

sculptural ornaments which are much admired, including certain masks,

reputed to be masterpieces. It is called the Pavilion of Hanover, and

is so named from having been erected and adorned by the architect

Cheveautel for the Duc de Richelieu at the end of the garden attached to

his mansion, after the campaign of Hanover, in 1757, which he terminated

by securing the capitulation of Closterseven. Under the Directory

and the Consulate, in the first years of the Empire, the Pavilion of

Hanover and a portion of the grounds belonging formerly to the Duc de

Richelieu were the scene of public assemblies, balls, and concerts;

and it was here that Tortoni established his famous ice-shop and café

in partnership with another Italian, named Velloni. The latter is now

forgotten; but Tortoni, who continued the business on his own account,

is, in the world of cafés, an historical figure.

Let us not hurry past the former Hôtel Choiseul, where, during the

Reign of Terror, Pace, Minister of War, resided; where, under the

Directory, the staff of the Army of Paris was established; and where

Murat afterwards lived in the capacity of Governor. When the Restoration

came to pass it was turned into the headquarters of the National Guard.

Finally it was put up for sale, when, after the assassination of the Duc

of Berri on the steps of the Opera House in the Rue Richelieu, it was

determined to pull down the lyric temple and erect another on the site

occupied by the Hôtel Choiseul. We shall see in the proper place that

the demolition of the Opera House of the Rue Richelieu was due to the

representations of the Archbishop of Paris, who refused to allow the

last sacrament to be administered to the dying prince unless he received

a promise that the profane building, in which so holy an act had to

be performed, should immediately afterwards be destroyed. The Hôtel

Choiseul was bought by the City of Paris, and close to what remained

of the ancient mansion rose the new Opera House, opening on to the Rue

Le Pelletier, where, between the years 1821 and 1823, so many great

works were brought out, including Rossini's _Guillaume Tell_, Auber's

_Masaniello_, as it is called in England, Donizetti's _Favorite_,

Verdi's _Vêpres Siciliennes_, and Meyerbeer's _Robert le Diable_,

_Prophète_, and _Africaine_. On the night of Tuesday, October 20, 1873,

the eve of the hundredth representation of Ambroise Thomas' _Hamlet_,

flames burst out in the wardrobe, and the next day the Opera House was a

heap of ruins.

It is a curious fact, not hitherto noticed, that the destruction by

fire of the Opera House in the Rue Le Pelletier took place precisely

two hundred years after the production of Lulli's earliest opera, the

first lyrical piece ever performed in Paris under the royal patent which

authorised the establishment of a regular opera house. Lulli has been

represented, in a famous picture, receiving his "privilege" from the

hands of Louis XIV. as a reward and encouragement for services rendered.

It can scarcely be said, however, that Lulli, though he established

opera in Paris, was the first to introduce it. Cardinal Mazarin brought

Italian opera to Paris in 1645, when Lulli was but a child; and the

French opera named _Akébar, Roi de Mogol_, written and composed by

the Abbé Mailly, was represented the year afterwards in the episcopal

palace of Carpentras under the direction of Cardinal Bichi. A public

performance, moreover, was given of _Pomone_, words by Perrin, music by

Cambert, in 1671; but though _Pomone_ was the first French opera offered

in Paris to a general audience, Lulli's _Cadmée_ was the first of that

long series of lyrical productions given at the State Opera House which

extended, with but two short breaks, from 1673 to 1873.

The new Opera House, which was to replace the one burnt down in 1873,

had already, on a scale of unprecedented magnificence, been designed,

constructed, and all but finished under Napoleon III. But 1873, scarcely

more than two years after the disasters of the siege and Commune, was

not the time at which to complete and inaugurate a sumptuous Opera

House; and it was not until 1875 that the famous edifice, which may

challenge comparison with any other of the kind in Europe, threw its

doors open to the public.

Another celebrated building in this neighbourhood, at the corner of the

Rue Taitbout, is the former Hôtel de Brancas, built by the architect

Bélanger, a devoted friend of the famous Sophie Arnould, to whom he was

faithfully attached until her death. His endeavours to obtain for her,

in default of a pension that was never paid, a portion of the large

sum due to her from the directors of the Théâtre Français show him to

have been a man of energy as well as heart. It was in the character of

architect that Bélanger first became acquainted with the brilliant and

witty actress; and when he made her an offer of marriage, which she did

not accept, she at once observed that no one was better fitted than an

architect to build up her damaged reputation. From the family of Brancas

the mansion erected by Bélanger passed to the wife of General Rapp, then

to the Marchioness of Hertford, to her son Lord Seymour, and to Sir

Richard Wallace. Under Napoleon III. magnificent entertainments were

given there by the late Khalil Pasha. On the ground-floor of the edifice

appeared and disappeared the Café de Paris, celebrated in the reign of

Louis Philippe, and for some years afterwards, as the rendez-vous of

celebrities in literature, art, and the world of fashion. It was in time

to be followed by other excellent restaurants, now vanished, but not

forgotten.

The last house on the Boulevard des Italiens, at the corner of the Rue

de la Chaussée d'Antin, occupies the site of the old Military School,

founded, for 200 officers' sons, under the name of Dépôt des Gardes

Français; where for twenty years of his life Rossini lived on the first

floor, and whence he moved to the villa at Passy offered to him by the

City of Paris. It was in this retreat that he ended his days.

[Illustration: RUE DE LA CHAUSSÉE D'ANTIN.]

