Hume, writing of this decisive engagement, says:--

“We shall scarcely find any battle in those ages where the shock was more

“terrible and more constant. Henry exposed his person in the thickest of

“the fight: his gallant son, whose military achievements were afterwards so

“renowned, and who here performed his novitiate in arms, signalised himself

“on his father’s footsteps; and even a wound, which he received in the face

“with an arrow, could not oblige him to quit the field. Percy supported that

“fame which he had acquired in many a bloody combat; and Douglas, his

“ancient enemy, and now his friend, still appeared his rival amongst the

“horror and confusion of the day. This nobleman performed feats of valour

“which are almost incredible: he seemed determined that the King of England

“should that day fall by his arm: he sought him all over the field of battle;

“and as Henry, either to elude the attacks of the enemy on his person, or to

“encourage his own men by the belief of his presence everywhere, had

“accoutred several captains in the royal garb, the sword of Douglas rendered

“this honour fatal to many: but while the armies were contending in this

“furious manner, the death of Percy, by an unknown hand, decided the victory,

“and the royalists prevailed. There are said to have fallen on that day, on

“both sides, near two thousand three hundred gentlemen; but the persons

“of greatest distinction were on the king’s: the Earl of Stafford, Sir Hugh

“Shirley, Sir Nicholas Ganoil, Sir Hugh Mortimer, Sir John Massey, Sir

“John Calonly. About six thousand private men perished, of whom two-

“thirds were of Percy’s army. The Earls of Worcester and Douglas were

“taken prisoners: the former was beheaded at Shrewsbury; the latter was

“treated with the courtesy due to his rank and merit.”

The above account is substantially correct. To the list of killed and

wounded it is necessary to add the names of Sir Walter Blunt amongst

the two thousand three hundred gentlemen, and amongst the six thousand

private men, one hundred and forty-seven hapless warriors whose

particular fate will be presently mentioned. Sir Walter Blunt was one

of the several captains whom the king had “accoutred in the royal garb,”

with the view “either to elude the attacks of the enemy on his person,

or to encourage his own men by the belief in his presence everywhere.”

The reader may accept which theory he pleases. I myself incline to the

former, having the greatest confidence in Henry Bolingbroke’s wisdom as

a general and sense of his own value as an individual.

Of the violence of the shock between the conflicting armies, one

circumstance alone is sufficient corroboration. Sir John Falstaff,

emulating his royal chieftain, also “exposed his person in the thickest

of the fight”--nay, may very reasonably be asserted to have been “the

thickest of the fight himself.” We will not pause to dwell upon the

magnitude of risk incurred by Sir John--much greater in proportion to

his bulk than that of the slender and dyspeptic monarch--in exposing

so vast a target to the arrows of the enemy. Our knight’s heroic

achievements are too numerous to need any stress to be laid on one

solitary instance. Suffice it, that Sir John, at an early stage of the

battle, conducted his troops to a position of the greatest danger, where

they perished almost to a man. In his own light-hearted words, uttered

amidst the most terrible carnage and peril, “he led his ragamuffins

where they were peppered!”

“There’s not three of my hundred and fifty left alive!” said Sir John,

wiping his brow, that was clotted with dust and blood, “and they are for

the town’s end, to beg during life.”

And with this historic fact staring them in the face, there are not

wanting people to pronounce Sir John Falstaff a coward! Well, well! Sir

John himself has told us what the world is given to!

The heroism of the Douglas and his gallant Scots has not been

exaggerated by their compatriot historian, in whom exaggeration on

the subject might well be pardoned. Those intrepid warriors--their

movements, for the most part, unencumbered with nether

garments--performed prodigies of valour and ubiquity. It was said of

the field of Shrewsbury in the fifteenth, as of the four quarters of the

globe in the nineteenth century, “You found Scotchmen everywhere!”

