Secular religion

In our day of increased secularism, the extent to which religion

permeates people's lives, whether faithful, indifferent

(neutral), or actively antireligious, is probably difficult to

assess. The separation of church and state is powerfully anchored

in constitutions and declarations of independence, while new

presidents, kings, emperors, state officials, and members of the

judiciary still swear on the books of their religious faith,

invoke their respective gods as the ultimate judge (or help), and

openly, or covertly, participate in the rituals inherited from

theological practical experiences. The dominant symbolism of our

day has a religious aura. It seems that both the faithful and

the secularists of all nuances entered a mutual agreement in

sanctioning what came to be known as civil religion. People

pledge allegiance to the flag, get emotionally carried away when

the national anthem is played, and partake in the celebration of

holidays, never questioning their justification. These elements

of civil religion come to us in perverted forms, divorced from

the pragmatic context within which they were constituted. To

swear on the Bible was specifically prohibited ("You are not to

swear at all, not by heaven, for it is God's throne, nor by

earth, for it is his footstool..." Matthew 5:33-36). Swearing-in

ceremonies take place in the open in order to make them

manifest to the gods. In some countries a window is still opened

when an oath of office is recited. Holidays, meant as occasions

of religious recollection, or to instill a sense of solidarity,

remain only what each person makes of them. Even more, in

countries making a point of avoiding the domination of one

religion over another, the holidays of the dominant religion

become the holidays of the entire nation, enjoyed foremostly as

market celebrations.

To notice the contradictory nature of the presence of religion in

contexts of secular practical experiences, some directly

contrary to religious beliefs, means to notice how some of the

motivations of religion expatiate in a context contradicting the

legitimacy of the theological experience in our day and age. This

became clear even within the particular circumstances of

revolutions whose stated goal was to eradicate religion through

state oppression or by education. The French Revolution

discovered, soon after the king and other members of the power

elite were decapitated, that the authority of its ideals,

embodied in the call for liberty, equality, fraternity, was not

enough, despite being housed in the same body of literacy as

religion was, to substitute for the higher authority of

Divinity.

The Soviet Revolution hoped that theater or cinematography would

substitute for religion, or at least for church. Some of its

ideologues experimented with a secular god- building strategy,

inventing a sui generis higher force to which people could

relate, and on which hope could be placed. They tried, very much

in the spirit of the utopian Marx, to deify the collective force

of the working class in order to inspire a religious sense of

community. Enormous energy was invested in designing new rituals.

Many of the atheist artists of the Russian avant-garde served

the cause they thought opened the gates of artistic freedom and

universal love. Their own escape from the realm of literacy into

the realm of imagery-intended to replace the confining texts of

religion and ideology-should have warned them about the

impossibility of the task at hand. Disappointed by their own

naiveté, but incapable of acknowledging failure, some of them

wound up embracing the new civic religion of gods and holidays,

as shallow as the theology around which they were built.

What we identify in all these elements is the continuation of

structural characteristics pertinent to religion and to the

medium of its expression, i.e., literacy in a fundamentally

different context. The encompassing principles of tolerance,

equality, and freedom contradict the spirit on which religion

and literacy were based. They weaken our convictions of what is

right and efficient in view of the desired end, and of

endurance as a group. The decline of morals in a context in which

moral behavior does not affect efficiency is not due to the

decline in religiosity, but to the general perception,

justified or not, that morality and religion do not count; or

that they play no role in making people happy. The sanctity of

life gone, there is little sanctity left in forms of

celebrating it: birthdays, communions, marriage, funerals.

Between birth and death, the audience at our rites of passage

diminishes painfully. We know that death is very personal, but

communities, for pragmatic reasons, used to confront death and

its consequences, many related to inheritance, not relegate it

to specialists in the various aspects of dying. Death is reduced

to a biological event leading only to biochemical

decomposition: No fun, no direct practical significance for

others, except in the inheritance process, a market event for

funeral parlors and pushy clergy.

Appropriation of life events in the civilization of illiteracy

equals the structuring of small languages of post-literate

celebrations, taken over by baptism, communion, and marriage

consultants, all alienated from the religious meaning they had,

moreover from the initial pragmatic motivation. Literacy stood

as the rulebook for all these direct, integrated,

sequentialized, deterministic occurrences. The illiterate

celebrates the randomness and the relative and makes everything

a festival of randomness-crime, deadly disease, a riot, a

bargain, a love affair.

Religion and church tried to instill permanency. Baptism was the

initiation rite that opened the cycle. Confirmation entailed

acceptance in the community. Marriage, once and forever,

introduced a sense of unity and continuity. The last rites freed

one from life for an afterlife in which the deceased still

watched over the living faithful. Today, each of these moments

is associated with a civil ritual: birth is recorded in the town

or city hall. The child must have a social security number by the

age of two. At age five, children must enter school. Children no

longer join the community as responsible members at the age of

12 or 14 years, but they are given rights that they sometimes

cannot handle. Marriage and the establishment of family come much

later than in earlier pragmatic contexts. Extracted from the

religious context, family life is a strange mixture of

biological convenience and contractual obligations. Death, always

the focus of religion, is defined in terms of its effects on

efficiency. The fine distinction between clinical death and

total death only shows how priests, the final witnesses to the

end of a life, are replaced by the technologists who keep the

heart beating under the alibi of "sanctity of life." Life ends

as it begins, as an entry in the record books, for tax purposes.

Japanese parents-to-be might still consult an ekisha (a sort of

fortune teller) in order to choose the proper name for a newborn

infant, already thinking about the marriage (names should fit in

order to ensure harmony); others will have difficulty in

understanding the similarity between choosing a name and the

observance of agricultural cycles, as both were religiously

encoded in minute rules centuries ago. These people will even

cringe at the discourse in a monastery where the priest might

indulge in the discussion of the unity between inner order (of

the individual) and outer order. The fact that mandala, traded

all over the world, once represented that order escapes their

personal experience.

Religions distinguished between nature and cosmos. Whether

explicitly stated or not, nature was seen as earthbound, the

source of our existence, the provider. Cosmos, beyond our reach,

should not be interfered with. The experience of

extraterrestrial research expanded the notion of nature. In

today's integrated world, resources and environmental concerns

also contribute to the expanded notion of nature pertinent to

our activity and life. Our worries about pollution of earth,

oceans, and skies are not religious in nature. Neither is the

distinction between what is feasible and what is desirable. The

Ten Commandments tell us what we should not do, while the devil

called desire whispers into our ears that nothing is forbidden

unless we really do not care for it. The relation between the

wholeness of the being and its parts is subject to maintenance,

just as the automobile is. Once gods were described as jealous

and intolerant. Now they are presented as accommodating a world

of diversified experiences and heterogeneous forms of worship,

including Satanism. Our pragmatic context is one of generalized

pluralism, embodied in the many choices we pursue in the

practical experience of self-constitution. When the pragmatics of

self-constitution can be based on rationality, the churches of

the civilization of illiteracy are houses of secular religion.

The Civilization of Illiteracy · 第 112 / 217 题