The holy place is a little house, very old and mean, built of

brick,[145] and much greater in length than in width. At the upper end

thereof a barrier has been constructed, having on either side a gate of

iron, and between these an iron grating, the whole fabric being rude

and old and lacking in all richness of furniture. The iron grating

aforesaid fills up the space between the two doors, and through it the

spectator can see to the end of the recess, and the extreme end, the

shrine, occupies about a fifth part of the space thus enclosed. This

is the spot of the highest sanctity. There may be seen on the upper

part of the wall the image of Our Lady, made, so the story goes, of

wood. All the residue of the shrine is so thickly covered with rich

_ex votos_ given by divers cities and princes that, right down to the

ground, there is not an inch of space which is not covered with some

device of gold or silver. With great difficulty and as a high favour

done to me, I was able to find a place whereon I could fix a memorial

device, in which were set four silver figures, that of Our Lady, my

own, my wife’s, and my daughter’s. On the base of mine was engraved

on the silver the inscription, “Michael Montanus Gallus Vasco, Eques

Regii Ordinis, 1581.” On my wife’s, “Francisca Cassaniana, uxor,” and

on my daughter’s, “Leonora Montana, filia unica.” These three are all

kneeling in a row before Our Lady, who is set somewhat higher. The

chapel has another entrance besides the two of which I have spoken, and

any one entering it thereby will find my tablet on the left-hand side,

opposite the door in the corner, the same having been very carefully

fixed and nailed to the wall. I had caused a chain and ring of silver

to be fitted thereto, so as to let it hang from a nail, but the chapel

officials preferred to fasten it to the wall itself.[146] In this

small enclosure is the fireplace of the cottage, and this they exhibit

by drawing aside some ancient tapestries which hang before it. Very few

persons are allowed to enter here, indeed there is a notice over the

door forbidding admission to any one not furnished with the leave of

the governor. These doors are of metal, very richly worked, and an iron

grating is fixed in front of them.

Amongst the other rich and rare offerings left there I saw a candle

recently sent by a Turk who had made a vow to Our Lady when he was

in sore straits, and ready to seize upon any rope which might offer

help in gaining safety. The other and the larger portion of the

cottage serves as a chapel, but no daylight finds its way thereinto,

and the altar is placed beneath the grating and against the partition

already alluded to. In it neither ornaments, nor benches, nor chairs,

nor paintings, nor wall-hangings are to be found, for it is itself a

shrine. No swords or arms of any sort may be taken therein, and no

respect is paid to a man because of his high rank. We partook of the

Eucharist there, a privilege not granted to all, as another chapel is

provided for this function on account of the vast crowds of people who

commonly present themselves. So great is the throng every day in this

chapel that it is necessary to be there in good time to find standing

room. When I communicated a German Jesuit said mass. People are

forbidden to pare off bits of the masonry; indeed were they permitted

to carry away aught of the same the whole fabric would disappear in

three days. They tell of innumerable miracles in relation to the place,

for details of which I refer the reader to the books dealing with

the same, but many have happened in recent times; also for an account

of the mishaps which have befallen those who, out of devotion, have

abstracted fragments of the building, even with the Pope’s warrant.

Also they show a little bit of brick which had been taken away while

the Council of Trent was sitting, and was brought back by miraculous

agency. The cottage itself has been cased outside and strengthened by a

square fabric of the most sumptuous character made of the finest marble

and carved all over.[147] Few rarer or more exquisite works can be seen

elsewhere. Around and above this structure is a large and beautiful

church with many fine chapels and tombs, amongst which is that of the

Cardinal d’Amboise,[148] which the cardinal of Armaignac[149] caused

to be erected. The cottage itself serves as the choir of this church,

which, however, has a choir of its own, but this is set in a corner.

The whole of this great church is covered with pictures, frescoes, and

painted legends,[150] and we saw therein divers rich ornamental gifts,

but I was surprised not to find more, considering how ancient is the

fame of this church. I have a suspicion that they melt down the old

silver plate and put it to other purposes; in any case it is estimated

that their annual offerings amount to ten thousand crowns of coined

money. No other place I have ever visited makes so great a show of

religion. All property which is lost there--and I speak of articles of

silver or others not only worth picking up, but worth appropriating by

people thus inclined--is deposited by the finders in a certain public

receptacle provided for the purpose. Any one who may be so minded may

abstract whatsoever he may desire from this receptacle without any

cognisance being taken thereof. When I was there I saw many articles

thus displayed, paternosters, handkerchiefs, and purses, such as none

would own, all at the disposal of the first claimant. With regard to

such things as you may buy and leave behind you for the sake of the

church, none of the artificers thereof will accept any payment for

his labour, for these craftsmen reckon that, by charging only for the

silver or the wood, they themselves share the benefit of the act;

