CHAPTER XIX. THE HARTFORD CONVENTION.

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_Attitude of the Federalists, Real and Imputed--The Convention at

Hartford--Its Popular Reputation--What General Scott did not say at

Chippewa._

|When a destructive war had been carried on for two years, when

recruiting was slow, and the Government heavily in debt, and yet no way

appeared but to fight it out, it might have been expected that harsh

criticism of the policy of the Administration, coming from the party

that had steadily opposed the war, would subject that party to the

charge of being unpatriotic and untrue to the Union. It might also have

been expected that an opposition which had become chronic could not but

become in some respects unjust. So when the Federalists in 1814 were

flooding the Legislatures of New England with memorials on the conduct

of the war, they could hardly restrain themselves from overdrawing the

picture of its failures, or from representing the condition of things

before the war as rather more paradisiacal than anybody had suspected.

And on the other hand, they were accused not only of {327}rejoicing

in defeats of the national arms, but of plotting a separation of New

England from the other States, with a view of ultimately making her

again a part of the British Empire. That there were some Federalists who

contemplated a dissolution of the Union as a possible remedy for certain

difficulties, is quite probable, for such views were at that time not

confined to either party. The contingency of disunion was frequently

discussed by men of both parties. But that anybody seriously

contemplated a reunion with England, there has never been any evidence

worth considering. The story was gotten up by the Administration party,

in order to cast odium upon the Federalists; and the occurrence most

freely used to give color to it was the Hartford Convention, which

unfortunately sat with closed doors, and thus was easily misrepresented

as a treasonable gathering.

In the third year of the war the hand of the enemy had fallen heavily

upon the coast of New England, and at the same time an unpleasant

feeling had arisen from the refusal of the United States Government to

pay the militia that had been in service under State officers. In this

crisis, the Legislature of Massachusetts, on the 16th of October, by a

vote of 260 to 90, passed a series of resolutions, the fifth of which

authorized the calling of a con{328}vention to confer "upon the

subject of their [the New England States] public grievances and

concerns; and upon the best means of preserving our resources; and of

defence against the enemy; and to devise and suggest for adoption by

those respective States such measures as they may deem expedient; and

also to take measures, if they shall think it proper, for procuring a

convention of delegates from all the United States, in order to revise

the Constitution thereof, and more effectually to secure the support

and attachment of all the people, by placing all upon the basis of fair

representation." The letter addressed to the governors of other States

set forth the general objects of the proposed conference to be, "to

deliberate upon the dangers to which the eastern section of the Union is

exposed by the course of the war, and to devise, if practicable, means

of security and defence which may be consistent with the preservation of

their resources from total ruin, and adapted to their local situation,

mutual relations, and habits, and not repugnant to their obligations as

members of the Union."

In response to this call, a convention of twenty-six delegates met at

Hartford, Conn., December 15th, and sat for three weeks. All sorts of

absurd rumors as to the purpose of the Convention were set {329}afloat,

and the President so far participated in the vague fears thus excited,

or pretended to, as to station a regiment of troops in Hartford.

On the 5th of January, 1815, the Convention adjourned, and published a

long report, wherein were set forth the difficulties that the country

labored under, and methods proposed by the Convention for adjusting

them. These were first discussed at length, and then summarized in a

series of resolutions: That unconstitutional drafts of militia should

be prevented; that the New England States should be empowered to defend

their own territory against the enemy; that representatives and direct

taxes should be apportioned among the States according to the number

of their free inhabitants; that a two-third vote of Congress should be

required to admit a new State; that embargoes for more than sixty days

should be forbidden; that a two-third Congressional vote should be

required for the interdiction of commercial intercourse, or for the

declaration of offensive war; that naturalized citizens should not be

eligible to Federal offices; that the President should be ineligible

for a second term, and should not be chosen from the same State twice

in succession; and, finally, that if these ends were not attained, and

peace not concluded, another convention should be held in Boston in the

following June. {330}This ought to have been plain enough for anybody

to understand; and yet allusions to "the old blue-lights of the Hartford

Convention," as a synonym for treason, have come down to our own day.

Its popularity as a bugbear has never been exceeded. So great was its

influence in this regard, that it caused General Scott to remember

something which had never taken place. In his account of the battle of

Chippewa he says: "And now the New England States were preparing to

hold a convention--it met at Hartford--perhaps to secede from the Union

--possibly to take up arms against it. Scott's brigade, nearly all New

England men, were most indignant, and this was the subject of the second

of the three pithy remarks made to them by Scott just before the final

conflict of Chippewa. Calling aloud to the gallant Major Hindman, he

said, 'Let us put down the Federal Convention by beating the enemy in

front. There's nothing in the Constitution against that.'" * There can

be no question as to the intrinsic pithiness of this remark; but if

Scott made it, he must have been somewhat of a prophet, for the

battle of Chippewa was fought on the 5th of July, and the call for the

Convention was not issued till October. This shows the danger of writing

* Scott's Memoirs, vol. i., page 133.

{331}memoirs half a century after the events of which they treat.

The great news from the South, and the tidings of peace, followed so

quickly upon the adjournment of the Convention that its labors went for

nought, its members were subjected to merciless ridicule, and the new

convention proposed for June was never held.

A History, of the War of 1812-15 Between the United States and Great Britain · 第 19 / 21 章