THE unexampled success of the "Entführung," which brought fame to the
composer and pecuniary gain to the theatrical management, justified
Mozart in his expectation that the Emperor, having called German opera
into existence,[1] would commission him to further its prosperous
career. He was indeed offered an opera, but the libretto, ''Welches ist
die beste Nation?" was such miserable trash, that Mozart would not waste
his music on it. Umlauf composed it, but it was hissed off the stage;
and Mozart wrote to his father (December 21, 1782) that he did not know
whether the poet or the composer were most deserving of the condemnation
the work received. In fact, the impulse given to German opera seemed
only too likely to die away without lasting result. Stephanie the
younger[2] contrived by his intrigues to obtain the dismissal of Müller
as conductor of the opera, and the appointment of a committee, whose
jealousies and party feelings he turned so skilfully to account that
they were all speedily satisfied to leave the actual power in his hands.
The incessant disagreements which were the consequence, the hostility
between composers, actors, and musicians, disgusted Kienmayer and
Rosenberg, the managers of the opera, and the Emperor himself. Nor were
the repeated experiments made with the works of mediocre
{THE OPERA IN VIENNA.}
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composers (which so enraged Mozart that he purposed writing a critique
on them with examples) likely to find favour with the Emperor. Add to
this that his immediate musical surroundings, Salieri at the head of
them, were at least passively opposed to German opera, and it will not
be thought surprising that the Emperor Joseph angrily renounced German
opera, and followed his own taste in the reinstalment of the Italian.
Chance brought this determination to a point. A French company of
considerable merit, both in opera and the drama, was performing at the
Kamthnerthortheater, and was patronised by the Emperor.[3] He sent for
the performers to Schönbrunn in the summer of
1782, and entertained them in the castle during their stay. They were
dissatisfied with the hospitality they there received, and one of the
actors had the ill-breeding, during a meal at which the Emperor happened
to come in, to offer him a glass of wine, with the request that he would
try it, and say whether such wretched Burgundy was good enough for them
to drink. The Emperor drank the wine, and answered that it was good
enough for him, but he had no doubt they would find better wine in
France.[4]
On the dismissal of this company, Count Rosenberg was commissioned to
engage the best singers in Italy, male and female, for an opera buffa,
which was all that was then thought feasible; and at the end of the
carnival of 1783 the German opera company was dissolved, its best
members associating themselves with the new Italian company.[5] Under
these circumstances there was not much hope of success for German
operatic compositions; and only three new pieces were produced in 1783,
none of them with any success.[6] Mozart wrote to his father (February
5, 1783):--
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Yesterday my opera was given for the seventeenth time with the usual
applause, and to a crowded house. Next Friday a new opera is to
be given, the music an absurdity (Galimathias) by a young pupil of
Wagenseil's
(Joh. Mederitsch), called "Gallus cantans in abore sedens gigirigi
faciens." It will probably fail, but perhaps not so completely as
its predecessor, an old opera by Gassmann," "La Notte Critica" ("The
Disturbed Night"), which was scarcely brought to a third performance.
Before this there was Umlaufs execrable opera, which only reached a
second. It is as though, knowing that German opera is to die after
Easter, they wanted to hasten its end by their own act: and they are
Germans--confound them!--who do this. My own opinion is, that Italian
opera will not survive long, and I shall always hold to the German; I
prefer it, although it is certainly more trouble. Every nation has its
opera, why should we Germans not have ours? Is not our language as fit
for singing as the French and English? and more so than the Russian?
Well, I am writing a German opera all _for myself_.
I have chosen as subject Goldoni's comedy "Il Servitore di Due Padroni,"
and the first act is already translated--the translator being Baron
Binder! But it is to be a secret until it is finished. Now, what do you
think of that? Don't you think that I shall do myself some good by it?
There can be little doubt that his father would have answered this
question in the affirmative, but he would have been more sceptical as to
the feasibility of the plan, and practical considerations seem to have
caused its abandonment. Two German airs, preserved in draft score,
belong by their handwriting to this period; one for a tenor (indicated
as Carl), "Müsst ich auch durch tausend Drachen" (435 K.), and the other
for a bass (Wahrmond), "Manner suchen stets zu naschen" (433 K.). No
dramatic situation is recognisable, and it cannot therefore be affirmed
that they were composed for this opera. The composition of a German
opera for which he afterwards received a commission from Mannheim
came to nothing. Klein sent him a libretto (doubtless "Rudolf von
Habsburg")[7] with the request that he would set it to music, whereupon
Mozart answered (March 21, 1785):[8]--
{DECLINE OF GERMAN OPERA.}
(45)
I ought certainly to have acknowledged before now the receipt of your
letter and the accompanying parcel; but it is not the case that I have
in the meantime received two other letters from you; if so, I should
certainly have remembered to answer your first as I now do, having
received your other two letters on the last post-day. But I should have
had no more to say to you on the subject of the opera than I now have.
My dear sir, my hands are so full of work that I have not a moment to
myself. You know by experience, even better than I, that a thing of this
sort must be read carefully and attentively several times over. Hitherto
I have not been able to read it once without interruption. All that I
can say at present is, that I should like to keep the piece a little
longer, if you will be kind enough to leave it with me. In case I should
feel disposed to set it to music, I should wish to know beforehand
whether it is intended for performance at any particular place? For such
a work ought not to be left to chance. I shall hope for an explanation
on this point from you.
The reasons for the final rejection of this opera are unknown.
Mozart's account of the position of German opera in Vienna is very
characteristic. In 1784, it was almost extinct; only Madame Lange
selected the "Entführung" for her benefit on January 25, conducted
by Mozart himself (Wiener Zeitung, 1784, No. 7); and Adamberger gave
Gluck's "Pilgrimme von Mecca" on February 15. Besides these, Benda's
melodramas, "Ariadne" and "Medea," Jacquet's chief characters, were
performed a few times. But when in the following year the desire
for German opera revived, it was decided to reappoint the
Kamthnerthortheater, which had been freed from its connection with
the court, and to reinstate the German opera in competition with the
Italian. On this point Mozart continues:--
I can give you no present information as to the intended German opera,
as (with the exception of the alterations at the Karnthnerthor-theater)
everything goes on very quietly. It is to be opened at the beginning of
October. I do not prophesy a very prosperous result. It seems to me that
the plans now formed are more likely to end in the final overthrow
of the temporarily depressed German opera, than in its elevation and
support. My sister-in-law Lange alone is to be allowed to join the
German company. Cavalieri, Adamberger, Teyber, all pure Germans, of
whom our fatherland may be proud, are to stay in the Italian theatre, to
oppose and rival their own countrymen. German singers at present may be
easily counted! And even if they be as good
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as those I have named, which I very much doubt, the present management
appears to me too economical and too little patriotic to think of paying
the services of strangers, when they can have as good or better on the
spot. The Italian _troupe_ has no need of them in point of numbers; it
can stand alone. The present idea is to employ _acteurs and actrices_
for the German opera who sing from need; unfortunately the very men are
retained as the _directeurs_ of the theatre and the orchestra who have
contributed by their want of knowledge and energy to the downfall of
their own edifice. If only a single patriot were to come to the fore,
it would give the affair another aspect. But in that case, perhaps,
the budding national theatre would break forth into blossom; and what a
disgrace it would be to Germany if we Germans once began in earnest to
think, or act, or speak and even--to _sing_ German! Do not blame me, my
dear sir, if I go too far in my zeal. Convinced that I am addressing a
fellow _German_, I give my tongue free course, which unfortunately is
so seldom possible that after such an outpouring of the heart one feels
that one might get drunk without any risk of injuring one's health.