anything like almsgiving or treating they steadily refuse. Likewise the

church officials, who are most attentive to those who wish to confess

or to partake of the communion, and in every other respect, will accept

nothing for their services. The custom is to give to some one or other

of them a sum of money to be distributed amongst the poor in your

name after your departure. Whilst I was in the _sacrarium_ there came

a man who offered to the first priest he met a silver cup because of

a vow he had made; and because he had vowed an offering of the value

of twelve crowns, and had laid out less than this on the cup, he paid

the balance on the spot to the aforesaid priest, who had put in a plea

for the payment of this sum of money as the strict due of the church,

and necessary for the perfect and conscientious fulfilment of the vow.

When this was done the priest led the man into the _sacrarium_ so that

he might himself offer the cup to Our Lady and say a short prayer,

the money being dropped into the common alms-box. Instances like this

occur daily. Gifts are received in a very off-hand fashion, indeed the

acceptance of them is reckoned a favour conferred.

I tarried the Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday morning, and went away

after mass. To declare my experience which I gathered in this place,

where I was vastly entertained and interested, I may say that my visit

coincided with that of M. Michel Marteau, Seigneur de la Chapelle, a

rich young Parisian[151] travelling with a large following. I received

from him and from certain of his suite a careful and detailed account

of the cure of a diseased leg, which he affirmed had been brought about

during a former visit of his to this place, and the account given to me

of this miracle was as exact as could be. All the surgeons of Paris and

Italy had been baffled, the patient had spent more than three thousand

crowns, and his knee had been swollen, powerless, and very painful

for the last three years. It grew worse, and more inflamed and red,

so that he was thrown into a fever. For several days he had ceased to

use any medicament or remedy; when, having fallen asleep, he dreamt

all of a sudden that he was healed, and that a flash of light seemed

to shine around him. He awoke, cried out that he was cured, called for

his servants, arose from his bed, and began to walk for the first time

since he had been seized with this infirmity. The swelling of the knee

disappeared, the shrivelled and half-dead skin got well from that time

without any further remedy. Being now completely cured, he had come

back to Loreto, his cure having been worked about a month earlier,

while he was here. He had been in Rome while we were staying there.

These were all the authentic facts I could collect from the discourse I

had with him and with his people.

The story of the miracle of the transference of this house, which is

held to be the actual birthplace of Jesus Christ at Nazareth, and of

its conveyance first into Sclavonia, next to a spot close hereto, and

finally to this very place, is set forth on large marble tablets fixed

along the pillars of the church, and written in Italian, Sclavonic,

French, German, and Spanish. In the choir I saw hanging a standard

of our sovereign, the only king’s device in the place. They told me

that great crowds of Sclavonians are wont to come here to worship, and

moreover, that as soon as they catch sight of the place from their

barks at sea they set up a cry, which they let continue in the town

itself, with many protestations and promises added, and beg Our Lady

to return to their land, pouring out their regrets that they should

have given her reason for deserting them; which thing seemed to me very

marvellous.

I was told that the journey from Loreto to Naples, one I was fain to

take, might be made along the sea-coast in eight easy days’ travel. I

should have to go by Pescara to Chieti, whence a carrier set out for

Naples every Sunday. I offered money to several of the priests, but

nearly all refused to accept it, and those who took it made all sorts

of demur and difficulty. In Loreto they keep their grain in vaults

under the streets. On the 25th of April I presented my _ex voto_. Our

journey of four days and a half from Rome to Loreto cost six crowns of

fifty soldi each, for the horses, for the men who let them to us and

fed them, and for ourselves. This is a bad sort of bargain to make,

seeing that they always hurry you along for the sake of saving their

own outlay, and treat you in very niggardly fashion.

On the 26th I went to see the Port, three miles distant, which I found

to be a very fine one, and a fort overlooking it which belongs to the

town of Recanati. Don Luca Giovanni, the _Beneficiale_, and Giovanni

Gregorio da Cailli, _Custode della Sagrestia_, gave me their names

when I was leaving, so that, in case I should need their services for

myself or for others, I might write to them; moreover, I received many

other courteous attentions from the aforenamed. The former is in chief

authority over the small shrine, and refused all the gifts I offered

him. I shall always feel under obligation to them for their courtesies

of word and deed.

END OF VOL. II.