The Chaussée d'Antin, formerly a high road leading from the boulevards

into the open country, is full of interesting associations. In the

Chaussée d'Antin, or close to that thoroughfare in its present form,

stood the celebrated Temple of Terpsichore built for Madeleine Guimard,

the dancer; which so excited the jealousy of Sophie Arnould, the

vocalist, that she insisted on having a mansion of equal magnificence

side by side with that of her operatic friend and rival. Madeleine

Guimard, according to one of her biographers, excited as much admiration

and scattered as many fortunes as any woman that ever appeared on

the stage. She was, nevertheless, ugly, thin, of sallow complexion,

and marked with the small-pox. She is said to have preserved, in a

marvellous manner, her youth and a certain indescribable charm which

constituted her chief attractions. She possessed, moreover, such a

perfect acquaintance with all the mysteries of the toilet that by the

arts of dress and adornment alone she could still make herself look

young when age had crept upon her. Queen Marie Antoinette would often

consult her about matters of dress, and especially the arrangement of

her hair; and once when, for her rebellious attitude at the theatre, she

had, in accordance with the strange customs of the times, been ordered

to prison, she is reported to have said to her maid: "Never mind, I

have sent a letter to the queen telling her that I have discovered a

new way of doing the hair. We shall be out before the evening." But

to return to the Temple of Terpsichore, which, built in the finest

architectural style, and magnificently furnished, was decorated

internally by Fragonard, one of the most famous painters of that day.

In his wall-pictures he never failed to introduce the face and figure

of the light-footed divinity of the place: until at last he became

enamoured of his model, and, presuming on one occasion to show signs of

jealousy, was promptly discharged, to be replaced by the most unsuitable

artist that can be conceived--by David, the painter of heroic figures,

of Republican subjects, and of Napoleon in all his glory. The celebrated

painter of the Consulate and the Empire was, in Madeleine Guimard's

time, a very young man--a mere student, in fact. But he was a stern

Republican, and when the luxurious but sympathetic dancer saw that the

work of decorating her voluptuous palace did not accord with his lofty

aspirations, she gave him the sum he was to have received for covering

her walls with fantastic designs, in order that he might continue his

studies in the style which best suited him.

[Illustration: Mont Valérien and the Arc de Triomphe.--Church of St.

Augustine.

VIEW FROM THE ROOF OF THE OPERA HOUSE.]

The house built by Sophie Arnould next door to Madeleine Guimard's

Temple of Terpsichore bore no distinctive name. But it was of the same

size as the "Temple," and on the portico, which was supported by two

Doric columns, could be seen the figure of Euterpe with the features

of Sophie Arnould. The first floor contained the reception rooms, with

spacious ante-chambers for the servants. On the second floor were the

bedrooms of the children, who, at a later period, were acknowledged by

their father, Count Brancas de Lauragais, and bore his name. In the

National Library of Paris several drawings and plates are exhibited of

the different portions of Sophie Arnould's house; and the representation

of the façade bears this inscription:--"Façade of a projected house for

Mlle. Arnould in the Chaussée d'Antin. To be constructed side by side

with that of Mlle. Guimard, and of the same dimensions.--Bélanger."

[Illustration: MLLE. CLAIRON.]

So much care did the amorous architect of the new house bestow on his

work, and so agreeable did he make himself to the lady for whom it was

being built, that he was asked to share it with the owner; and there was

at one time a serious prospect of Sophie Arnould becoming Mme. Bélanger.

To serve some purpose of her own she spread the report that she was

married to the architect, who showed himself quite disposed to give

reality to the fiction. He was a merry man, and pleased Sophie as much

by his ready wit as by his agreeable manners. After a time she got tired

of him, and having formed an attachment for the actor Florence, wrote

Bélanger a letter of dismissal, at the same time addressing to Florence

an avowal of her love. Bélanger, however, found an opportunity of

changing the envelopes, so that Florence the actor received the letter

intended for Bélanger the architect. The next time Florence saw Sophie

he was naturally somewhat cold in his demeanour towards her, and this

coldness was naturally resented by Sophie, who had written to him with

much warmth. Bélanger triumphed, and his triumph was of long duration;

Sophie, indeed, remained attached to him throughout her life. Of all her

former friends the only ones who showed genuine solicitude for her in

her latter days of poverty and sickness were Bélanger and Lauragais.

Many years afterwards, in the gloomiest and most sanguinary days of the

Revolution, when Bélanger was poor and Sophie Arnould still poorer,

the architect begged the actress and singer to accept, as from an old

friend, a piece of two louis which he at the same time forwarded to

her. Sophie replied that she did not desire his money, but that she was

deeply obliged to him for such thoughtfulness, and in memory thereof

would wear the gold piece next her heart. When she was on her death-bed,

the famous architect, himself without means, wrote to the Minister of

Fine Arts a letter in which he reminded him that a considerable sum

of money was due to Mlle. Arnould from the Opera; of which, now that

she was in the greatest distress, it was impossible for her to obtain

payment, even to the extent of a few louis. "This unhappy woman," he

continued, "of whom Gluck said, 'Without the charm of the accent and

declamation of Mlle. Arnould my _Iphigenia_ would never have been

accepted in France,' finds herself without even the means of prolonging

her life."

In October, 1802, Sophie Arnould died, after receiving absolution from

the curé of Saint-Germain-l'Auxerrois, the parish in which she was born.

Another remarkable personage who lived in, or rather close to, the

Chaussée d'Antin, was that devoted lover of Mdlle. Clairon, Monsieur

de S----, who succeeded in inspiring the famous actress with esteem,

but not with any warmer feeling; and who, according to her belief, as

well as that of several of her friends, paid her visits of complaint

and menace after his death. "His humour," writes Mlle. Clairon, in her

"Memoirs," "was gloomy and melancholy. 'He was too well acquainted with

men,' he would say, 'not to despise and shun them.' His desire was to

live only for me, and that I should live only for him. This last idea

particularly displeased me. I might have been content to be restrained

by a garland of flowers, but could not bear to be confined by a chain.

I saw from that moment the necessity of destroying the flattering hope

which nourishes attachment and of disallowing his frequent visits. This

determination, which I persisted in, caused him a serious indisposition,

during which I paid him every possible attention; but my constant

refusal to indulge the passion he entertained for me made the wound

still deeper."

Afterwards, when the young man had partly recovered, Mlle. Clairon,

convinced that his absence from her would be to his advantage,

constantly refused his letters and his visits. "Two years and a half,"

continues Mlle. Clairon, "passed between our first acquaintance and

his death. He entreated me to assuage the last moments of his life by

repairing to his bed-side. My engagement prevented me from complying

with this request, and he expired in the presence of his domestics and

an old lady whom he had alone for some time suffered."