The performances of the new German opera, which opened on October 16,
1785, with Monsigny's "Félix," were in no respect equal to those of the
Italian opera. Mozart, whose "Entführung" maintained its place in the
repertory until March, 1788, when the house was again closed, was not
further employed as composer.[9] Only on one occasion did the Emperor
seem to recollect that Mozart was the only opera composer of German
birth who could rival the Italian Salieri. At a "Festival in honour of
the Governor-General of the Netherlands," dramatic performances were
commanded by the Emperor in the Orangery at Schönbrunn, on February
7, 1796; the most distinguished actors and singers, both Italian and
German, were engaged.[10] Stephanie junior was commissioned to prepare
the German occasional
{DER SCHAUSPIELDIRECTOR, 1786.}
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piece; it was called "Der Schauspieldirector."[11] The dramatis persona
were as follows:--[See Page Image]
The plot consists in the difficulties of Frank, the manager, in engaging
a company for a theatre he has received permission to open in Salzburg.
Many actors and actresses offer their services, and perform favourite
scenes by way of testing their ability, the piece concluding with a
similar trial of operatic music. The piece was loosely put together, and
its main interest consisted in allusions to the passing events in the
theatrical world; these are sometimes too palpable and rather coarse.
Casti's little Italian opera, written for the same occasion, "Prima la
Musica e poi le Parole" is, on the contrary, really witty and amusing,
and allows the composer scope for a genuine musical work. Salieri, whose
music, according to Mozart, was tolerable, but nothing more,[12] thus
gained a great advantage over Mozart, to whom was entrusted the musical
portion of the German piece. There could here, of course, be no question
of dramatic interest and individual characterisation. The two singers
bring their airs with them as prepared trials of skill. The object was
to mark the contrast between them. The two songs are alike in design,
with one slow and one agitated movement, and they further resemble each
other in their mixture of sentimentality and gaiety, and in the number
of bravura passages,
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which sometimes go to a considerable height. It is in the details that
everything is different, even to the instrumentation, and that the
sharpest possible contrast is maintained both in the parts and style of
delivery. There is no great liveliness of movement until--the manager
being perplexed to make his choice between the two--they fall to
quarrelling, each of them reiterating with increasing warmth: "Ich bin
die beste Sangerin." Thereupon the tenor comes to the rescue, and seeks
to allay the irritation of the enraged ladies, giving occasion for
a comic terzet full of life and humour. This was composed by Mozart,
probably because it amused him, on January 18, 1786, although the play
was not finished until February 3. Although the situation in itself
cannot be said to possess much interest, there is a certain charm in
the piece, and the forms which are usually only of artistic significance
have here a substantial basis. The imitations with which the singers
follow on each other's heels, the passages in which they run up to
a fabulous height, the alternation of rapid _parlando_ with affected
delivery and extraordinary passages--all these not only take effect as
means of dramatic characterisation, but give the hearers the pleasure
of deciding for themselves which of the two aspirants really is the best
singer. The peacemaking tenor attaches., himself now to one, now to the
other singer, and then again opposes them both, giving a certain amount
of dignity to the dispute by means of musical and dramatic contrasts.
Indeed the whole scene is so lively, so gay, so free from caricature,
and so euphonious, that the terzet may well claim a place with more
important works. The concluding operatic piece is a vaudeville. Each
solo voice delivers a verse of the song, passing with characteristic
modifications into the principal motif, which takes the form of a
chorus. The bass voice comes last; the actor Buf gives his decision for
the first buffo. This was Lange, who himself used to say that he could
only make a singer at need (Selbtsbiographie, p. 126), and who thus
ironically parodied his own words.
Mozart also wrote an overture to the piece, in which, less bound by the
triviality of the text, he could move more
{DER SCHAUSPIELDIRECTOR, 1786.}
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freely. It consists of a single movement in quick time. The first
bars--[See Page Image]
fall at once into the tone of the whole, and form in their contrasting
elements the motifs which are afterwards intersected in the working-out.
The two subsequent better-sustained melodies possess in their easy
imitative movement, the charm of a lively, excited conversation, the
transition passage forming a piquant contrast; in short, the whole
overture resembles a comedy with the different characters and intrigues
crossing each other, until at last all ends well. The whole festival was
twice repeated at the Kamthnerthortheater soon after the performance at
Schönbrunn.[13]
Several later attempts were made to give the piece more action and more
music, so as to preserve Mozart's work on the stage.
When Goethe undertook the management of the court theatre at Weimar in
1791, numerous Italian and French operas were arranged to German words
by the indefatigable concertmeister Kranz and the industrious theatrical
poet, Vulpius.[14] Goethe, being in Rome in the summer of 1787, was
extremely amused by the performance of an intermezzo, "L' Impresario
in angustie,"[15] which Cimarosa had composed in the Carnival of the
previous year (at the same time as Mozart's "Schauspieldirector") for
the Teatro Nuovo at Naples.[16] He at once had it arranged as a comic
opera, with the title of "Theatralische Abenteuer," and the whole of the
music to Mozart's "Schauspieldirector" introduced.[17]
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It was performed at Weimar on October 24,1791, with great success,
and afterwards repeated with alterations[18] on other stages during a
considerable time.
In Vienna, after the operetta had again been thrice performed in
1797, an experiment was made in 1814 with an increased adaptation by
Stegmeyer, but without lasting success.[19] Within the last few years
L. Schneider has made a false step in the publication of the
"Schauspieldirector, or Mozart und Schikaneder."[20] Wishing to preserve
Mozart's music free from foreign contact, he chose out some songs, which
were suitably instrumentalised by Taubert, and fitted fairly well into
the new piece.[21] But in order to give the plot more interest he fell
into the unpardonable error of making Mozart himself the hero of the
opera, composing the "Zauberflöte"
under Schikaneder's direction. It is incredible that any one should have
been capable of thus misrepresenting the master whom the resuscitation
of his music was intended to honour, as a senseless, infatuated coxcomb,
contemptible both in his obsequious submission to Schikaneder and
his immoral relations with his sister-in-law, Aloysia Lange. In 1856
Mozart's operetta was given in Paris at the Bouffes Parisiens with great
success; but with what adaptations I am not aware.
Mozart was altogether deceived in his expectation that the Italian opera
would not find favour with the public. Joseph made himself acquainted
through Salieri with all the most distinguished artists whom the latter
had heard in Italy (Mosel, Salieri, p. 75), and gave him full power to
engage those he thought fit; he even made this a special object of his
own journey through Italy. He thus succeeded in bringing together a
_personnel_ for opera buffa, which through a long series of years, with
various changes, was unsurpassed in the
{REVIVAL OF ITALIAN OPERA, 1783.}
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unanimous opinion of the public and connoisseurs.[22] The already
mentioned Vienna singers who went over to the Italian opera, Lange,
Cavalieri, and Teyber, were joined by Bemasconi, already past her
prime, in honour of whom Gluck's "Iphigenie in Tauris" was performed in
Italian, in December, 1783.[23] From Italy came Nancy Storace, Mandini,
and afterwards Celestine Coltellini. Of the German male singers they
had indeed dismissed Fischer, whose loss Mozart rightly declared to
be irreparable, but in Benucci they acquired a bass buffo of the first
rank. True, he left Vienna the same year, but Marchesini, who replaced
him, was not nearly so popular, and Benucci was recalled the following
year. The baritones were Mandini, Bussani, and Pugnetti, together
with the tenor, O'Kelly (Kelly), and the Germans, Adamberger, Saal, and
Ruprecht. On April 22, 1783, the Italian opera was opened with Salieri's
newly adapted opera "La Scuola dei Gelosi."[24] It was a decided success,
and was repeated twenty-five times, although a cold criticism of the
opening night asserts: "The prima donna sang extremely well, but her
gesticulation is intolerable. The buffo bore away the palm for natural
acting. The other performers are unworthy of notice."[25] The next
opera, by Cimarosa, "L' Italiana in Londra" (May 5), was not so well
received; but on the other hand Sarti's opera, "Fra due Litiganti il
Terzo Gode" (May 25) excited extraordinary enthusiasm.[26] Schroder
writes on July 26, 1783: "The Italian opera is much sought after, and
the German
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theatre is empty."[27] Earnestly as Mozart desired to be employed upon
a German opera, he could not fail to be excited by the performances and
success of the Italian opera, and his overpowering love of the drama
urged him again to employ his genius in the field best fitted for its
efforts. He writes to his father (May 7, 1783):--
The Italian opera has recommenced, and pleases very much. The buffo,
named Benucci, is particularly good. I have looked through at least a
hundred (indeed more) ibretti, but cannot find one satisfactory--that
is, unless much were to be altered. And a poet would often rather write
a new one than alter--indeed the new one is sure to be better. We have
here a certain Abbate da Ponte as poet; he is driven frantic with
the alterations he has to make for the theatre; he is, _per obligo_,
employed on a new libretto for Salieri, and will be at least two months
over it;[28] then he has promised to do something new for me. But who
knows whether he can or will keep his word? You know how fair-spoken the
Italians are! If he tells Salieri about it, I shall get no opera as long
as I live--and I should like to show what I can do in Italian music.