Printed by BALLANTYNE, HANSON & CO. Edinburgh & London

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Montaigne evidently refers to the Roman theatre situated between

the Castello San Pietro and the river. Its destruction began early, as

it is described as ruined in a decree of King Berengarius dated 895.

Much of it remained up to the sixteenth century.

[2] Coryat, who saw it in 1608, describes it as greatly ruined and

put to base uses. Much of the marble had been taken away to other

buildings; but the damage was being repaired by the Veronese noblemen,

who had already spent sixty-six thousand crowns over the restoration.

To build it in England, he estimates, would cost two million pounds.

[3] Modern measurements are 502 feet by 401, and 98 feet high.

[4] Madonna di Campagna, one of the finest works of Sammicheli.

[5] Palladio had died a short time before Montaigne’s visit, i.e.

August 19, 1580. Vicenza was at this time at the height of its beauty,

all the noteworthy buildings, except the Teatro Olimpico, having been

completed.

[6] The fairs of Vicenza were amongst the largest in Italy, and were

instituted in the thirteenth century. During their continuance all the

shops in the city had to be closed. Fairs were held up to the middle of

the present century.

[7] The founder was the chief magistrate of the city, and is said to

have been moved to religious enthusiasm by reading the life of S.

Mary of Egypt. Montaigne is wrong in giving 1367 as the date of the

foundation of the order; it was the year of Colombini’s death. The

members of the order were originally laymen, and chiefly occupied in

preparing drugs. Urban V. placed them under the Augustinian rule. In

1606 they were allowed to be ordained, and in 1660 were suppressed by

Clement IX.

[8] It is singular that Montaigne makes no mention of the University.

Italy was then the great school of fencing, as he notices in the

_Essais_, ii. 27.

[9] Coryat notices this bust, and gives the inscription written by

Paolo Giovio: “Petri Bembi Cardinalis imaginem Hieronymus Quirinus

Ismerii filius in publico ponendam curavit: ut cujus ingenii monumenta

æterna sint, ejus corporis quoque memoria ne a posteris desideretur.

Vixit annos 76, M. 7, D. 29. Obiit 15 Calend. Februarii anno 1547.”

Writing of the other tombs Coryat says: “Amongst others in the Cloyster

I observed one that made me even lament, the monument of a certaine

English Nobleman, namely, Edward Courtney, Earle of Devonshire, who was

buried here in the time of Queen Mary; he died there in his youth, and

was the sonne of Henry, Earle of Devonshire and Marquesse of Exceter,

who was beheaded in the time of King Henry the Eighth. This Edward

Courtney was afterward restored by Queen Mary. Truely it strooke great

compassion and remorse in me to see an Englishman so ignobly buried,

for his body lieth in a poore woodden Coffin placed upon another faire

monument, having neither epitaph nor any other thing to preserve it

from oblivion, so that I could not have knowne it for an Englishman’s

Coffen, except an English gentleman, Mr. George Rooke, had told me of

it.”--_Crudities_ (1776), vol. i. p. 176.

[10] Coryat says: “He is represented according to his olde age: for

his face is made very leane and shaved.” The inscription under it, “Ve

T. Livius Liviæ I. F. Quartæl. Halys concordialis Patavi sibi et suis

omnibus,” has probably no reference to Livy at all. It was discovered

in 1363 near the church of San Giustina and removed to the Sala della

Ragione. This is the one which Montaigne mistakes for Livy’s epitaph.

Another inscription records the gift of Livy’s arm-bone to Alfonso the

Magnanimous in 1450. Coryat mentions a second statue of Livy, made of

freestone, and says that this was the effigy brought, together with an

inscription underneath, “from Saint Gustinae’s Church.” The monument at

the end of the hall was erected in 1547.

[11] Julius Paulus, who wrote in the time of Alexander Severus.

[12] Henry III. He fled secretly from Cracow on hearing of the death

of Charles IX. in 1574, but once clear of Poland he was in no hurry to

get back to France. He spent two months in traversing Lombardy, and was

regaled sumptuously by all the petty princes and nobles. The Emperor

Maximilian and the Doge of Venice gave him much excellent advice, but

he was only impressed by the processions and dances and fine dresses,

which he proposed to reproduce in France.

[13] Fusina.

[14] Arnaud du Ferrier was a distinguished French jurisconsult. Henry

II. made him President of the Chambre des Enquêtes. He represented

France at the Council of Trent, and by a violent anti-Roman speech he

raised a great uproar and was sent as ambassador to Venice in quasi

disgrace, and there Montaigne met him. According to Brantôme he used

to repair to Padua and there lecture on law. The king was greatly

displeased at this and recalled him. Henry of Navarre invited him to

his court and he became a Protestant. He died in 1585.