The house in which M. de S---- died was the one previously referred to

in the Chaussée d'Antin; and at eleven o'clock the same night Mlle.

Clairon, who was living far off in the Rue de Bussy, near the Rue

de Seine, was startled--as were also, she declares, several friends

in company with her at the time--by "the most piercing cry" she had

ever heard. "Its long continuance and piteous sound," she continues,

"astonished everyone. I fainted away, and was nearly a quarter of an

hour insensible." Every night at the same hour Mlle. Clairon heard the

same bitter wail. "All of us in the house," she writes, "my friends, my

neighbours, the police even, have heard this very cry repeated under my

windows at the same hour, and appearing to proceed from the air." She

was recommended by an incredulous acquaintance to invoke the phantom the

next time it announced its presence. She did so, when "the same cry was

uttered thrice in succession, with a degree of rapidity and shrillness

terrible beyond expression." Poor Mlle. Clairon was persecuted in this

manner at an hour before midnight for days at a stretch; until, at

length, in lieu of a piercing cry, she heard every night, and always

at eleven o'clock, the explosion of a gun. Fearing there might be some

design upon her life, she communicated with the Lieutenant of Police,

who, accompanied by proper officers, carefully examined the house next

door, but without discovering any ground for suspicion. "The following

day," says Clairon, "the street was narrowly watched; the officers of

police had their eyes upon every house; but, notwithstanding all their

vigilance, there occurred the same discharge, at the same hour, and

against the same frame of glass for three whole months, though no one

could ever discover from whence it proceeded." "This fact," she adds,

"is attested by all the registers of police."

One day a lady called on Mlle. Clairon and made herself known as the

best friend of the late Monsieur de S----, and the only person he had

suffered to be with him during the last moments of his life.

"To condemn you," she said, "would be unjust ... but his passion for you

overcame him, and your last refusal hastened his end. He counted every

minute till half-past ten, when his servant positively informed him that

you would not come to him. After a moment he took my hand in a paroxysm

of despair which terrified me, and exclaimed, 'Cruel woman! but she

shall gain nothing. I will pursue her as much after my death as I have

during my life.' I endeavoured to calm him, but he was no more."

The words had a terrible effect on the unhappy Mlle. Clairon; and the

cries and threats from her distressed lover gradually ceased to afflict

her, and in time this excellent woman--who could scarcely be expected to

love by order--became pacified.

The first building on the Boulevard des Capucines at the opposite corner

of the Chaussée d'Antin is the Vaudeville Theatre, built to replace the

old playhouse on the Place de la Bourse, and opened to the public on the

1st of October, 1867. Anciently this theatre seemed to be placed beneath

the auspices of Collé des Augiers and Scribe, whose names mark different

phases of the Vaudeville style, once exclusively cultivated by this

theatre. Of later years, however, especially since the production of the

younger Dumas' _Dame aux Camélias_, some forty years ago, it has often

thrown gaiety on one side for the pathetic and dramatic. The Vaudeville,

like all the Paris theatres, has frequently changed its habitation,

though it has always retained its original name. Founded in 1792, when

the Revolution was approaching the Terrorist period, at a building in

the Rue de Chartres, between the Place du Carrousel and the Palais

Royal (since pulled down), the Vaudeville was, after a life of half a

century, driven from its first abode by the usual fire. In 1838, the

year of the conflagration, it sought a temporary refuge on the Boulevard

Bonne-Nouvelle, to move in 1840 to the Place de la Bourse, where it took

possession of the house previously occupied by the Opéra Comique. Here,

where it remained from 1840 to 1867, it changed its style, and instead

of comedies and comediettas interspersed with songs, produced with

immense success a series of dramas of the most moving kind, such as the

already named _Dame aux Camélias_, Octave Feuillet's _Dalila_ and _Roman

d'un jeune Homme pauvre_, Barrière's _Filles de Marbre_, Sardou's _Nos

Intimes_ and _Maison neuve_. It is not indeed at the Théâtre Français,

but at the Vaudeville and the Gymnase, that in modern times the

masterpieces of French dramatic literature have been produced. The first

representation of _La Dame aux Camélias_ forms a turning point in the

history of the Vaudeville Theatre. The play--which was soon to become

celebrated throughout France, and in its operatic form, set to music by

Verdi, throughout Europe--was not produced without serious objections

on the part of the censorship; and it was only through the intercession

of the Duke de Morny, Napoleon III.'s unacknowledged brother and chief

adviser, that permission to represent the piece was obtained. When the

performance at last took place, the success of the drama, owing a good

deal to the pathetic acting of Mme. Doche in the part of the heroine,

was marvellous; and it was made the occasion of innumerable articles

in all the French journals at this period, not only on the play and on

the novel from the same pen whence the play was derived, but on the

unhappy young woman whose life and death the author had more or less

faithfully depicted in the leading character. To show that light-minded

Frenchmen were not alone capable of being moved by the tragic end of the

fascinating Marie Duplessis, it may be mentioned that our own Charles

Dickens was as much touched by it as the numerous French writers, who,

more or less perfectly, have put their feelings on the subject into

literary form. "Not many days after I left," writes Mr. Forster, in his

"Life of Dickens," under date of 1847, "all Paris was crowding to the

sale of a lady of the _demi-monde_, Marie Duplessis, who had led the

most brilliant and abandoned of lives, and left behind her the most

exquisite furniture and the most voluptuous and sumptuous _bijouterie_.

Dickens wished at one time to have pointed the moral of this life and

death, of which there was great talk in Paris while we were together.

The disease of satiety, which, only less often than hunger, passes for a

broken heart, had killed her. 'What do you want?' asked the most famous

of the Paris physicians, at a loss for her exact complaint. At last she

answered, 'To see my mother.' She was sent for, and there came a simple

Breton peasant woman, clad in the quaint garb of her province, who

prayed by her bed until she died."

