The same observation may be made in formulas of the Chukchee.[124]

[124] W. Bogoras, Publications of Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol.

VIII, Chukchee Texts, p. 133.

“I call Raven. My abdomen I make into a bay. The bay is frozen.

Icebound rubbish is there. All this rubbish is frozen in the ice of

the bay. It is the disease of my stomach. Oh, you my stomach, you are

full of pain. I make you into a frozen bay, into an old ice floe,

into a bad ice floe.

“Oh, Oh! I call to Raven. You Raven travel around from very remote

times. I want your assistance. What are you going to do with this bay

that is frozen? Mischievous people made it freeze; you have a strong

beak, what are you going to do?”

Sometimes these parts of tales are in an archaic form, or in a

foreign language, so that they may be quite unintelligible. Their

impressiveness rests on the form and the general emotional trend of the

passages in which they occur.

When such passages are discourse they are probably the best material

for the study of literary style.

From these remarks let us turn to a few general characteristics

of literary style, first of all to a consideration of rhythm and

repetition.

The investigation of primitive narrative as well as of poetry proves

that repetition, particularly rhythmic repetition, is one of its

fundamental, esthetic traits.

It is not easy to form a just opinion regarding the rhythmic character

of formal prose; in part because the rhythmic sense of primitive people

is much more highly developed than our own. The simplification of the

rhythm of modern folk song, and of poetry intended to appeal to popular

taste, has dulled our feeling for rhythmic form. I have referred to

this question before when discussing the complexity of rhythm in

decorative art. It requires careful study to understand the structure

of primitive rhythm, more so in prose than in song, because in this

case the help of the melodic pattern is lacking.

Rhythmic repetition of contents and form is found commonly in

primitive narrative. For example, the tales of the Chinook Indians

are often so constructed that five brothers, one after another, have

the same adventure. The four elder ones perish while the youngest

one emerges safe and successful. The tale is repeated verbatim for

all the brothers, and its length, which to our ear and to our taste

is intolerable, probably gives pleasure by the repeated form.[125]

Conditions are quite similar in European fairy tales relating to the

fates of three brothers, two of whom perish or fail in their tasks,

while the youngest one succeeds. Similar repetitions are found in the

German tale of Redridinghood, in the widely spread European story of

the rooster who goes to bury his mate, or in the story of the three

bears. In Oriental tales the incidents of the tale are sometimes

repeated verbatim being retold by one of the heroes.

[125] Franz Boas, Chinook Texts, Bull. Bur. of Ethnol. Washington D.

C., (1894), pp. 9 et seq.

A few additional examples taken from the narratives of foreign people

will illustrate the general occurrence of the tendency to repetition.

In the Basuto tale called Kumonngoe a man leads his daughter into

the wilderness where she is to be devoured by a cannibal. On the way

he meets three animals and the son of a chief. In each case the same

conversation ensues. “Where are you leading your daughter?”—“Ask

herself, she is grown up.” She replies:

“I have given to Hlabakoane, Kumonngoe,[126]

To the herd of our cattle Kumonngoe

I thought our cattle were going to stay in the kraal, Kumonngoe,

And so I gave him my father’s Kumonngoe.”

[126] The girl had a brother named Hlabakoane, to whom she had given a

magical food, called Kumonngoe, that belonged to her father and that

the girl had been forbidden to touch. E. Jacottet, The Treasury of

Basuto Lore, Vol. 1, (1908), p. 114.

In an Omaha tale[127] of a Snake-Man it is related that a man flees

from a serpent. Three helpers in succession give him moccasins which,

on the following morning return of their own accord to their owners,

and every time the same conversation is repeated. When the serpent goes

in pursuit it asks every animal for information in exactly the same

words. In a tradition of the Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island the same

formula is repeated forty times together with the description of the

same ceremonial. In the tales of the Pueblo Indians the same incident

is repeated four times as happening to four sisters; the yellow, red,

blue, and white girls. In a Siberian tale of the Hare we hear that a

hunter hides under the branches of a fallen willow tree. One hare after

another appears in order to browse, espies the hunter and runs away.

In a Papua tale from New Guinea the birds come one after another and

try to peck open the stomach of a drowned person so as to let run out

the water that he has swallowed. Still more markedly appears this type

of repetition in a tale from New Ireland. The birds try to throw the

casuary off from the branch of a tree on which he is perched. In order

to accomplish this, one after another alights on the same branch next

to the casuary but nearer the trunk. Thus he is compelled to move out

farther and farther until finally he drops down.

[127] James Owen Dorsey, The Thegiha Language, Contributions to North

American Ethnology, Vol. VI, (1890), Washington D. C., p. 284.

Much more striking are the rhythmic repetitions in songs. Polynesian

genealogies offer an excellent example. Thus we find in Hawaii the

following song:[128]

Lii-ku-honua, the man,

Ola-ku-honua, the woman,

Kumo-honua, the man,

Lalo-honua, the woman,

and so on through sixteen pairs.

[128] Fornander Collection of Hawaiian Antiquities and Folk-lore. Mem.

Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum, Vol. VI, Honolulu, (1919), p. 365.

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