Amongst the Royalist gentlemen with whom the gallant Scotch leader had

the honour of crossing swords in the course of the day, but to whom the

reciprocal honour was not “fatal,” as Hume has told us it had been to so

many, we must class Sir John Falstaff. The fact that the hero of these

pages was sought out for single combat by the “hot, termagant Scot,”

is a proof of the high estimation in which our knight’s valour was held

even by his enemies. The Douglas could not have mistaken him for the

King, of whom he was in such active pursuit. Sir John’s costume and

personal appearance must have placed that out of the question. At

any rate, they met and fought. After a brief encounter--in which the

training of poor Wat Smith, the Maldyke cudgeller, was doubtless

not forgotten--the fortune of war decided against our hero. He fell

wounded,--not dangerously, or even severely, but wounded. The Douglas

seeing his formidable enemy hors de combat, and--let us assume--espying

one of the King’s counterfeits in the distance, retreated without

following up his advantage. I might revive national jealousies,

which had better be left at rest for ever, were I to hint that the

unquestionably brave Caledonian had _possibly had enough of it_, and had

found his stalwart English adversary rather more than he had bargained

for. I will content myself with the statement that the Earl of Douglas

quitted the scene of action abruptly, leaving Sir John Falstaff

alive,--not seriously injured, but for the moment incapable of doing

mischief.

And now I approach what I confess to be a most delicate question,

and one whereof the solution causes me much perplexity. The question

is--“Who killed Hotspur?”

Hume, as we have seen, asserts that the young Northumbrian fell by an

unknown hand; Shakspeare, as the world knows, represents him to have

been slain by the Prince of Wales, after a brief hand-to-hand combat.

Which is the truth? Is either the truth?

As I have professed to abide by the representations of Shakspeare on all

occasions, in preference to those of other historians, consistency bids

me to adopt his views on this momentous problem. But I hesitate. After

all, even Shakspeare was but a man. May not the wish to glorify a

popular favourite have lulled his conscience to sleep just for once,

and induced him to crown one hero with another’s laurels? He _has_ been

known to falsify history for the gratification of popular feeling--in

one instance most glaringly. Has he not loaded the shoulders of Richard

the Third with more hump and iniquity than that monarch is historically

licensed to carry? And why? Because he happened to be writing in the

time of Henry the Seventh’s granddaughter, and the name of the last

Plantagenet was still execrated in the land; just as was that of the now

respected Cromwell in the fine old English reign of the great and good

King Charles the Second.

Let us, however, calmly consider Shakspeare’s view of the case in point,

and sum up the probabilities before coming to any definite decision.

According to Shakspeare, at the moment when the Earl of Douglas _was

running away from Sir John Falstaff_--I repeat that I impute no

unworthy motives to that possibly intrepid act on the part of the noble

Earl--while the Earl of Douglas was running away, and Sir John Falstaff

lay panting and bleeding (the Prince of Wales saw him bleed) on the

field of battle, the two young Henrys, Percy and Plantagenet, had met,

at a short distance from the scene of the last recorded struggle, and

were exchanging formal civilities previous to the laudable operation

of cutting each other’s throat, after the chivalrous manner of our

prize-ring gladiators, derived traditionally from the practice of the

Dacian Pet and the Herculaneum Slasher, as chronicled in the writings

of Tintinabulus. * The Game Chicken, from the wilds of Northumberland,

complimented the Larky Boy--champion of the Westminster Light

Weights--with some irony rather implying a regret that the latter bantam

should be in a recently hatched and inadequately-fledged condition, and

scarcely entitled to the honours of immolation at the hands, or rather

the red-hot spurred heels of himself, the Northumberland Chicken, which

he declared the Larky One was nevertheless foredoomed to undergo; to

which Larky replied by advising his adversary not to crow prematurely,

nor too loudly, nor yet to waste arithmetical calculation upon chickens

whose incubation was at least problematical. He admitted that he was not

an old bird, but at the same time implied that he was not to be caught

by the peculiar species of conversational bait of which his opponent was

so over liberal. Briefly, they flapped their wings, and, without further

cackling, flew to the attack.

* Vita in Roma... De Pugnatoribus. Cap. I.

“The pen of Homer” has been worn by myself and others into a rather

stumpy condition for the recital of warlike encounters. Let me

borrow the pen of Jones, the latest London successor of the graphic

Tintinabulus, to describe the event in question, which Shakspeare

represents as having “come off” at Shrewsbury.

The Life of Sir John Falstaff · 第 40 / 67 题