The _Dame aux Camélias_ called into existence a whole series of pieces,

produced either at the Vaudeville or at the Gymnase, in which the

true character of women in certain difficult positions was treated

controversially, with examples in support of arguments; and at this

moment the last kind of play one would expect to see at the Vaudeville

is precisely that to which the theatre owes its name. The situation

of this theatre in the most fashionable, most frequented part of the

boulevard renders it, apart from its own special attractions, the

favourite resort of foreigners living at the excellent hotels in this

neighbourhood. The house, with its 1,300 seats, is only of moderate

size, but it is much more commodious than the old theatre of the Place

de la Bourse.

The theatres of Paris, generally, are, indeed, far less commodious

than those of London. The Parisians will go anywhere and submit to any

discomfort in order to see good acting and a good play. In England we

are much more particular; and the narrow ill-ventilated theatres of

Paris would certainly be objected to by English audiences. The Paris

theatres, however, are steadily improving, as one by one they get burnt

down; and the new ones springing from the ashes of the old are often

attractive without and convenient within. In the ancient days before the

Great Revolution, the Parisians were as passionately fond of the theatre

as they are now, but their playhouses, according to the author of "Le

nouveau Paris," were abominable.

"I shall say nothing of the nastiness," he writes, "that distinguishes

these places of general resort, because I would not wish to injure the

property of the comedians; nor shall I inveigh against the insolence of

the box-keepers, and other servants of our theatres, as it would give

to the world a bad opinion of the proprietors themselves, to whom some

censorious readers might apply the proverb, 'Like master like man,'

and think it a truism. I intend to confine myself to those points that

more materially concern the spectator when he has once got in and has

the good fortune to procure a clean seat. First let us survey the pit.

Here everybody stands. You will imagine that its inhabitants are the

formidable umpires of taste and dramatic productions; this may or may

not be, just as it suits the caprices of the police, or the Lords of the

Bedchamber, who, from making the master's bed, have raised themselves

by degrees to judge of things which they hardly understand. Hence an

actress is palmed upon the public. Whether she is good or bad is not

the question, but whether she has had the good fortune to please one

or the whole of those gentlemen; and everyone knows what price she has

paid for her admission. Not a play is represented here without a guard

of thirty men with a few rounds each to quiet the spectators. This

internal guard keeps the frequenters of the pit in a kind of passive

condition; and whether you are tired, crowded, or bruised, beware of

giving any sign of uneasiness or discontent. Yet the unfortunate public

pays to take, not what they desire, but what is given them. Surrounded

with armed men, they must neither laugh too loud at a comedy nor express

their feelings at a tragedy in too pointed a manner. Hence the pit,

except in some fits of a transient excitement, is mournfully dull. If

you venture to give any sign of your existence, you are collared by

one of the guards and carried _pro formâ_ before a Commissionaire. I

say for form sake, because everyone in the play-house is really under

martial law; the civil magistrate is only there to hear and approve the

sentence passed upon the culprit by the officer of the guard; who upon

the report, seldom exact, but often groundless, of the soldier, orders

the accused party to prison; and the Commissionaire, without inquiring

into the merit of the charge, or so much as daring to hint at the least

objection, signs the _mittimus_."

[Illustration: Entrance to Rue du Quatre-Septembre.--Avenue de

l'Opéra.--Entrance to Rue de la Paix.

VIEW FROM THE BALCONY OF THE OPERA.]

The Boulevard des Capucines seems on both sides entirely new; its houses

are white, bright, and in perfect condition. If the crowd one sees on

the Boulevard Montmartre is a Parisian crowd, that which animates the

Boulevard des Capucines is a cosmopolitan one. It touches what in the

artistic, if not in the general, sense must be looked upon as the heart

of Paris--the New Opera, that is to say, standing in the centre of the

place which bears its name and the streets called after those operatic

celebrities, Scribe, Auber, Halévy, and Meyerbeer; one librettist and

three composers.

The Place de l'Opéra is, indeed, the heart of Paris, communicating by

great arteries with all the most important organs of Parisian life.

The magnificent Avenue of the Opera leads straight to the Louvre; in

another direction the Rue du Quatre-Septembre goes to the Place de la

Bourse. Look along the Rue de la Paix; at the end you will see La Place

Vendôme, with its column in memory of the Grand Army standing out in

its dark bronze against the fresh green of the Tuileries Gardens. Here

all that is most Parisian in Paris may be seen: the finest shops, the

most brilliant equipages, with all the glitter of fashionable life.

The expensive jeweller and the exorbitant milliner here have their

establishments side by side with hotels, restaurants, cafés, and clubs.

[Illustration: AVENUE DE L'OPÉRA.]

The Opera in France had much to go through before it attained its

present artistic development, or, as regards the French form of grand

opera, found its present capacious and splendid home. It is the proud

boast of Frenchmen that Le Nouvel Opéra--as the existing Grand Opéra

in Paris has been called for the last sixteen years, and as it will

probably be called for a long while to come--covers thirteen times as

much ground as the Royal Opera House of Berlin. It is, indeed, superior

by its commodiousness as well as its magnificence to every other opera

house in Europe; though what above all distinguishes it is its admirable

site, and the wide open space in which it stands. In many capitals the

theatres, even the finest, are only portions of a street. At Moscow,

it is true, the Great Theatre stands by itself in a vast square--a

square which, compared with the Place de l'Opéra, is a desert space.

From its very origin the Opera in France has always been regarded as an

institution of the first importance. It enjoyed special privileges from

the Crown, it was managed like a department of the State, and an attack

upon the Opera was punished like a treasonable offence.

"Before I tell you," wrote Rousseau towards the end of the eighteenth

century, "what I think of this famous theatre, I will state what is

said about it. The judgment of connoisseurs may correct mine if I am

wrong. The Opera of Paris passes in the capital for the most pompous,

the most voluptuous, the most admirable spectacle that human art has

ever invented. Its admirers declare it to be the most superb monument

of the magnificence of Louis XIV., and one is not so free as you may

think to express an opinion on such an important subject. Here you may

dispute about everything except music and the Opera; on these topics

alone it is dangerous not to dissemble. French music is defended, too,

by a very rigorous inquisition, and the first thing intimated as a

warning to strangers who visit this country is that all foreigners admit

there is nothing in this world so fine as the Opera of Paris. The fact

is, discreet people hold their tongues, and dare only laugh in their

sleeves."