Sometimes I have thought that if Varesco does not bear malice on
account of the Munich opera he might write me a new book for seven
characters--but you know best if that can be done. He might be writing
down his ideas, and we could work them out together in Salzburg. The
essential point is that the whole thing should be very comic and, if
possible, that it should have two good female parts--one seria, the
other mezzo carattere, but both equal in importance. The third female
might be quite buffa, and all the male parts if necessary. If you think
anything can be done with Varesco, please speak to him very soon.
By way of inducement to Varesco, he sent him word that he might reckon
on a fee of four or five hundred gulden, for that it was customary in
Vienna to give the poet the receipts of the third representation. Some
time after he asks again (June 7, 1783)
Do you know nothing of Varesco? I beg you not to forget; if I were in
Salzburg we could work at it together so well, if we had a plan ready
prepared.
Before Mozart went to Salzburg he had an instance of what he might
expect in the opposition made to the insertion of his two airs for
Adamberger and Madame Lange in
{L' OCA DEL CAIRO, 1783.}
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Anfossi's "Curioso Indiscreto" (Vol. II., p. 326). On his arrival
in Salzburg at the end of July, he found Varesco quite ready for
the undertaking, which was to begin at once, and to be completed in
Salzburg.
Among Mozart's remains were found in Varesco's handwriting the first act
complete, and the prose table of contents in detail of the second and
third acts of the opera "L' Oca del Cairo" ("The Goose of Cairo"). The
_dramatis personæ_ are as follows:--
The contents are briefly these:--
Don Pippo, Marchese di Ripasecca, a vain and haughty fool, has by his
ill-treatment forced his wife, Donna Pantea, to leave him; he believes
her dead, but she is living, concealed at a place over the seas.
Biondello, hated by him, loves his daughter Celidora, whom he intends to
marry to Count Lionetto di Casavuota; he himself has fallen in love with
her companion Lavina, who has come to an understanding with Calandrino,
Biondello's friend and Pantea's relative. The two maidens are confined
in a fortified tower and closely guarded. In full conviction of his
security, Don Pippo has been induced to promise Biondello that if he
succeeds in gaining access to Celidora within the year, her hand shall
be his reward. Hereupon, Calandrino, a skilful mechanic, has constructed
an artificial goose large enough to contain a man, and with machinery
capable of motion; this is conveyed to Pantea, who, disguised in Moorish
costume, is to display it as a show; it is hoped that Pippo may consent
to its exhibition before the two maidens, and that Biondello may thus
be conveyed into the tower. As a condition Calandrino exacts from his
friend a promise of Lavina's hand.
The opera begins on the anniversary of the wager. Don Pippo is about
to marry Lavina, and awaits the arrival of Count Lionetto; his house is
filled with preparations for festivity. The curtain rises on the whole
household, including the coquettish maid Auretta and her lover the
house-steward, Chichibio, having their hair dressed. Calandrino
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enters in much perturbation; Pantea has not arrived, and a violent storm
gives rise to the fear that she may fail altogether; some other device
must be hit upon. He promises marriage to Chichibio and Auretta, if
they can succeed in abstracting Don Pippo's clothes, and preventing his
leaving the castle, which they undertake. The scene changes: Celidora
and Lavina are conversing on a terrace on the fourth story of the tower,
to which they have obtained access in secret; the lovers appear below on
the other side of the moat, and a tender quartet is carried on. The new
plan is to throw a bridge across the moat and scale the tower. Workmen
arrive and the task is eagerly commenced; but Chichibio and Auretta,
chattering about their marriage, have failed to keep watch, and now
announce that Don Pippo has gone out; he himself speedily appears,
summons the watch, stops the work, and drives away the lovers.
In the second act Pantea lands with the goose in a violent storm. It
is a fair-day, and the assembled people are full of amazement at the
natural and rational movements of the goose, which is supposed to come
from Cairo. Auretta and Chichibio inform Don Pippo of the wonderful
sight. He causes Pantea to come forward, and she informs him that the
goose having lost its speech from fright during the storm can only be
restored by the use of a certain herb growing in a lonely garden. Don
Pippo, delighted, commissions Calandrino to take Pantea and the
goose into the pleasure-garden, that so the two maidens may enjoy the
spectacle. The finale represents the fair close to the tower, the two
ladies looking on from the window. A dispute arises, in which Biondello
takes part; Don Pippo, as magistrate, is called on to do justice; some
ridiculous action is carried on, ending in a general tumult. Pantea then
puts Biondello into the goose and enters the garden, while Calandrino
informs Don Pippo that Biondello, in despair, has set out to sea in a
small boat, which is confirmed by the weeping Auretta. Don Pippo, in
high delight, forms a ludicrous wedding procession and proceeds to the
tower, where Celidora and Lavina stand at the window while the goose
makes various antics for the amusement of the crowd. Finally, Don Pippo
appears in the great hall of the tower, accompanied by the two maidens
and the goose, in full confidence of his triumph, and only waiting the
arrival of Count Lionetto to celebrate the wedding. Chichibio enters
with an uncourteous refusal from the Count. As Don Pippo is in the act
of giving his hand to Lavina, Pantea advances in her true person, the
goose begins to speak, opens, and Biondello steps out; Don Pippo is
beside himself, and is ridiculed by them all; he ends by promising to
amend his ways, and the three couples are made happy.
No doubt this summarised account has omitted to take note of many comic
and effective touches; but on the other hand it has suppressed many
absurdities--the general impression of a fantastic and senseless plot
not being affected
{L'OCA DEL CAIRO, 1783.}
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by the treatment of the details. In the first glow of delight at having
a new libretto, Mozart set to work composing at once in Salzburg,
and after his return to Vienna he anticipated different scenes that
interested him; but he was soon seized with misgivings that the opera
could not be put on the stage without important alterations. He wrote on
the subject to his father (December 6, 1783):--
Only three more airs, and the first act of my opera is finished. With
the aria buffa, the quartet, and the finale I can safely say I am
perfectly satisfied--in fact, quite delighted. So that I should be
sorry to have written so much good music in vain, which must be the case
unless some indispensable alterations are made. Neither you, nor
the Abbate Varesco, nor I, reflected that it would have a very bad
effect--indeed, would ruin the opera--if neither of the two principal
female characters were to appear on the stage until the last moment,
but were to be always wandering about on the ramparts or terraces of
the tower. One act of this might pass muster, but I am sure the audience
would not stand a second. This objection first occurred to me in Linz,
and I see no way out of it but to make some scenes of the second act
take place in the fortress--_camera della fortezza_. The scene where
Don Pippo gives orders to bring the goose in might be the room in which
Celidora and Lavina are. Pantea comes in with the goose. Biondello pops
out; they hear Don Pippo coming. In goes Biondello again. This would
give an opening for a good quintet, which would be all the more comic
because the goose sings too. I must confess to you, however, that my
only reason for not objecting to the whole of the goose business is that
two men of such penetration and judgment as yourself and Varesco see
nothing against it. But there would still be time to think of something
else. Biondello has only undertaken to make his way into the tower;
whether he does it as a sham goose, or by any other trick, makes no
difference at all. I cannot help thinking that many more comic and more
natural scenes might be brought about if Biondello were to remain in
human form. For instance, the news that Biondello had committed himself
to the waves in despair, might arrive quite at the beginning of the
second act, and he might then disguise himself as a Turk, or something
of the kind, and bring Pantea in as a slave (Moorish, of course). Don
Pippo is anxious to purchase a slave for his wife; and the slave-dealer
and the Mooress are admitted into the fortress for inspection. This
leads to much cajoling and mockery of her husband on the part of Pantea,
which would improve the part, for the more comic the opera is the
better. I hope you will explain my opinion fully to the Abbate Varesco,
and I must beg him to set to work in earnest. I have worked hard enough
in the short time. Indeed, I should have finished the first act, if I
did not require some alterations made in some of the words; but I would
rather you did not mention this to him at present.