On the margin of the MS. Montaigne has written: “Ce viellard, qui a

passé septante cinq ans, à ce qu’il dit, jouit d’un eage sein & enjoué.

Ses façons & ses discours ont, je ne sçay quoi de scholastique, peu

de vivacité et de pouinte. Ses opinions panchent fort evidamment, en

matiere de nos affaires, vers les innovations Calviniennes.”

[15] A decree of the Council of Ten, July 12, 1380, ordains: “Si

quis nobilis vel civis acciperet literas ab aliquo de extra de re

spectante ad statum nostrum, illas capitibus Consilii tenerentur subito

presentare, et Capita debeant inquirere diligenter principium talis

praticæ, ut nostri cives omnino starent separati ab omni pratica et

commercio dominorum et comunitatum, et ab omni pratica rei spectantis

ad statum.”

[16] Fynes Moryson writes (Part iv., ed. 1903, p. 128): “I find the

generall Revenue of this State valued at two millions of gold yearly,

though Monsr. Villamont attributes so much to the citty of Venice alone

... and for particular cittyes these relations record, that Padoa

brings yearly into the Treasure of Venice thirteene thousand Ducates;

Vicenza thirtye two thousand; Verona nyntye thousand; Brescia (besydes

many extraordinary Subsidyes) one hundred thousand four hundred and

fyfty; Bergamo fyfty thousand; Vdane twenty fyve thousand; Trevigi

fourskore thousand.” But farther on he says: “A late writer hath

published in print that the generall Revenue of Venice amounts yearely

to two millions of gold crowns: that the Townes yield yearely eight

hundred thousand Crownes.”--A great disparity. Montaigne probably

refers to the share of Venice alone.

[17] There is a life of this lady by Tassini--_Veronica Franco celebre

letterata e meretrice veneziana_. She was married in her youth to

one Paniza, a physician, but she left him to take up the career of a

courtesan. Her name appears in that extraordinary document which the

late Earl of Orford printed for private circulation in 1870: “Catalogo

di tutte le principal et piu honorate Cortegiane di Venetia, il nome

loro, et il nome delle loro pieze, et le stantie ove loro habitano,

et di piu ancor vi narra la contrata ove sono le loro stantie, et

etiam il numero de li dinari che hanno da pagar quelli gentil homini,

et al che desiderano entrar nella sua gratia.” Her description runs:

“204, Veronica Franca, a Santa Maria Formosa, pieza so mare 2 scudi.”

In 1574 she gave up her profession, and by her wit and beauty gained

a status not unlike that of her forerunners in Athens. She certainly

enjoyed the friendship of divers men of note, Domenico and Marco

Veniero, Marcantonio della Torre and Tintoretto. Henry III. visited

her when passing through Venice and took away her portrait. In middle

life she devoted herself to religion and good works, and tried to

induce the Signoria to found an asylum for penitent women. She died

in 1591, aged forty-five. The book she sent to Montaigne was probably

_Lettere famigliari a diversi_, dedicated to Cardinal Luigi d’Este.

Lord Orford evidently had not read Tassini’s book or Montaigne’s

_Voyage_, otherwise he would have been able to give a more precise

date to the _Catalogo_, which he puts down vaguely to the sixteenth

century. According to Fynes Moryson, “the tribute to the State from

the Cortizans was thought to exceede three hundreth thousand Crownes

yearely.”

[18] “Il me semble avoir veu en Plutarque rendant la cause du

souslevement d’estomach, qui advient à ceux qui voyagent en mer, que

cela leur arrive de crainte: après avoir trouvé quelque raison, par

laquelle il prouve, que la crainte peut produire un tel effet. Moy

qui y suis fort sujet, sçay bien, que cette cause ne me touche pas.

Et le sçay, non par argument mais par nécessaire expérience. Sans

alleguer ce qu’on m’a dit, qu’il en arrive de mesme souvent aux bestes,

specialement aux porceaux hors de toute apprehension de danger.... Or

je ne puis souffrir longtemps ny coche, ny littière, ny bateau, et hay

toute autre voiture que de cheval. Mais je puis souffrir la lictière

moins qu’un coche; et par même raison plus aisément une agitation

rude sur l’eau, d’où se produit la peur, que le mouvement qui se sent

en temps calme. Par cette legère secousse, que les avirons donnent,

desrobant le vaisseau sous nous, je me sens brouiller, je ne sçay

comment, la teste et l’estomach: comme je ne puis souffrir sous moi

un siège tremblant. Quand la voile ou le cours de l’eau, nous emporte

esgalimët, ou qu’on nous rouë, cette agitation unie, ne me blesse

aucunement. C’est un remuëment interrompu, qui m’offence: et plus,

quand il est languissant. Je ne sçaurois autrement peindre sa forme.