Rousseau then, speaking in the person of St. Preuz, the hero of "La

nouvelle Héloise," describes the performance as it took place at the

Opera. "Imagine," he says, "an enclosure fifteen feet broad, and long in

proportion; this enclosure is the theatre. On its two sides are placed

at intervals screens, which are crudely painted with the objects which

the scene is about to represent. At the back of the enclosure hangs a

great curtain, painted in like manner and nearly always pierced and

torn that it may represent at a little distance gulfs on the earth or

holes in the sky. Everyone who passes behind this stage or touches the

curtain produces a sort of earthquake which has a double effect. The

sky is made of certain bluish rags suspended from poles or cords, as

linen may be seen hung out to dry in any washerwoman's yard. The sun,

which is here sometimes seen, is a lighted torch in a lantern. The cars

of the gods and goddesses are composed of four rafters squared and hung

on a thick rope in the form of a swing or see-saw; between the rafters

is a cross plank on which the god sits down, and in front hangs a

piece of coarse cloth, well dirtied, which acts the part of clouds for

the magnificent car. One may see, towards the bottom of the machine,

two or three stinking candles, badly snuffed, which, while the great

personage dementedly presents himself swinging in his see-saw, fumigate

him with an incense worthy of his dignity. The agitated sea is composed

of long angular arrangements of cloth and blue pasteboard strung on

parallel spits, which are turned by little blackguard boys. The thunder

is a heavy cart rolled over an arch, and is not the least agreeable

instrument one hears. The flashes of lightning are made of pinches of

resin thrown on a flame; and the thunder is a cracker at the end of a

fusee.

"The theatre is, moreover, furnished with little square traps, which,

opening at need, announce that the demons are about to issue from their

cave. When they have to rise into the air little imps of stuffed brown

cloth are substituted for them, or sometimes real chimney sweeps, who

swing about suspended on ropes till they are majestically lost in

the rags of which I have spoken. The accidents, however, which not

unfrequently happen are sometimes as tragic as farcical. When the ropes

break, the infernal spirits and immortal gods fall together, and lame

or occasionally kill one another. Add to all this the monsters which

render some scenes very pathetic, such as dragons, lizards, tortoises,

crocodiles, and large toads, who promenade the theatre with a menacing

air, and display at the Opera all the temptations of St. Anthony. Each

of these figures is animated by a lout of a Savoyard who has not even

intelligence enough to play the beast.

"Such, my cousin, is the august machinery of the Opera, as I have

observed it from the pit, with the aid of my glass, for you must not

imagine that all this apparatus is hidden, and produces an imposing

effect. I have only described what I have seen myself, and what any

other spectator may see. I am assured, however, that there are a

prodigious number of machines employed to put the whole spectacle in

motion, and I have been invited several times to examine them; but I

have never been curious to learn how little things are performed by

great means."

When our musical historian, Dr. Burney, visited Paris and heard at the

Opera the works of Rameau, successor to Lulli, under whose direction

the French Opera was founded, he found the music monotonous in the

extreme, and without either rhythm or expression. He could admire

nothing at the French Opera except the dancing and the decorations;

and these alone, he says, seemed to give pleasure to the audience. It

was not, at that time, the custom in France to name the singers in the

programme; and throughout the eighteenth century no singer in France

attained such eminence as was reached by numbers in Italy, and by not

a few in England, some of Italian, some of English birth. Naturally,

then, in the eighteenth century French Opera singers were not well paid;

and chroniclers relate that a Mlle. Aubry and a Mlle. Verdier, being

engaged in the same line of stage business, had to live in the same room

and sleep in the same bed. Apart from the obscurity naturally resulting

from the suppression of the names, inconvenience was caused by the

uncertainty in which the public found itself of knowing which singer, on

any particular evening, would appear. Shortly before the establishment

of the Republic, when, for the first time, the names of singers were

printed in the bills, an _habitué_ rushed out of the theatre in a high

state of indignation, and began to beat one of the money-takers in the

lobby. The poor man at once understood the reason of his aggressor's

wrath. "How was I to know," he exclaimed, "that they would let Le

Ponthieu sing to-night!"

The initial step towards high melody at the French Opera was taken when,

some fifteen years before the Revolution, first Gluck, then Piccini,

were invited to Paris to produce adaptations of former successes, or

original works, fitted in either case to French libretti. While praising

the melody of the Italians as much as he condemns the solemnity of

the French, Rousseau expresses the highest admiration for the genius

of Gluck, the great reformer of the French operatic stage. After the

arrival of Gluck in Paris Rousseau is said never to have missed a

representation of _Orphée_. He said, moreover, in reference to the

gratification which that work had afforded him, that "after all there

was something in life worth living for, since in two hours so much

genuine pleasure could be obtained."

The next great assistance to the French Opera, and this a permanent

one, was given by the Republic, through the establishment of a large

music-school, known as the Conservatoire, where a course of gratuitous

instruction is given to all comers capable at the stipulated age of

passing the indispensable test examination. Before, however, the

Conservatoire, destined to produce so many excellent vocalists,

instrumentalists, and composers, had time to bear fruit, Napoleon had

done much to encourage and develop French musical art. Napoleon, as a

young man, was one of the first admirers of the afterwards famous Mme.

St. Huberti; and when Mme. Mara refused an engagement pressed upon her

at the time of the Empire, Napoleon would have arrested her and forced

her to accept it had she not fled from Paris. Then, another cause of

improvement at the French Opera was the frequent visits paid, early in

this century, and especially since the Peace of 1815, by foreign artists

to the capital which, in former days, had set its face both against

vocalists and composers from abroad. Lulli, the founder of opera in

France, was an Italian by birth, though after his naturalisation he got

to be looked upon as a Frenchman. His successor, Rameau, was no doubt

a Frenchman. But the French tradition was so completely broken by the

advent of Gluck and Piccini that the French have never since exhibited

any of their ancient prejudice against foreign composers; and it is to

these that for the last seventy or eighty years the Grand Opera of Paris

has owed most of its success, that is to say, to Spontini, Rossini,

Donizetti, Verdi, and, above all, Meyerbeer.