{MOZART AS AN OPERA COMPOSER.}
(56)
In the postcript he again begs his father to consult Varesco, and hurry
him on. On further consideration, however, he thought he had still
conceded too much, and a few days afterwards he wrote (December 10,
1783):--
Do all you can to make my book a success. I should like to bring the
ladies down from the ramparts in the first act, when they sing their
airs, and I would willingly allow them to sing the whole finale
upstairs.
Varesco was quite willing to make the alteration, which was easily to be
effected by a change of scene. The altered version exists, together with
the original text; but we know nothing further on the subject. Mozart
seems to have made more extensive demands. He wrote to his father
(December 24, 1783):--
Now, for what is most necessary with regard to the opera. The Abbate
Varesco has written after Lavina's cavatina: "A cui serverà la musica
della cavatina antecedente"--that is of Celidora's cavatina--but
this will not do. The words of Celidora's cavatina are hopeless and
inconsolable, while those of Lavina's are full of hope and consolation.
Besides, making one character pipe a song after another is quite an
exploded fashion, and never was a popular one. At the best it is only
fitted for a soubrette and her lover in the _ultime parti._ My idea
would be to begin the scene with a good duet, for which the same words,
with a short appendix for the coda, would answer very well. After the
duet, the conversation could proceed as before: "E quando s' ode il
cam-panello della custode." Mademoiselle Lavina will have the goodness
to take her departure instead of Celidora, so that the latter, as prima
donna, may have an opportunity of singing a grand bravura air. This
would, I think, be an improvement for the composer, the singers, and
the audience, and the whole scene would gain in interest. Besides, it
is scarcely likely that the same song would be tolerated from the second
singer after being sung by the first. I do not know what you both mean
by the following direction: At the end of the interpolated scene for the
two women in the first act, the Abbate has written: "Siegue la scena
VIII che prima era la VII e cosi cangiansi di mano in mano i numeri." This
leads me to suppose that he intends the scene after the quartet, where
the two ladies, one after the other, sing their little songs from the
window, to remain. But that is impossible. The act would be lengthened
out of all proportion, and quite spoiled. I always thought it ludicrous
to read: _Celidora_. "Tu qui m' attendi, arnica. Alla custode farmi
veder vogl' io; ci andrai tu puoi." Lavina: "Si dolce arnica, addio."
(Celidora parte.) Lavina sings her song. Celidora comes back and says:
"Eccomi, or vanne," &c.; and then out goes Lavina, and Celidora sings
her air; they relieve one another, like soldiers on guard. It is much
more natural
{L'OCA DEL CAIRO, 1783.}
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also that, being all together for the quartet, to arrange their
contemplated attack, the men should go out to collect the necessary
assistants, leaving the two women quietly in their retreat. All that can
be allowed them is a few lines of recitative. I cannot imagine that it
was intended to prolong the scene, only that the direction for closing
it was omitted by mistake. I am very curious to hear your good idea for
bringing Biondello into the tower; if it is only comical enough, we will
overlook a good deal that may be unnatural. I am not at all afraid of
a few fireworks; all the arrangements here are so good that there is no
danger of fire. "Medea" has been given repeatedly, at the end of which
half the palace falls in ruins while the other half is in flames.
Whether Varesco refused to give up the "goose business," whether he was
afraid of further endless emendations, or what his reasons were, who
can tell? In any case no radical change was made in the text, and, much
against his will, Mozart was forced to lay the opera aside. Besides a
recitative and the cursory sketch of a tenor air, six numbers of the
first act are preserved in draft score (422 K.), with, as usual, the
voice parts and bass completely written out, and the ritornelli
and accompaniment more or less exactly indicated for the different
instruments. Four numbers belong to Auretta and Chichibio; the
comparison with "Figaro" is an obvious one, and though Chichibio is
far from being a Figaro, Auretta approaches much nearer to Susanna. The
situation of her air (2) is not badly imagined. Calandrino, hearing from
Auretta that Chichibio is very jealous, embraces her in jest and says,
"What would Chichibio say if he saw us?" Thereupon that personage
enters, and Auretta, pretending not to observe him, sings:--
Se fosse qui nascoso
Quell' Argo mio geloso,
O, poverina me!
Direbbe: "O maledetta,
Pettegola, fraschetta!
La fedeltà dov' è?"
Pur sono innocente,
Se fosse presente,
Direbbe tra se:
"O qui non c' è pericolo,
Un caso si ridicolo
Goder si deve affè."
{MOZART AS AN OPERA COMPOSER.}
(58)
The musical apprehension of the contrasts contained in the words is
remarkably humorous and graceful, and especially the point to which
the whole tends. "O qui non cè peri-colo" is as charmingly roguish as
anything in "Figaro." Chichibio's comic air (3) is in the genuine
style of Italian buffo, and consists of a rapid _parlando_; after the
direction to close with the ritornello it acquires some originality of
colour from the instrumentation. In the shorter of the two duets
between Auretta and Chichibio, the orchestra was also intended to play a
prominent part. The first duet (1), however, is more important and
more broadly designed; Auretta provokes Chichibio's jealousy in the
traditional manner, and then seeks to appease it. The whole piece, with
its shifting humours, is lively and amusing, and the subject--[See Page
Image]
carried out by the orchestra and toyed with by the voice-parts, is of
a mingled grace and intensity truly worthy of Mozart. Then there are
sketches of two great ensembles. The quartet (6) in which the lovers
converse from afar has less of a buffo character and more true
feeling; the two pairs of lovers are clearly distinguished, and their
characteristics sharply defined. The finale (7), on the other hand, is
altogether in the liveliest buffo tone. At the beginning the lovers are
full of eagerness and hope at the building of the bridge, then follows
the excitement of suspense, and when Don Pippo actually appears a
general tumult breaks out. It does not lie in the nature of this
situation to make the same display of rich variety, nor of the dignity
of deep emotion, which we admire so much in other finales; it is
calculated rather to excite wonder at the long continuation of spirited
movement and ascending climax. In the last presto, especially, this is
quite extraordinary; here the chorus (contrary to custom in comic opera)
is independent and full of effect, yielding to no later work of the same
kind. A proof of the figure Don Pippo is intended to cut is given in
this
{LO SPOSO DELUSO, 1784.}
(59)
finale. The short andante maestoso, "Io sono offeso! La mia eccellenza,
la prepotenza soffrir non de," indicates a grand buffo part such as
never occurs in any other opera. We have, it is true, but a weak and
shadowy outline of all these movements. Let the experiment be made of
imagining corresponding numbers of "Figaro" and "Don Giovanni" deprived
of all their orchestral parts except the bass, and a few bars to suggest
the different motifs, and how much weaker and more colourless will be
the image that remains! So, also, we can scarcely arrive at even an
approximate idea of the life which Mozart would have thrown into
these sketches when he came to work them out in all their detail and
brilliancy of colouring. They betray, in common with all the works of
this period, the firm touch of a master, and possess a singular interest
to the student, even in their incomplete form. Who can say that Mozart,
if he had finished the opera, would not have succeeded in overcoming the
weaker points of the libretto? And yet he scarcely seems to have hoped
as much himself, seeing that he finally laid aside the work, begun with
so much eagerness and carried on so far. But he was far from abandoning
his design, and seeing no immediate prospect of a new libretto, he
selected from among the numerous books which he had collected one that
he might at least hope to see put on the stage. This was "Lo Sposo
Deluso" ("Der gefoppte Brautigam"), probably the same opera which was
produced at Padua in the winter of 1787, with music by Cav. Pado.[29]
That it was a libretto which had already been made use of follows
from the fact that Mozart made some corrections from the original of
inaccuracies as to names committed by the ignorant Italian copyist.