Les medecins m’ont ordonné de me presser et sangler d’une serviette

le bas du ventre, pour remedier à cet accident: ce que je n’ay point

essayé, ayant accoustumé de lucter les defauts qui sont en moy, et les

dompter par moy-mesme.”--_Essais_, iii. 6.

[19] These baths were famous in Roman times--_Fons Aponus_. Livy,

Valerius Flaccus, and Pietro d’Abano, the great mediæval physician,

were born here. The baths have been restored, and are now crowded in

the season.

[20] This statement helps to account for the curious brevity of

Montaigne’s stay in Venice. The abbey in question is Praglia, a

Benedictine house of great repute for its wealth and liberality.

[21] Nicola di Cusa, a learned mathematician, a German by birth. His

work deals chiefly with statics, or rather with the weight of bodies in

water. He also put forth an ingenious hypothesis as to the motion of

the earth. His works were published at Basel in 1565.

[22] San Pietro Montagnon, a bath still in use. There is another San

Pietro in Bagno near Cesena.

[23] Probably Prèchac, a bath much frequented, lying near Dax in

Navarre. Munster, _Cosmog._, i. 375, commends the baths of this region.

[24] Luigi d’Este, brother of Alfonso II. of Ferrara. He was one of

Tasso’s earliest patrons, and took him to Paris in 1570. He was only in

deacon’s orders, and, from Montaigne’s remarks, was evidently a free

liver. In 1561 he was made cardinal, and died in 1586.

[25] Battaglia, about five miles beyond Abano.

[26] Frassine, a canalised river, which joins the Fratta and runs

parallel with the Adige to the sea.

[27] The secretary.

[28] The baths of S. Elena. They were probably known to the Romans,

but their modern use dates from the middle of the fifteenth century,

when they were brought to notice by Giov. Dondi. Later on, in the

seventeenth century, Il Dottore Selvatico restored the bath-houses, and

greatly increased the repute of the place.

[29] San Pietro Montagnon, near Abano.

[30] The secretary seems to have been still absent at this point, as

the narrative is written in the third person, but for the sake of

coherence it seems better to keep to the first.

[31] Adige.

[32] Luigi Ricchieri, one of the first of the Humanists.

[33] Alfonso II., son of Ercole II. and Renée of France. D’Estissac was

the bearer of letters of commendation from Henry III. and the Queen

Mother to the Duke of Ferrara.

[34] In the church of S. Benedetto. It is now removed to the library.

[35] Margherita Gonzaga, whom Alfonso married in 1579. She was the

daughter of Guglielmo, Duke of Mantua.

[36] It is strange that Montaigne should have made no allusion in his

journal to a visit which he paid to Tasso, who had been imprisoned

the year before in the hospital of S. Anna at Ferrara. In _Essais_

ii. 12 he writes: “Platon dit les mélancholiques plus disciplinables

et excellens; aussi n’en est-il point qui ayent tant de propension à

la folie. Infinis esprits se treuvent ruinez par leur propre force

et soupplesse. Quel saut vient de prendre de sa propre agitation et

allegresse, l’un des plus judicieux, ingenieux, et plus formez à

l’air de cette antique et pure Poësie, qu’autre Poëte Italien aye

jamais este? N’a-il pas de quoy sçavoir gré à cette sienne vivacité

meurtrière? à cette clarté qui l’a aveuglé? à cette exacte et tenduë

apprehension de la raison, qu’il a mis sans raison? à la curieuse et

laborieuse queste des Sciences, qui l’a conduict à la bestise? à cette

rare aptitude aux exercises de l’ame qui l’a rendu sans exercise et

sans ame? J’eus plus de dépit encore que de compassion de le voir à

Ferrare en si pitieux estat, survivant à soy mesme, mescognoisant et

soy et ses ouvrages; les quels sans son sçeu et toutefois à sa veuë, on

a mis en lumière incorrigez et informe.”

[37] Bologna.

[38] The Collegio di Spagna, the only separate college which still

exists, was founded by Cardinal d’Albornoz in 1364. There was doubtless

a French college for students at the time of Montaigne’s visit.

[39] This fountain was built while Cardinal Borromeo was legate. It was

designed by Lauretti, a Sicilian, the statues being the work of Gian

Bologna.

The journal of Montaigne's travels in Italy by way of Switzerland and Germany in 1580 and 1581, Volume 2 (of 3) · 第 7 / 9 段