[Illustration: ONE OF THE DOMES OF THE OPERA HOUSE.]

A highly interesting account of the rehearsals of Meyerbeer's _Robert

le Diable_--one of the typical works of the modern repertoire of grand

opera--is given, in his "Mémoires d'un Bourgeois de Paris," by Dr.

Véron, for some time manager of the Opera House. "It was not," he

tells us, "until after four months of orchestral and other rehearsals

that the general rehearsals were reached. These latter," he continues,

"caused great fatigue and great excitement to everyone; to the composer,

the singers, the chiefs of department, and the manager. When a general

rehearsal takes place, with choruses, principal singers, and full

orchestra, but without scenery, without costumes, and without full

light, the musical execution gains much and produces always a great

effect. In the darkness and silence of the empty and more sonorous

house, without any distraction for the other senses, one is, so to

say, all ears; nothing is lost of the fine shades of expression in the

singing, of the delicate embroideries of the orchestration. But at

the first representation the disappointment is great. In the immense,

splendidly lighted theatre, filled with an excited crowd, all the rich

and elegant details of the score will be lost through the stuff of the

women's dresses and the diminished sonority of a building crowded in

pit, boxes, and gallery. Great musical ideas, grand orchestral effects,

will now alone produce an impression. Thus it happened that at the first

representation of _Robert the Devil_, the public, after applauding the

first two acts, was only impressed and deeply moved by the chorus of

demons."

[Illustration: EASTERN PAVILION, OPERA HOUSE.]

After describing the anxieties and perplexities which throughout the

long series of rehearsals harass the unfortunate director, Dr. Véron

proceeds to tell us how this gentleman's last and worst experience was

this inevitable final conference, held in his own private room, at

which the author of the words and the composer of the music had to be

prevailed upon to accept some necessary "cuts."

[Illustration: THE PUBLIC FOYER, OPERA HOUSE.]

"The librettist maintains that to take away one phrase, one word, is

to render the work unintelligible, so cunningly is it constructed. The

composer resists with no less obstinacy. His score, he says, cannot be

broken up into fragments. It is all combined and prepared in such a

manner as to form a perfect whole. One piece serves as indispensable

contrast to another. A chorus which it has perhaps been suggested

to leave out is essential for the effect of the succeeding air. The

discussions on such points are interminable. I had ended by showing

myself impassible in presence of the storms and tempests that were

raging around me; and I devoted the time during which these quarrels

lasted to a polite and engaging correspondence with all the newspaper

editors. I was still labouring for the success of the work. At last a

conclusion was arrived at, and a general understanding established.

The chief copyist was making the necessary changes and suppressions in

the score; and the public at least never found fault with the words

and music that were now suppressed. But when a director has prepared,

like a good general, everything necessary for the success of the work

on the stage, his troubles begin with the front of the house. Everyone

wants something from him on the occasion of a first representation; and

that of _Robert le Diable_ was exciting public interest to the highest

degree. Everything and everyone must be thought of. It is necessary,

in assigning places, to displease no one, and above all to avoid

exciting jealousies, so as to have no irritated enemies in the house.

Such and such a journalist will never pardon you for having given his

fellow-journalist a better place than himself. The author and composer,

the leading artists, the _claqueurs_ must be satisfied. The care, the

foresight, the conferences, the instructions, indispensable to secure

the efficient working of the _claque_ at each representation, and

particularly on great critical occasions, will be dealt with elsewhere.

One must remember, too, the number of the box that Madame---- would like

to have, the number of the stall preferred by the friend of a minister

or of the editor of some great journal. One must respect, moreover,

the omnipotence of the unknown journalist, as of the journalist in

vogue; and on the critical day the existence is revealed of a crowd of

newspapers not previously heard of."

It was in the old theatre of the Rue Le Pelletier that Rossini's

_William Tell_ and Meyerbeer's great works were brought out. Gounod,

Saint-Saëns, and Massenet, have all written for the New Opera, though it

cannot be said that any of them has yet produced on its boards a work of

the highest merit.

Opened under the Third Republic in 1875, the New Opera House must be

acknowledged to owe its existence to the Emperor Napoleon III., whose

Minister of Fine Arts opened a competition for architectural designs

in view of a new lyrical theatre as long ago as 1860, thirteen years

before the old Opera House was burnt down, and fifteen years before the

new one was completed and thrown open to the public. The successful

competitor is known to have been Charles Garnier, who was almost unheard

of at the time when, with rare unanimity, his design was accepted by

the Commission, and approved with enthusiasm by the Press. The building

of the Opera cost, from first to last, some 36,000,000 francs (nearly a

million and a half sterling), 675,295 work days having been furnished,

during its construction, to masons, bricklayers, carpenters, etc.

The manager of the Opera House receives from the State the free use

of the building together with a subsidy of 800,000 francs (£32,000)

voted annually by the Chamber. Employed at the Opera are some five

hundred persons, among whom may, in particular, be mentioned twelve in

the administration, in connection with the archives, the library, the

secretarial department, and the treasury; three orchestral conductors,

four directors of singing, two directors and one assistant-director of

the chorus; forty-five vocalists; and one hundred orchestral musicians.

There are about one hundred men and women in the chorus, and the

same number in the various divisions of the ballet. Scene-painters,

scene-shifters (or "carpenters," as they are technically called),

dressers, call-boys, box-openers, and so on, form another hundred. The

inauguration of the New Opera took place on the 5th of January, 1875,

in the presence of Marshal Macmahon, Duke of Magenta, at that time

President of the Republic. All the great officers of State were present,

besides a number of foreign notabilities, among whom may be mentioned

Queen Isabella of Spain and the young King of Spain, Alphonso II. It

is remembered, too, with satisfaction, that the Lord Mayor of London,

accompanied by his mace-bearers, trumpeters, and powdered footmen, gave

dignity to the occasion.