It is not necessary for the comprehension of the portions composed by
Mozart (430 K.) to transcribe the whole of the complicated contents of
the book; the list of characters, with the names of the singers to whom
Mozart alloted the various parts, will suffice to show the drift of the
plot.
The _dramatis personæ_, then, are as follows:--[See Page Image]
{MOZART AS AN OPERA COMPOSER.}
(60)
The time at which Mozart was at work on this libretto falls within that
during which Nancy Storace performed as Signora Fischer. She had been
induced to marry an English violinist, a Dr. Fisher, at Vienna, who
ill-treated her, and was thereupon sent out of the country by the
Emperor. This was in the year 1784,[30] and as Nancy Storace never
afterwards bore the name of her husband, she could only have been so
described by Mozart shortly after her marriage. As the opera begins,
Bocconio, awaiting his bride, is discovered giving the finishing touches
to his toilet; his friend Pulcherio, the woman-hater, is present, and
jeers at him; so do Don Asdrubale and Bettina, who declares that if her
uncle does not provide her with a husband without delay, she will give
him and his wife no peace. While he is defending himself, the arrival
of the bride is announced; the confusion increases, for he is not yet
ready, and the others all torment him the more. Mozart has connected
this quartet with the overture, which leads into the first scene without
a break. We have a merry flourish of trumpets and drums, taken up by the
whole orchestra, and at once we are in the midst of wedding festivities
and joyous excitement. The plan of the
{LO SPOSO DELUSO, 1784.}
(61)
overture, though without any actual allusion, reminds us of that to
"Figaro," but falls short of it in spirit and refinement. The merriment
is interrupted by a tender andante 3-8, in which strings and wind
instruments alternate, prefiguring the amorous emotions which are to
have a place in the drama. The flourish is heard again, the curtain
rises, and the andante is repeated in its main points, the instrumental
movement serving as a foundation for the free motion of the voices. The
different points are more sharply accented, and the hearer's enjoyment
is intensified by the richer and more brilliant working out of the
movement, which shows itself, as it were, in an altogether new light.
The ensemble is inspired with cheerful humour, full of dramatic life,
and showing distinctly Mozart's own art of giving independence and
freedom to the voices and orchestra, as members of one perfect whole.
The draft is worked out somewhat beyond the first design, the stringed
instruments being almost written in full, and the principal entrances of
the wind instruments at least indicated. We are thus enabled to form
a sufficient idea of the movement, which, had it been completed, would
have been so brilliant an introduction to the opera. Two airs are
preserved in the customary sketch form--voices and bass entire, and
detached indications for the violin. In the soprano air (3), however,
the outline is so characteristic that but a small effort of imagination
suffices to endow it with the effect of full instrumentation. The
caricatured haughtiness of the Roman lady Eugenia is shown in the very
first words:--
The contrast between pomposity and volubility is given at once; the
object is to balance one with the other, so that they may appear natural
displays of a consistent character.
The moderation of tone thus obtained is all the more necessary from the
character being a female one, since a woman cannot be caricatured to
the point of being revolting, as a man can, without injury to the comic
effect.
Nacqui all' aura trionfale,
Del Romano Campidoglio
E non trovo per le scale,
Che mi venga ad incontrar?
{MOZART AS AN OPERA COMPOSER.}
(62)
Caricature, which emphasises certain characteristic features of an
individual at the cost of others less striking must always be an
objectionable mode of musical representation. The external features
which can be exaggerated by the musician are limited and soon exhausted,
the exaggeration of emotional expression to produce a comic effect is
a very dangerous device, because music does not possess the resources
which enable poetry and the formative arts to represent disproportions
of caricature as amusing and comical rather than distorted and hideous.
Mozart takes as the foundation for his musical representation a genuine
pride, which is only led by chance impulses to express itself in
an exaggerated and distorted manner, and it is this temporary
self-contradiction which produces the comic effect. The musical
device he employs for the purpose is the composition of the air in
the traditional heroic form of opera seria, which is opposed to the
situation of the moment as well as to the fault-finding words. The
compass and employment of the voice show that Mozart had Storace in
view, for whom he afterwards composed Susanna. Pulcherio's second air
(4) is much more sketchily delineated. Eugenia and Bocconio, after
their first meeting, are not on very good terms with each other, and the
obliging friend seeks to reconcile them; he draws Bocconio's attention
to Eugenia's beauty, and hers to Bocconio's amiability, and as he goes
first to one and then to the other with his appeals, he pictures to
himself the misery which is sure to follow the union of the two. The
contrasting motifs to which the situation gives rise are arranged
in animated alternation. The sketch, however, shows only the general
design; and the share taken in it by the orchestra, doubtless a very
important one, cannot be even approximately arrived at. A terzet (5
cf., Vol. II., p. 424) between Eugenia, Don Asdrubale and Bocconio is
completely worked out, and causes regret that it was not inserted in
a later opera, that so we might have heard it from the stage. Don
Asdrubale coming to greet Bocconio's bride, the lovers in amazement
recognise each other. Eugenia, who had been informed of Don Asdrubale's
death in battle, falls half-swooning on a couch, and Bocconio hastens
off to fetch
{LO SPOSO DELUSO, 1784.}
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restoratives. Asdrubale, who is on the way to Rome that he may wed
Eugenia, overwhelms her with reproaches, and throws himself on a couch
in despair. Eugenia has risen, and before Asdrubale can explain himself,
Bocconio returns, and to his astonishment finds the scene completely
altered. At this point the terzet begins, and expresses most charmingly
the confusion and embarrassment of the three personages, who are all in
the dark as to each other's conduct, and who put restraint on themselves
even in their extremity of suspense. The orchestra carries on the
threads independently, joined by the voices, sometimes apart and
interrupted, to suit the situation, sometimes together. An excellent
effect is given by the sharply accented expression of involuntary
painful emotion contrasting with the reserve which otherwise prevails
in the terzet. The whole tone of the piece is masterly; while never
overstepping the limits of comic opera, it successfully renders the deep
agitation of mind of all the three characters. This is contrived, not
by the mixture of a comic element in the person of Bocconio, who rather
approximates to the frame of mind of the other two, but by the cheerful
tone which penetrates the whole without any loss of truth of expression.
This opera again stopped short of completion, and a third seems to
have had the same fate. A terzet for male voices, which is preserved in
duplicate draft, was intended for the first scene of a comic opera. An
opera by Accoromboni, "Il Regno delle Amazoni," was, according to Fétis,
performed at Parma in 1782, as well as elsewhere,[31] with success, and
the words of the terzet leave little doubt that this, too, was among the
"little books" Mozart had looked through, and that it suggested to him
an experiment which must almost have coincided in point of time with the
two just mentioned. It can scarcely have been the imperfections of the
libretti alone which caused Mozart to leave these operas unfinished,
but also the improbability of ever bringing them to performance.
The brilliant reception accorded to the Italian maestri, Sarti and
Paesiello, in Vienna, only caused
{MOZART AS AN OPERA COMPOSER.}
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the German masters to fall more into the background. The extraordinary
success of Paesiello and Casti with "Il Re Teodoro'' (Vol. II., p. 344),
alarmed even Salieri. He had himself begun an opera, "Il Ricco d' un
Giorno," but laid it aside rather than enter into competition with the
"Re Teodoro." He was always skilful in turning circumstances to account.
When his "Rauchfangkehrer" failed in 1781, and Mozart's "Entführung" was
rousing great expectations, he received in the nick of time a commission
from Munich to write the opera "Semiramide," which was performed during
the Carnival.[32] He then set out, recommended and patronised by Gluck,
to produce "Les Danaides" in Paris. Crowned with new laurels, by reason
of the success which it there met with, he returned to Vienna and
completed his opera, after the first enthusiasm for his rivals had died
out. It was given on December 6, 1784, but without success.[33] Mozart's
prospects for the year 1785 were not any more favourable, when suddenly
help appeared from an unexpected quarter.
Lorenzo da Ponte (1749-1838),[34] a native of Ceneda, was exiled from
the republic of Venice, where he had been schoolmaster, on account of
his opinions and manner of life. After a short stay in Gorz and Dresden,
he came to Vienna, warmly recommended to Salieri by the poet Mazzola,
just as the Italian opera was in process of being established. Through
Salieri's influence he was appointed a theatrical poet by Joseph II.,
who continued to befriend him; he had thus every reason to be beholden
to Salieri. His first attempt was this opera, "Il Ricco d' un Giorno,"
which he did not himself consider a success; Salieri ascribed its
failure, which he felt the more keenly in contrast to Paesiello's
success, solely and entirely to the poet, and swore that he would sooner
cut off his hand than set to music another word of Da Ponte's. He had no
difficulty in obtaining a libretto
{CASTI--DA PONTE.}
(65)
from Casti, "La Grotta di Trofonio"; and this opera, which was first
given on October 12, 1785, was a great success.[35] Da Ponte now saw
himself threatened in his position, for Casti was his declared rival and
opponent.
Casti had long been famous as a witty and gallant verse-maker; he was
acquainted with the most influential men of the day, and was ambitious
of succeeding Metastasio as _poeta Cesareo_. The rise of Da Ponte, who
had to some extent taken Metastasio's place in the theatre, would be
altogether against his interests; he sought therefore both by praise and
blame to bring his rival into discredit, and ridiculed him personally
in his operetta, "Prima la Musica" (Vol. III., p. 47). Casti carried his
vanity and self-complacency to such a pitch that Kelly mimicked him on
the stage in his own opera ("Demo-gorgone"), to the intense delight of
the public.[36] It was plainly Da Ponte's interest to gain the favour of
composers who might do credit to his operatic libretti.
Vincent Martin (1754-1810), born in Valencia, and therefore called "Lo
Spagnuolo," had produced some operas in Italy with success since 1781;
Storace had made a furore in one of them at Venice.[37] This caused him
to repair to Vienna in 1784, where the wife of the Spanish Ambassador
took him under her powerful protection. At the command of the Emperor
Da Ponte adapted for him the opera, "Il Burbero di Buon Core," after
Goldoni's comedy, which was performed for the first time on January
4, 1786, with complete success; but his next operas, "Il Finto Cieco,"
composed by Gazzaniga, and "Il Demogorgone," composed by Righini, were
not particularly successful. Not satisfied with these composers, he cast
his eyes on Mozart, to whom he had promised a libretto as early as 1783.
Da Ponte positively affirms[38] that it was owing to his readiness and
decision that Mozart was enabled to place his masterpiece on the stage
in defiance of all the cabals and intrigues of his enemies; and he
expresses the
{MOZART AS AN OPERA COMPOSER.}
(66)
hope that an impartial and truthful account of the affair will make this
evident. We shall therefore follow his account, but shall correct and
modify it in its details by means of other available information.[39]
Baron Wezlar, a great lover of music, in whose house Mozart had lived
for a time (Vol. II., p. 304), had brought about the acquaintance
between the latter and Da Ponte, and proved himself a munificent patron
on the occasion. On Mozart's expressing anxiety lest an opera composed
by him should not be allowed to appear, Wezlar engaged to pay the
librettist a suitable fee, and to bring about the performance of
the opera in London or Paris if the obstacles in Vienna proved
insurmountable. Confiding in the favour and discernment of the Emperor,
Da Ponte declined this offer. In discussing a suitable subject Mozart
expressed the wish that Da Ponte would adapt Beaumarchais' comedy, "Le
Mariage de Figaro," which, after a prolonged struggle, had been given
for the first time on April 27, 1784, and was now occupying public
attention. The adaptation would be an easy matter, but the Emperor had
forbidden the production of the piece at the National Theatre on account
of its freedom of tone. Da Ponte, however, hoped to overcome this
difficulty; he agreed with Mozart to keep.the undertaking a secret.
They set to work, Da Ponte writing the libretto, and Mozart composing
it gradually as he received it: _in six weeks the whole was finished_.
Fortunately there was a dearth of new operas at the time. Da Ponte,
without consulting any one, went straight to the Emperor, and told him
what had happened. The Emperor had misgivings both as to Mozart, who,
though an excellent instrumental composer, had written an opera which
was no great success ("non era gran cosa"), and as to the piece which
he had already suppressed. Da Ponte declared that he would be answerable
for Mozart as well as for the piece, which he had adapted in such a
manner as to be perfectly fit for representation. The Emperor gave way,
summoned Mozart before him with the score, and after
{ADAPTATION OF "FIGARO," 1785.}
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hearing some portions of it, commanded that it should be performed and
put into rehearsal at once. This caused much displeasure to Mozart's
opponents, Casti and Count Rosenberg, "a sworn enemy of the Germans, who
would listen to nothing that was not Italian,"[40] and who made as many
difficulties as he could. Da Ponte relates one instance of the kind. The
manager, Bussani (the singer who was cast for the part of Bartolo), told
Count Rosenberg that in the third act of "Figaro," during the wedding
festivities, while Susanna is conveying the letter to the Count, a
ballet was to be introduced. Rosenberg sent for the poet, reminded him
that the Emperor would not allow a ballet, and turning a deaf ear to
his remonstrances, tore the scene out of the book. Mozart was furious;
wanted to call the Count to answer, to horsewhip Bussani, to appeal to
the Emperor, to take back the score--in short, he could with difficulty
be pacified. At the full rehearsal the Emperor was present. In obedience
to Rosenberg's order the ballet was omitted, and in dead silence Susanna
and the Count made their now meaningless gestures. The Emperor, in
amazement, asked what it all meant, and on Da Ponte's explanation of
the affair, ordered a proper ballet to be at once arranged. This story,
although Da Ponte may have exaggerated the importance of his own share
in it, doubtless gives a fair idea on the whole of the circumstances
under which Mozart's "Figaro" was produced. Kelly's assertion that
Mozart was commissioned by the Emperor to write an opera, and selected
"Figaro," accords very well with Da Ponte's account. Mozart began his
work in the autumn of 1785, as we learn from a letter of his father's to
Marianne (November 11, 1785):--
At last, after six weeks' silence, I have received a letter from your
brother of November 2, containing quite twelve lines. His excuse for not
writing is that he has been over head and ears at work on his opera,
"Le Nozze di Figaro." He has put off all his pupils to the afternoon, so
that he may have his mornings free. I have no fear as to the music;
{MOZART AS AN OPERA COMPOSER.}
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but there will no doubt be much discussion and annoyance before he can
get the libretto arranged to his wish; and having procrastinated and let
the time slip after his usual fashion, he is obliged now to set to work
in earnest, because Count Rosenberg insists upon it.
This contradicts Da Ponte's account of the secrecy with which the opera
was prepared; and it may be doubted also whether it was really written
in six weeks. The date in Mozarts own catalogue,-April 29, 1786, only
proves that he closed his work by writing the overture immediately
before the first performance (May 1).[41] Da Ponte may have exaggerated
somewhat tor the sake of effect. Mozart's Thematic Catalogue shows what
he was capable of accomplishing even while at work upon "Figaro." There
is a hiatus in the catalogue from July 5, 1785, to November 5. It is
possible that he was busy with the opera during this interval; but
during the time immediately following, when he was working at it in real
earnest, we find the following compositions entered:--
1785. November 5. Quartet to the "Villanella Rapita" (Vol. II., p.
331).
November 21. Terzet I (479, 480 K.).
December 12. Sonata for piano and violin in E flat major (481 K.).
December 16. Pianoforte concerto in E flat major (482 K.).
1786. January 10. Pianoforte rondo in D major (485 K.).
January 18. Terzet from the "Schauspieldirector."
February 3. "Schauspieldirector" (486 K.).
March 2. Pianoforte concerto in A major (488 K.).