One of the most interesting parts of the New Opera is the _foyer_,

corresponding more or less to the refreshment room of our operatic

theatres, but quite incomparable in the way of elegance and splendour.

In the accompanying illustration the artist has made a point of

introducing, amid well-dressed persons in evening clothes, an English

lady in a morning gown and a sea-side hat, accompanied by two of her

countrymen in shooting coats and pot hats. It is, indeed, a standing

grievance with the Parisians that, whereas at our opera house no one is

admitted to the boxes or stalls unless in evening dress, we ourselves,

when we visit the Paris Opera, think any description of garment good

enough to wear. One of the characteristic sights of Paris has, for

nearly two centuries past, been the Masked Ball of the Opera, which,

though it has doubtless lost much of its gaiety since the days when it

inspired Gavarni with so many subjects for his witty pencil, is still

worth seeing, simply as a picturesque display. No one any longer dances

there unless paid to do so. It was, in fact, the introduction of hired

dancers when the public were just beginning to show a disinclination to

take an active part in the revels that put an end to spontaneous dancing

altogether. The antics of some of the hired dancers may interest for

a time; and the music of the large orchestra, conducted successively

by Musard, Tolbecque, Strauss, Métra, and Arban, has always merited a

hearing. Throughout the Carnival--that is to say, from Christmas until

Lent--a masked and fancy dress ball (the wearing both of masks and fancy

dress being optional) is given every week at the Opera, where the great

ball of the year takes place on the night of Shrove Tuesday, the day

preceding Lent. One other ball of the same kind is given in the middle

of Lent--_la Mi-carême_ as it is called--and thenceforward there is no

dancing at the Opera until Christmas has once more come and gone.

The Opera Ball dates, like the Opera itself, from the reign of Louis

XIV. But the license for musico-dramatic performances had been issued

forty years before it occurred to the Chevalier de Bouillon to apply

to the King for permission to give masked balls. The King hastened to

grant the Chevalier's request; and was indeed so pleased with it that

he assigned to him a pension of 6,000 livres (francs) for the idea,

which had simply been borrowed. What is still more remarkable is the

fact that an Augustine monk, Nicholas Bourgeois, invented the mechanism

by which, in half an hour, the floor of the auditorium could be raised

to the level of the stage boards. Although the privilege or patent was

given to the Chevalier de Bouillon at the beginning of January, 1713, it

was not until January, 1716, that the first opera ball took place. From

that year until 1830 no masked or fancy dress ball could be given at any

other theatre. On the accession, however, of Louis Philippe, the Opera

lost its dancing monopoly, and there are now numbers of Paris theatres

at which, during the Carnival, masked balls occur. The receipts at an

Opera Ball are said to average 50,000 francs (£2,000).

Close to the Opera lie all the fashionable clubs of Paris, beginning

with the Jockey Club at the corner of the Boulevard de La Madeleine.

The English Jockey Club is known to be an association of horse-owners

and others interested in racing, who frame regulations and decide cases

in connection with the Turf. The Jockey Club of Paris, while founded

on much the same basis as the English institution of the same name,

is also a club in the ordinary sense of the word, and an exceedingly

good one. The Jockey Club, which boasts of numbering on its books

members of all the reigning families of Europe, is, by its formal

title, a "Society of Encouragement for the Amelioration of Breeds of

Horses in France." It was originated in 1833, under the auspices of the

Duke of Orleans, eldest son of Louis Philippe, in order to popularise

racing, regulate it, and obtain for it subsidies from the State and

the Municipalities. A committee of thirteen members is exclusively

entrusted with the organisation and superintendence of races. The code

of the Jockey Club is adopted as a basis of regulations by nearly all

the other racing societies of France. The Jockey Club itself directs

the racing of only three courses, those of the Bois de Boulogne,

Fontainebleau, and Chantilly. This club, first established at the corner

of the Rue du Helder, and then transferred to the Hôtel de Lange on

the Boulevard Montmartre, moved in 1857 to the corner of the Rue de

Grammont, where the Cercle des Deux Mondes now has its headquarters,

and finally, in 1860, to its present abode, for which it pays an annual

rental of 100,000 francs. Not one of the Paris clubs seems, like the

principal London clubs, to possess its own house. As a rule the annual

subscription to the Paris club is high, amounting in some cases to 500

francs. On the other hand, the large sums charged for entrance to the

London clubs, ranging from 30 to 40 guineas, are unknown at the clubs of

Paris, which consequently find themselves without much available capital.

Close to the Opera, on the Boulevard des Italiens, at the corner of

the Rue de Grammont, is Le Cercle des Deux Mondes; at the corner of

the Rue de la Michodière, the Railway Club, or Cercle des Chemins de

Fer; on the Boulevard des Capucines, at the corner of the Rue Louis le

Grand, the Yacht Club. Just opposite the Yacht Club "Le Cercle de la

Presse," celebrated for its literary and artistic evenings, suggests

in the first place that no like institution exists in England, where

the newspaper world, though less sharply broken up by political and

personal animosities than that of France, is bound together by no such

_esprit de corps_ as that which animates the authors and journalists of

France. In England not only are we without a Press Club worthy of the

name; we have no Société des Gens de Lettres, or Société des Auteurs

et Compositeurs Dramatiques. Close to the Cercle de la Presse is the

Sporting Club, with its English name. On the Place de l'Opéra is the

Franco-American Club called the Washington Club, or Cercle Washington,

and at the other corner of the square, the Cercle des Éclaireurs, or

Scouts' Club, a survival from the war of 1870. On the Place de l'Opéra

are the offices (as staring titles sufficiently proclaim) of the _Daily

Telegraph_, the _Daily News_, and the _New York Herald_. The corner

house, separating the Avenue of the Opera from the Rue de la Paix, has

been occupied since 1886 by the Naval and Military Club, known as the

Cercle des Armées de Terre et de Mer, and founded under the auspices

of General Boulanger in the days when he was War Minister, with the

eyes of all Europe upon him. Advancing towards the Madeleine, we come

first to the Racing Club (Salon des Courses), then to the Union Club

(Cercle de l'Union), the most artistic and most exclusive of all these

institutions. Close by is the new Cercle de la Rue Royale, formerly

known under the familiar name of "Cercle des Moutards;" whilst a little

further on we find the Cercle des Mirlitons and Cercle Impérial, now

combined, and the Cercle Artistique et Littéraire.