March 10. Duet and air for the private performance of "Ido-meneo" (489,
490 K.).
March 24. Pianoforte concerto in C minor (491 K.).
April 29. "Le Nozze di Figaro" (492 K.).
To these may be added the Lent Concerts, which were also then
occupying him. There were other difficulties to be overcome before
the performance, of which we hear nothing from Da Ponte, but which are
related by Kelly:--
There were three operas now on the _tapis_, one by Righini ("ü
Demo-gorgone"), another by Salieri ("La Grotta di Trofonio"), and one
{INTRIGUES AGAINST "FIGARO."}
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by Mozart, by special command of the Emperor. Mozart chose to have
Beaumarchais' French comedy, "Le Mariage de Figaro," made into an
Italian opera, which was done with great ability by Da Ponte. These
three pieces were nearly ready for representation at the same time, and
each composer claimed the right of producing his opera for the first.
The contest raised much discord, and parties were formed. The characters
of the three men were all very different. Mozart was as touchy as
gunpowder, and swore that he would put the score of his opera into the
fire if it was not produced first; his claim was backed by a strong
party. Righini, on the contrary, was working like a mole in the dark to
get precedence. The third candidate was Maestro di Capella to the court,
a clever, shrewd man, possessed of what Bacon called "crooked wisdom";
and his claims were backed by three of the principal performers, who
formed a cabal not easily put down. Every one of the opera company took
part in the contest. I alone was a stickler for Mozart, and naturally
enough, for he had a claim on my warmest wishes, from my adoration
of his powerful genius and the debt of gratitude I owed him for many
personal favours. The mighty contest was put an end to by his majesty
issuing a mandate for Mozart's "Nozze di Figaro" to be instantly put
into rehearsal.
A slight error has crept in here, for Salieri's opera was given first
on October 12, 1785; but this account confirms the fact of the Emperor's
interference. Mozart's claims were supported by the distinguished
company of amateurs who arranged a representation of "Idomeneo" at the
Auersperg Theatre in March (Vol. II., p. 289). The fact that his friends
Count Hatzfeld (Vol. II., p. 291) and Bridi (Vol. II., p. 359) took his
part in the dispute shows that it was intended to put Mozart forward as
a composer of Italian operas, and that powerful support was considered
necessary for the purpose. His father had cause therefore to write to
his daughter (April 18):--
On the 28th, "Le Nozze di Figaro" is to be put on the stage for the
first time. It will mean much if it succeeds, for I know that there
has been a surprisingly strong cabal against it. Salieri and all
his adherents will move heaven and earth against it. Duschek told me
lately[42] that my son met with such violent opposition because of his
extraordinary talent and cleverness.
{MOZART AS AN OPERA COMPOSER.}
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Niemetschek (p. 37) goes so far as to assert that it was commonly
reported that the Italian singers did all they could to ruin the opera
on its first performance by intentional mistakes and carelessness, and
that they had to be sternly reminded of their duty by the Emperor, to
whom Mozart appealed in despair at the end of the first act. Kelly says
nothing of this; he maintains, on the contrary, that never was opera so
strongly cast, and that all the subsequent performances he had seen
were no more to be compared to the original one than light is to
darkness:[43]--
All the original performers had the advantage of the instruction of the
composer, who transfused into their minds his inspired meaning. I never
shall forget his little animated countenance, when lighted up with the
glowing rays of genius; it is as impossible to describe it as it would
be to paint sunbeams. I remember at the first rehearsal of the full band
Mozart was on the stage with his crimson pelisse and gold-laced cocked
hat, giving the time of the music to the orchestra. Figaro's song "Non
più andrai" Benucci gave with the greatest animation and power of
voice. I was standing close to Mozart, who, (_sotto voce_), was repeating:
"Bravo! bravo, Benucci!" and when Benucci came to the fine passage,
"Cherubino, alla vittoria, alia gloria militar!" which he gave out with
stentorian lungs, the effect was electricity itself, for the whole of
the performers on the stage, and those in the orchestra, as if actuated
by one feeling of delight, vociferated: "Bravo! bravo, maestro! viva,
viva, grande Mozart!" Those in the orchestra I thought would never have
ceased applauding, by beating the bows of their violins against the
music-desks. The little man acknowledged by repeated obeisances his
thanks for the distinguished mark of enthusiastic applause bestowed upon
him.
The following was the cast of the first performance, according to
Mozart's Thematic Catalogue--the original libretto is unfortunately
lost:[44]--[See page images]
{PERFORMANCE OF "FIGARO."}
(71)
The reception of the opera by the public on its first performance (May
1, 1786) was such as to justify the most favourable anticipations.[45]
"Never was anything more complete," says Kelly, "than the triumph of
Mozart and his 'Nozze di Figaro.'" The house was crowded, and many
pieces were encored, so that the opera lasted twice the usual time;
but that did not prevent long-continued applause and repeated calls for
Mozart at the close of the performance. L. Mozart wrote to his daughter
on May 18: "At the second performance of your brother's opera (May 3)
five pieces were encored, and on the third (May 8) seven; one little
duet had to be sung three times."[46] The opera, therefore, was a decided
success; too much so, indeed, for many people, and the Emperor was
persuaded, after the first performance, to forbid any piece to be
encored, under the pretence of sparing the singers and the conductor.
Kelly narrates how the Emperor, after issuing this prohibition,
addressing himself at a rehearsal to Storace, Mandini, and Benucci,
said:[47] "I
{LE NOZZE DI FIGARO.}
(72)
dare say you are all pleased that I put a stop to encores; it must
be fatiguing and distressing to you to repeat so many songs." Storace
replied: "It is indeed, sire, very distressing." The other two bowed,
as if in assent; but Kelly, who was standing by, said boldly to the
Emperor: "Do not believe them, sire, they all like to be encored; at
least I am sure I always do"; whereupon the Emperor laughed. Mozart's
enemies found it impossible to drive the opera completely from the
stage, but they took care that it should not be given often enough
to take firm hold of the public favour. Nevertheless, it reached nine
performances within the year, though with long intervals between them
(May 1, 3, 8, 24, July 4, August 28, September 22, November 15, December
18). On November 17 Martin's "Cosa Rara" (after so strong an opposition
on the part of the singers, that the Emperor was obliged to compel them
to sing)[48] achieved an unprecedented success. This threw "Figaro"
somewhat into the shade, both in the public estimation and in the
Emperor's opinion; the latter told Dittersdorf that Mozart overweighted
the singers with his full accompaniments;[49] Martin's easy and taking
melodies were far more to the royal taste. During 1787 and 1788 "Figaro"
was not given at all in Vienna,[50] and was not reproduced until August
29, 1789.
FOOTNOTES OF CHAPTER XXXV.
[Footnote 1: For the history of opera in Vienna I am much indebted to an article
written with full knowledge of the subject (A. M. Z., XXIV., p. 2651)
and still more so to the careful and accurate communications which I
owe to the courtesy of my friend Dr. Leop. von Sonnleithner; these two
accounts form the groundwork of the present chapter, even where I have
not expressly referred to them.]
[Footnote 2: Müller (Abschied, p. 263) does not indeed mention the younger
Stephanie by name, but other accounts explain his allusions. Schroder
wrote to Dalberg (January 19, 1782): "I'm insisting upon the removal of
young Stephanie from all concern in the affair, but there is no one bold
enough to propose to the Emperor to dismiss a man whom he has appointed,
and who will certainly be the ruin of the theatre."]
[Footnote 3: Meyer, L. Schroder, I., p. 358. A. M. Z., XXIV., p. 265. Nicolai
heard a performance of Gluck's "Orpheus" there in 1781 (Reise, IV., p.
537).]
[Footnote 4: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 194.]
[Footnote 5: A. M. Z., XXIV., p. 269. Schroder wrote to Dalberg (October 21,
1782): "German opera is abolished here, and comedy has been strengthened
by Reineke and Opiz."]
[Footnote 6: The new operas were: January 10--Gassmann, "Die Unruhige Nacht" (La
Notte Critica), performed three times; February 9--Gallus, "Rose," or
"Pflicht und Liebe im Streit," performed twice; February 23--J. Weigl,
"Die betrogne Arglist," performed three times.]
[Footnote 7: On January 20, 1781, Klein submitted his opera "Kaiser Rudolf von
Habsburg" to the Electoral German company; a short notice (Rhein.
Beitr. z. Gelehrs., 1781, I., p. 383) gives it extraordinary praise. He
afterwards turned the same subject into a tragedy with similar title,
which appeared in 1787.]
[Footnote 8: The letter was published in facsimile by Gassner (Zeitschr. f.
Deutschlands Musikvereine, II., p. 161), and has often been printed.]
[Footnote 9: The new German original operas which were performed were: 1785--"Die
Dorfhandel," or "Bunt über Eck," by Rupprecht; "Die Dorfdeputirten,"
by Teyber. 1786--"Die glücklichen Jager," by Umlauf; "Der Alchymist," by
Schuster; "Doctor und Apotheker," by Dittersdorf; "Robert und Hannchen,"
by Hanke; "Betrug und Aberglauben," by Dittersdorf; "Zemirens und Azors
Ehestand," by Umlauf. 1787--"Die Liebe im Narrenhause," by Dittersdorf;
"Das wüthende Heer," by Rupprecht; "Im Finstern ist nicht gut tappen,"
by Schenk; "Die Illumination," by Kürtzinger.]
[Footnote 10: Wien. Ztg., 1786, No. 11. L. Schneider, Cäcilia, XXIV., p. 148. R.
Hirsch, Mozart's "Schauspieldirector," Leipz., 1859.]
[Footnote 11: "Der Schauspieldirector." Ein Gelegenheitsstück in einem Aufzuge.
Wien, 1786. Printed, according to Schneider, in Stephanie's Vaudevilles.]
[Footnote 12: Mosel, Salieri's Leben u. Werke, p. 90.]
[Footnote 13: Wien. Ztg., 1786, No. 13 Anh.]
[Footnote 14: Goethe, Tag-Vund Jahreshefte, 1791 (Werke, XXI., p. 12).]
[Footnote 15: Goethe, Ital. Reise (Werke, XIX., p. 360).]
[Footnote 16: A. M. Z., 1864, pp. 465, 649.]
[Footnote 17: The text is printed in Diezmann's Goethe-Schiller-Museum, p. 15.
Goethe can scarcely have had a greater share in it than the insertion
of the songs "An dem schönsten Frûhlingsmorgen" and "Bei dem Glanz der
Abendröthe" (Neues Verz. e. Goethe-Bibl., p. 37). The words of Mozart's
pieces are only somewhat improved in unimportant particulars, being, as
a whole, very poor and insipid.]
[Footnote 18: Theaterbriefe von Goethe, p. 32.]
[Footnote 19: Hirsch, Mozart's Schauspieldirector, p. 18.]
[Footnote 20: Printed in the German Bühnenalmanach, 1861.]
[Footnote 21: Besides the Bandlterzett (441 K., Vol. II., p. 362), and the air
"Manner suchen stets zu naschen" (433 K., Vol. III., p. 44), the two
songs "An Chloe" (524 K.) and "Die betrogene Welt" (474 K.) are also
inserted.]
[Footnote 22: Reichardt (A. M. Z., XV., p. 665. Schletterer, Reichardt, I., p.
324): "Opera buffa was at that time (1783) far better appointed there,
and followed its own bent with far more earnestness and consistency than
anywhere in Italy. The orchestra was also first-rate--full of fire and
discretion." Cf. Musik. Wochenbl., p. 66. Car. Pichler, Denkw., I., p.
78.]
[Footnote 23: Berl. Litt.-u. Theat.-Ztg., 1784,1., p. 14. Opera seria was only
given as an exception. When the celebrated male soprano Luigi Marchesi
(Cramer, Magaz. f. Mus., I., p. 559) passed through Vienna on his
journey from St. Petersburg, in August, 1785, the Emperor directed him
to appear in Sarti's "Giulio Sabino," which was played six times to
overflowing houses (Muller, Abschied, p. 7).]
[Footnote 24: Berl. Litt.--u. Theat.-Ztg., I., pp. 14,19.]
[Footnote 25: Berl. Litt.--u. Theat-Ztg., I., p. 313.]
[Footnote 26: Cramer, Magaz. f. Mus., II., p. 185.]
[Footnote 27: Meyer, L. Schröder, I., p. 345.]
[Footnote 28: This was the opera "Il Ricco d'un Giomo," which was produced with
little success on December 6, 1784 (Mosel, Salieri, p. 86).]
[Footnote 29: Mus. Real-Ztg., 1789, p. 85.]
[Footnote 30: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 231. Pohl, Mozart u. Haydn in London, p.
169.]
[Footnote 31: Cramer, Magaz. f. Mus., II., p. 556.]
[Footnote 32: Mosel, Salieri, p. 74.]
[Footnote 33: Mosel, Salieri, p. 79. Da Ponte, Mem., I., 2, p. 50.]
[Footnote 34: L. Da Ponte's "Memorie" appeared in New York, 1823 (2nd edition,
1829-30), and a translation at Stuttgart, 1847. Cf. A. M. Z., X., p.
679; XLI., p. 788; XLIV., p. 769.]
[Footnote 35: Schink, Dramaturg. Monate, II., p. 539.]
[Footnote 36: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 235.]
[Footnote 37: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 189.]
[Footnote 38: Da Ponte, Mem., I., 2, p. 68.]
[Footnote 39: Kelly (Reminisc., I., p. 257) gives some interesting notices on the
history of "Figaro."]
[Footnote 40: Berl. Mus.-Ztg., 1793, p. 141.]
[Footnote 41: An account of the fate of the autograph score, which came into the
possession of N. Simrock, of Bonn, in 1864, is given in the N. Ztschr.
fur Mus., XXXVI., p. 261. Cf. XXXV., pp. 65, 77.]
[Footnote 42: Duschek and his wife had arrived at Salzburg from Prague at the
beginning of April, after a short stay in Vienna.]
[Footnote 43: Ulibicheff's opinion that, fortunately for the music, Mozart had
to do with mediocre singers (II., p. 40), is unfounded. Cf. A. M. Z.,
XXIV., p. 270.]
[Footnote 44: It is remarkable that none of the German vocalists, neither Madame
Lange nor Cavalieri nor Teyber, on whom Mozart had himself reckoned
for his "Sposo Deluso" (Vol. III., p. 60), were employed; a result, no
doubt, of operatic factions. We know from Da Ponte (Mem., I., 2, pp.
109, no, 135) that Cavalieri was highly favoured by Salieri (Mosel,
Salieri, p. 184), whose pupil she was.]
[Footnote 45: So Mozart writes the name. Kelly was, as he says himself
(Reminisc., I. p. 139), called Okelly in Italy.]
[Footnote 46: She afterwards saog Pamina in the "Zauberflote."]
[Footnote 47: The Wiener Zeitung (1786, No. 35) contained only the following
brief notice: On Monday, May 1, was performed lor the first time in the
National Theatre a new Italian opera in four acts, entitled 'Le Nozze di
Figaro,' adapted from the French comedy of Mons. de Beaumarchais by
Herr Abb. da Ponte, theatrical poet; the music is by Herr Kapellmeister
Mozart. La Sign. Laschi, who has lately returned here, and La Sign.
Bussani, a new vocalist, made their first appearance as the Countess and
the page."]
[Footnote 48: Da Ponte, Mem., I., 2, p. 90.]
[Footnote 49: Dittersdorf, Selbstbiogr., p. 237.]
[Footnote 50: In, June, 1787, Balzer announced (Wien. Ztg., 1787, No. 46, Anh.)
that the unanimous approbation with which Mozart's masterpiece, "Die
Hochzeit des Figaro," had been received in Prague, had induced him
to publish a pianoforte arrangement by Kucharz; he also advertised
arrangements for wind instruments, and a version of the work as a
quintet by Abbé Vogler(I).]
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MOZART 36
BY DAVID WIDGER