[Illustration: WESTERN PAVILION, OPERA HOUSE.]

[Illustration: THE STAIRCASE OF THE OPERA HOUSE.]

More recently established than the best London clubs, the clubs of Paris

possess some slight advantages over ours. There is but one London club

at which a member can get shaved or have his hair cut, but at many of

the fashionable Paris clubs the hair-cutter and barber play as important

a part as at an American hotel. The best Paris clubs have private

carriages always in readiness. At a London club members who have not

their own private carriage content themselves with a hansom, or, if

infirm, with a humble four-wheeler. The Paris clubs, moreover, are in

constant communication with the theatres; and each club can command so

many tickets for a first representation, which are distributed among the

members according to the order of application. Some of the Paris clubs,

too, have a box at the Opera or at the Comédie Française. One strange

characteristic of the Paris clubs--strange at least to Englishmen--is

that every member is supposed to know, more or less intimately, every

other member. In Paris the newly-elected member of a club is formally

introduced to the other members by his proposer and seconder. Nothing of

the kind takes place in London; though a new member of a London club is

allowed, if not expected, to invite his proposer and seconder with a few

friends to dinner. Though there are still famous restaurants in Paris,

dining-houses and cafés have alike suffered by the introduction of

clubs, which, though fewer as yet than in London, are yearly increasing

their number.

The last of the boulevards on the western side is that of the Madeleine,

with the Church of the Madeleine as its principal edifice. The Place

de la Madeleine, in the centre of which stands the beautiful but most

unecclesiastical church, becomes twice every week, on Tuesday and

Friday, a large flower-market, the finest in Paris. Standing by itself

in the place named after it, is the beautiful Greek temple, of which the

first stone was laid, in one of his pious moods, by Louis XV. in 1764.

But the building was not proceeded with until after a delay of some

years. It was begun in its present form only twelve years before the

Revolution; and when Napoleon became emperor it was still unfinished.

Judging, no doubt, from the character of the architecture, that the

edifice could scarcely have been intended for a place of Christian

worship, Napoleon had it finished as a Temple of Glory under the

direction of the celebrated architect Pierre Vignon. Like the Pantheon,

however, which has sometimes been thus named, and at other times called

the Church of Sainte-Geneviève, Napoleon's Temple of Glory was only

for a time to be known in that character. Under the Restoration, in

1814, Louis XVIII. determined to restore the building to the Church;

and, dedicated to St. Mary Magdalene, it was duly consecrated. La

Madeleine, as it is called, was, however, still uncompleted when, in

1830, Louis Philippe came to the throne; and it was under his reign

that, in 1842, it was opened for public worship in the precise form and

with the elaborate ornamentation now belonging to it. The architecture

of the Madeleine is partly Roman, partly Greek; or rather it is Greek

with Roman adaptations. It is surrounded by Corinthian columns, of

which there are eighteen on each side. Sixteen, moreover, enclose the

southern portion, and eight the northern. The building is without

windows, and is entirely of stone. The niches in the colonnade are

occupied by thirty-four statues representing the most venerated martyrs

and saints. On the principal façade will be remarked a high-relief of

huge dimensions by Lemaire, representing our Lord as Judge of the world.

The figure of the Saviour is seventeen feet high. On His right are the

Angel of Salvation and the saved; on His left the Angel of Punishment

and the condemned, with Mary Magdalene interceding on their behalf. The

interior is brilliant with gold and colour. The sanctuary, with its

vaulted roof, exhibits a vast fresco by Zugler, representing the history

of Christianity. Mary Magdalene, receiving Christ's forgiveness, is

surrounded by the Apostles and Evangelists; and among the illustrious

men who in successive ages have protected the Christian Church may be

recognised Constantine, Godefroi de Bouillon, Clovis, Joan of Arc,

Dante, and Napoleon. The principal altar supports an enormous group in

white marble, generally known as the Assumption, though the central

figure is that of Mary Magdalene. The Assumption in this case is that of

Mary Magdalene into Paradise, whither she is being borne by two angels.

Under the organ is the Chapelle des Mariages, with a marble group by

Pradier, representing the marriage of the Virgin; and the Chapelle des

Fonts, with a group by Rude, the subject being the Baptism of Christ.

To the right of the altar we see illustrated the spread of Christianity

in the East during the early centuries and the Crusades; and again, in

modern times, through the uprising of the Greeks against the Turks. As

leading Crusaders, Richard Coeur-de-Lion and Godefroi de Bouillon

occupy places. The personages exhibited as having greatly contributed

towards the progress of Christianity in the West are the early martyrs,

Charlemagne, Pope Alexander III., Joan of Arc, Raphael, Michael Angelo,

and Dante. In the centre of the picture stands Henri IV., who, after

uttering his celebrated exclamation, "Paris is well worth a mass,"

goes over to the dominant religion. Then come Louis XIII., Richelieu,

and finally Napoleon I., who not only was crowned by Pope Pius VII. in

Notre-Dame, but really deserves credit for having restored Christian

worship in France.

In the first chapel, on the right as one enters the church, is a pillar

bearing an inscription to the memory of the Abbé du Guerry, curé of the

Madeleine, a man of remarkable piety and benevolence, who, with other

hostages taken by the Communists, was shot on the 24th of May, 1871, in

retaliation for the execution of Communist prisoners by the troops of

Versailles.

The Church of the Madeleine is famous for the eloquence of its

preachers, the taste in dress of the fashionable ladies whom these

preachers attract, and the excellence of the music. At the organ of the

Madeleine a sound musician and a perfect player is always to be found.

Old and New Paris: Its History, Its People, and Its Places, v. 1 · 第 12 / 37 章